Chronology of Cambodian History
VIETNAMESE
AND CHINESE DELEGATIONS
Beijing, 11 a.m., 11 April 1967
[Other issues unrelated to Cambodia]
Zhou Enlai: Now I turn to the second issue. You have heard about the recent
incident in Battambang. It is said that this was caused by the Red elements
[in Cambodian forces]. However, maybe it was caused by the US-backed forces
with the aim of dividing our forces.12
Pham Van Dong: Perhaps. This area is under the influence of the Son Ngoc
Thanh13 group which came from Thailand.
Chen Yi: Not under the influence of the Cambodian Party?
Pham Van Dong: Concerning the Cambodian Party, we cannot say whether they
played any role [in this incident] or not.
Zhou Enlai: Is there any suspicion that the weapons we sent to you through Cambodia were distributed to Chinese [living in Cambodia] by the Cambodian Party?
Pham Van Dong: No, maybe these are old weapons. But we are not sure. When we
return to Hanoi, we will ask and then inform you about it.
Zhou Enlai: On Sept. 30th, Douc Rasy, Cambodian vice premier, said that Lon
Nol might reform his cabinet. Sihanouk once said that Lon Nol should invite
some red elements into his cabinet, according to which Chau Seng14
will be appointed vice premier in charge of financial affairs, So Nem15
will replace Douc Rasy and be minister of planning. Maybe So Nem is a real
leftist, so he was rejected. Chau Seng belongs to Sihanouk's faction. Yet, he
is said to be leftist. He also said that the Lon Nol cabinet should be
reformed. He suggested a list of nominees but Lon Nol disagreed. This news
was disclosed by Meyer.16 If the Lon Nol cabinet collapses,
Sihanouk will invite Pen Nouth,17 who is neutral to form a
government.
On 4 April 1967, the Cambodian National Assembly held an urgent session. A
resolution giving Sihanouk special powers passed after heated debates. Some
people held a demonstration in front of the Royal Palace. They were then
invited inside the Palace and were received by the Queen. Sihanouk announced
the resolution of the National Assembly and said that he was determined to be
neutral, against both rightists and leftists. Our embassy there came to the
conclusion that he was mainly against the leftists. But why did he appoint
Pen Nouth to set up the government? There are some contradictions here.
Later, the Queen called on the people to unite against the enemy. In Kamdan
province, there were leaflets against Khimsamthan who might be leftist. And
in Kompong Chom and Stungstreng, there were demonstrations supporting
Sihanouk's policy against the leftists.
In short, the situation is still changing after the Battambang incident. In Cambodia, there are two cabinets: the official and the
shadow one. The shadow cabinet wrote: "Our country is under a threat.
The Vietminh is opening a front in Battambang. We have to deal with the enemy
on two fronts: against the liberal Khmers and against the Red elements. In
the past, the Cambodian Government had to fight only the US imperialists and
now the Communist imperialists as well. Our attitude towards the Communists
is always correct. So why do they attack us now?" Why does Cambodia have such an attitude towards the NLF? The
reasons as I see it are: the NLF tries to pull the US troops to the Cambodian
border in order to cause Cambodian troops to shoot at them, thus getting Cambodia involved in the war. The NLF intentionally
ordered more than 2,000 people to come to Cambodia as refugees. There are 7
medical doctors operating among these people, rendering medical care and
influencing the Cambodians. Lon Nol was criticized by the leftists and he was
also unhappy. Lon Nol said that because of the serious situation, he
suspended helping the NLF. Yet, he did not mention the weapons that had
arrived in Cambodia. He also suspended the
transportation of rice. In addition, Lon Nol ordered a stricter control over
border smuggling to threaten the NLF. This, however, was for show only, [and
did] not have important substance.
Vo Nguyen Giap: Some cases occurred recently in the border areas between
South Vietnam and Cambodia. These include: an attack
by an American battalion across the border. Forces from our Liberation Army
helped units of the Cambodian armed forces to fight back. The American
battalion had to withdraw. During the US Junction City Campaign, Vietnamese
civilians and troops evacuated to Cambodia.
Pham Van Dong: Some Vietnamese medical doctors came there to treat
[Cambodian] people. However, we have to be very careful with this.
Zhou Enlai: That's correct. Because misunderstanding can originate from small
matters. According to our sources, representatives of the NLF, with
directives from the Front, met with representatives of the
"people's" faction in Cambodia [Ed. note: the Khmer
Rouge, led by Pol Pot] and exchanged opinions with them on the situation in Cambodia. Disagreements are mostly on policies to deal
with Lon Nol. We wish to win the sympathy of Lon Nol, but they oppose him.
Struggle can be intensified, but it is not necessary to conduct armed
struggle in Cambodia. At this moment,
Vietnam's victory is the first priority. If the Vietnam-Cambodian border
areas are blockaded, armed forces in South Vietnam will be facing
difficulties, [and] then the Cambodian revolutionary forces will not proceed.
The struggle of Vietnam is in the common interest of the Indochinese and
Southeast Asian peoples, and the victory of this struggle is of a decisive
nature. In this situation, the Cambodian struggle, even an armed struggle,
has limited objectives. Therefore even in case victories are gained, they are
also limited, and indecisive in nature, not to mention that they are easily
lost. So on this matter, one has to know how to place the overall interest
above the limited ones. However, if the struggle is initiated by the people
themselves, the story will be different. In that case, the struggle is
irresistible, because the people will naturally stand up against oppression.
They will have to undergo repression, but will also learn lessons. The job of
a revolutionary party is to lead the struggle. In sum, in the event that the struggle
of the South Vietnamese people succeeds, there is hope for the struggle in Cambodia. This logic should be made clear to the
"people's" faction in Cambodia.
Pham Van Dong: We have often tried to persuade them. And we have to continue
to do so.
Zhou Enlai: That's correct, as each party has its independence.
Vo Nguyen Giap: But before they agreed with us.
Pham Van Dong: We still do not know fully to what extent the struggle is
organized, and to what extent it is provoked by the enemy.
Vo Nguyen Giap: Our comrades in the South have sent people to talk with the
"people's" faction.
Pham Van Dong: The information that the NLF contacted the
"people's" faction is correct because we asked COSVN [Central
Office for South Vietnam] to contact directly the faction.
Zhou Enlai: Comrade Nguyen Thuong18 said that it was necessary to
develop good relations with Cambodia. I see two possibilities.
One, Sihanouk uses this situation to exert pressure on Cambodian
revolutionary forces with a view to balancing the left and the right forces.
This is the maneuver that he usually resorts to. Two, to show his policy of
neutrality: all forces in Cambodia, whether they are
pro-Chinese and pro-Vietnamese or pro-US, are controlled by him. In general,
as I told you before, we have to win his sympathy, and at the same time, be
ready for delivering goods through Cambodia when the situation
permits. Frequent contacts with the Chinese General Staff and Ministry of
Transportation and Communication, therefore should be maintained.
Notes:
12. A reference to the early 1967 "Samlaut uprising" in western
Battambang province, which was directed against then provincial governor Lon
Nol's collection of rice at prices far below market value.
13. Leader of Cambodia's small nationalist
movement in the 1930s, held power briefly as Prime Minister August-October
1945, opposed Prince Sihanouk in the 1960s, prime minister again under Lon
Nol from March to October 1972.
14. Cambodian leftist politician.
15. Son Ngoc Minh (Achar Mean) (1920-72), a Cambodian Buddhist monk who
composed his pseudonym from his two heroes Son Ngoc Thanh and Ho Chi Minh
when he joined the struggle against the French. Chairman of the Khmer Issarak
Front in the 1950s. After the 1954 Geneva Agreements, he and 500 other
Cambodians went into exile in North Vietnam. Many of them returned to fight
with the Khmer Rouge in 1971-72, and disappeared shortly thereafter. Rumors
in Vietnam have it that Son Ngoc Minh was poisoned to death by Ieng Sary in
Beijing.
16. Charles Meyer, a close adviser of Sihanouk.
17. Pen Nouth (1906-?) was Sihanouk's closest political adviser, serving as
prime minister 1948-49, 1952-55, 1958, 1961-62, and 1967-69. He also headed
the Royal Government of National Union, set up in Beijing in May 1970, and
greeted Sihanouk when he returned to Cambodia in 1975.
18. Nguyen Thuong, career diplomat and lawyer who, after having served as
ambassador to Guinea, became DRV representative to Cambodia
in 1966, and ambassador when the DRV recognized Cambodia
in August 1967. Served until 1975 (from 1970 with Sihanouk's GRUNK
government). Later President of Vietnam's Association of Lawyers (until
1989).
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Source:
Cold War International History Project
Woodrow
Wilson International Center for Scholars
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