Thursday, 8th
April, 2004
How Much ‘Politics’ is There in
the Current Student ‘Unrest’?
Our commentator
Fitsum Getachew sustains that any issue susceptible of arising popular sentiments
or emotions of a certain nationality needs to be handled with due care before
it risks to precipitate to further
complications...
By Fitsum Getachew
Ever since the first
student-police clashes (on Sunday
January 18, 2004) took place at the Addis Ababa University (AAU),
newspapers, particularly the private ones, have been teeming with reports of
‘Oromo students’ doing this or that in this or that locality of Oromia Region.
It appears that following these ‘protests of Oromo students’ who allegedly
created disturbances at the Main Sidist Kilo Campus of the AAU, there seems to
have proliferated a chain of reactions and counter reactions in many Ethiopian
towns with substantial presence of ‘Oromo students’. We have read reports of
these students having been arrested or expelled (300) from the AAU following
accusations of violence and destruction of university property and led to the
disruption of academic activities for days. Such nationality issue or any issue
that has the potential of arising certain sentiments to then turn to emotions
for that matter, should be handled with due care.
The sparkle began on the
occasion of the aborted presentation of an Oromo Musical Show (Biftu Oromia)
scheduled to be staged (in the presence of illustrious invited guests such as
parliamentarians, university rank and file, parents and a large crowd of
students) at Christmas Hall, AAU. The main message in the show, according to
the opposing faction of Oromo students, was to ‘exploit’ the occasion to create
the impression that Oromo students of AAU were supportive of the decision that
Adama be Regional Capital of Oromia. This was vehemently denied by those
students who never supported it. They claimed it was pure fabrication of OPDO
elements in and outside the campus, and had nothing to do with the choice and
will of the majority.
Following the disruption of
the festival, police arrested and detained what it called were suspects of the
‘mischief’. Students taken to military camps in detention, told tales of harsh,
physical punishments by police and this only on the ground of their ‘ethnic
identity’. Subsequently, eight students were made to remain under lock and
others were subjected to disciplinary measures by the university
administration, including dismissal. This of course created the reaction of the
rest of the student body who in protest organized a rally. Again this led to
further arrests and detention. The move lit further protests and there have
been disturbances in other areas involving a substantial number of students of
Oromo nationality ever since.
Students at Ambo Agricultural
College, Nazareth Technical College, Jimma Agricultural College and other
learning institutions in various Oromo localities (including high and
elementary schools (Dembi Dolo, Dukem, Modjo, Ghimbi, Welisso....) demonstrated
in apparent solidarity with their peers at AAU, demanding for the release of
those arrested, for the readmission of those suspended, and for the
reconsideration of the decision that has ordained Adama the regional capital.
This has provoked further standoff between security personnel and the students
(generating further arrest and detention of the latter). There are reports that
even teachers and parents were included in the list of the detained on the grounds
that they supported or participated in the resistance. Many were accused of
militating in favour of or associated
with the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front, OLF or other ‘anti-peace elements’.
The Federal government and
specially the AAU administration have issued statements condemning the action
of these students, who they said were encouraged/supported and inspired by
alien elements, such as the discredited OLF and other splinter groups. The AAU
administration said the protesters had infringed on the rights of those
students who wanted to enjoy the show, and it was not the business of any
faction to disrupt that. It also condemned the violent acts that resulted in
the breaking of windows of vehicles, the library, the lunch hall and other
destructive and hooligan moves. (The estimated damage was put at 1.5 million
Birr!) It said it had no intention of tolerating such students and had no
choice but to punish the culprits. Statements from the Federal Police talk of
violence inspired and infiltrated by extremist elements who use violence as a
means of conducting their political beliefs to the detriment of the Oromo
people. The government asserts that this has happened at a time when ‘the Oromo
question’ was being properly addressed, and there has been significant progress
in terms of improving the living standards of Oromo nationals, (unlike during
the previous regimes) and that the Oromo nationals through their party OPDO,
(an affiliate of the EPRDF coalition), was marching towards further progress,
conquest of better representation of its interests, in all decision making
processes in the Federation.
Juneidin Sado, Head of the
Regional Administration, was heard over the media stating the achievements of
the Oromo people ever since the federal arrangement was adopted by the current
government. Celebrating the fourteenth anniversary of OPDO, he gave an
interview to the media where he was heard condemning all violent elements in
the country that tried to destabilize the peace of the people, and dismissed
them as obstacles on the way to progress. Anti-peace elements were trying to
promote their hidden agenda and appealed to the people not to heed their
propaganda. He said destruction, burning down of schools (such as Dejazmatch
Deressu Duki School in Welisso, West Shoa Zone of Oromia) and the breakdown of
the teaching-learning process in many schools of all sorts in Oromia was not in
the interest of the large masses of Oromos. It just contributed to the arrest
of the stride of the Oromo people towards development. The country was not in a
position to afford such vandalism, he said, and exhorted the populace not to
heed these outlaws and proceed with their normal day to day activities.
The ‘Association of Oromo
Students of AAU’, on the other hand, has denied any contact with any political
organization nor that they were serving the interests of any party. They said
they were fighting for their human rights, both as Ethiopians as well as
Oromos. In the statement they issued dated January 22nd 2004, they
denied any participation in deliberate violence or destruction, admitting that
they protested against the musical show, ‘disrupting’ it, because they said it
was intended to be a weapon for propaganda purposes, and that was against their
will and beliefs, against the truth. The festival was organized to create the
ground for the consecration of Adama as Oromia Regional Capital, with the
presence of a large mass of Oromo people at the show. This was challenged by
the students as a not true representation of the reality . They said, in
principle, they would not oppose to any musical festival depicting Oromo
culture and tradition, but such move should not be intended to advance the
cause of the minority government against the interest of the large Oromo
masses. They said their protests were peaceful and only agents of the
government deliberately used violence to present it as a pretext for the
adoption of subsequent measures such as arrest, persecution and dismissal of
students. Similarly, the meeting they had the next day with Dr Samuel Assefa
(Officer at the AAU Admin) was also peaceful because they only asked for the
immediate release of the eight students arrested. Again it was the police who
dragged the peacefully protesting unarmed students into buses, taking away their
ID cards to then take them to their barracks, where they were ‘punished’.
In the event of these
disturbances, the private media of course grabbed the occasion to condemn the
acts of police and the government in general, apparently in solidarity with the
students. AAU administration was accused of letting in Federal police agents
into the reputed institution where students were handpicked (by looking at
their ID cards) and accompanied to jail after undergoing beating! The
administration should not have called in Federal police in the campus, the
students accused. The private media made headlines of such move, and whenever
there were stories related to the ‘students’ movement’, (immediately dubbed as
the Oromo Students Protests, through out many areas in Oromia), titles, pages
and editorials were dedicated to them. Parliament was solicited to intervene in
the matter before it became too big to handle. Investigations on alleged abuses
and harassment were called for. Many
linked the story with the recent clashes in Gambella and together wanted the
House of Peoples Representatives to make an independent probe in the matter.
They accused the government of ‘targeting’ only a nationality and taking
non-proportional measures. The statement of the ‘Association of Oromo Students
of AAU’ fits in this scenario.
Similarly, opposition parties,
including those of not Oromo descent issued party statements abhorring the
violence and arrests and persecution of Oromo students, without due process of
law and made a big political and legal issue out of it. They attributed such
moves to the ‘incapacity of the EPRDF’ in administering the country
efficiently, and called for its ‘replacement’ with another popular government.
UEDF, the coalition of 15 opposition parties recently formed, issued a
statement condemning the act of government on the students, and invited the
same to stop violence and persecution. It condemned the acts and decision
targeting only one nationality and that such state of affairs could entail
dangerous consequences. Such acts it said would inevitably be reserved to
others as well at another occasion and thus every one should show signs of
solidarity against the current tendency.
Human rights groups as well
abhorred the move and called for restraint. Certain scholars and observers even
went to the extent of adopting the cause of the Oromo students and said such
cause was also the cause of all Ethiopians as they are part and parcel of the
oppressed peoples of the country. Former President Negasso Gidada gave interviews
loathing the moves of the police and the authorities, and called for an
independent body to inquire into the situation and clear if there have been
abuses of human rights on the students. He recommended that the issue of the
Oromo nationality should be addressed in time if we do not want to drift to
further violence and unrest. He said that many of the problems that existed in
Oromia were not properly addressed by the current government. One of the things
that disheartened him was the statement given by the Regional Administrator Ato
Juneidin Sado in which he had invited for more severe punishments against the
students. Negasso said this was very regrettable as it could not be expected
from an organization that postures itself as an advocate of Oromo peoples’
rights. He also mentioned cases in which Oromo parents were forced to submit
their children for detention up on presentation of official letters from the
authorities. Numerous students were also arrested up on orders of woreda
administrators, and dismissed students were prevented from joining their
families and whoever gave them support (such as the Oromo Mecha Tulema Aid
Association) were incriminated. Giving orders to the 15 Oromo Regional Bureaux
to shift to Adama by Juneidin has disheartened Dr Negasso. Provisions of the
federal Constitution were being breached, he argued.
Similarly, Dr Taye
Wolde-Semayat, president of Ethiopian Teachers Association, condemned the moves
of the government and warned that such creation of division among the peoples
of Ethiopia (along ethnic lines) was the basic policy, and weakness of the
coalition that is leading the country. He said the dangerous precedent of
endorsing the expulsion of 6500 teachers from Oromia, some years back, because
they did not belong there, was being repeated. It should not have been
accepted, then, and today this scenario would have been averted. History has
the tendency to repeat itself! The issue AAU students raised pertains to the
eviction of a certain sector of people from one locality to another, without
seeking their consent. It is not possible to evict people from a certain
locality on the grounds that they did not belong there. Being Ethiopian nationality
should be enough to all to live anywhere. He said such decision implied that he
would be evicted from Nazareth (where he was born and brought up) just because
some one said that he did not belong there! As Ethiopian, he had the right to
live in any locality. ‘Ethnic cleansing’ or any thing that resembles such
concept, is very dangerous and leads to
disintegration, he warned. This is the policy of a minority government
that tries to keep busy in their divisions along ethnic, religious and cultural
diversity. He said for instance, what had happened in Kotebe Teachers College
in Addis, was very sad, because students were markedly divided along
ethnic/regional lines even at the level of dormitories, and this had created
factionalism and clashes. The question of university students must not be
narrowed down to one nationality or people. He said it should be all
encompassing. It is a question of rights and as such should be addressed.
‘Ethnicizing’ it is falling into the trap of the current authorities.
Higher learning institutions
have always been birthplaces of new, ‘avant garde’ ideas and political motives.
They have been places where intellectuals were formed and led popular movements
and lighted the fire of protest against incumbent governments or parliaments or
parties that they thought did not address the issues of the peoples they
governed. In Ethiopia, such tradition is rife among university students who
contributed a lot in bringing down the Imperial government of Haile Selassie
although the Derg hijacked the movement’s fruits and destroyed the mission of
the students by putting up a repressive machinery. The students themselves
brought the idea of Marxism-Leninism and inculcated the military which was then
used and abused, as it suited the purposes of Mengistu and company.
Later on, the same leaders of
today were a germination of students movements, who abandoning institutions of
higher learning at AAU and other institutions, joined the armed struggle
movement in the rural areas, which after so much sacrifice of seventeen years
came to grab power. Hence, students have had decisive role in the political
games of this country, often paying extra sacrifices, inspiring and leading the
rest of the population, raising the consciousness of the masses. No one would
know how many students had to be sacrificed to attain the current glory of this
government. The Derg has exterminated as many students as it could, if it was
against it. At a certain epoch, all EPRP (Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary
Party) members were chased and persecuted. The so called Red Terror was riding
in the country! Those who made it escaped the violence and claimed refuge in
the Sudan, Kenya and Djibouti (from which many eventually made it to the West.
And the current student unrest must be reminiscent of old, dark stories, the
steps they had to go through, before becoming today’s ‘lords’. Many are
‘returnees’ in triumph from such battles
and exiles. It should recall them of the dark days passed in similar
circumstances. Students are therefore a potential force to be reckoned with,
and could not be dismissed as an incapable group of dreamers or idealists
easily manipulated by dangerous ‘factions’. It is always a dream, however
lofty, that continues to serve as a target, an inspiration, and with the right
dose of endurance helps attain a certain objective. Observers believe that if
students unrest gets too spread out, touching on all institutions, the
consequences could be more than we can foresee, let alone cope with it.
Analysts say, timely consideration and response therefore deserves to be put in
place in search of a viable solution.