CAVITE: SEEDBED OF REVOLUTION

 

 

 

Historians have not bothered to explain why Cavite, of all provinces, became the “cockpit” of the Philippine Revolution. For purposes of effective scholarship – scholarship from the Filipino point of view – it is important that this question in the Philippine history be resolved here and now. Why was the Revolution primarily of Cavite, i.e., started in Cavite and carried on through all the five years of bloody fighting (1896-1901) by Cavite’s mga anak ng bayan (sons of the people)? This is a term used by Filipino revolutionists to distinguish them from the criollos and Spanish mestizos who led the revolution in Latin America, taking advantage of the chaotic political situation in Spain.

The Philippine Revolution, it is well to remember, was carried on by Indios or natives; and it was the first successful revolution by a brown people in the history of mankind. Parenthetically, it was a Revolution with a distinctly Caviteño accent.

What were the factors that made the Cavite the nerve center of the Philippine Revolution? An in-depth research into the many strands that make up the fabric of Philippine history reveals the following prominent factors:

 

1.      Friar Lands. Briefly, the lands owned by the Spanish friars or religious orders in Cavite exceeded the total agricultural area in the province. Specifically, the friar lands in Cavite, shortly before the outbreak of the revolution, totaled 47,111 hectares compared to only 40,881 hectares of agricultural land. In other words, the friars occupied not only all arable lands in the province but also some seven thousand hectares of numerable lands like home sites, pasture lands, fish ponds, hunting grounds, etc. Moreover, o private individual in the province owned a square foot that he could call his own. All Caviteños working the land, the land that produce food or the stuff of life, were either iquilinos (leaseholders), kasamas (tenants), or jornaleros (agricultural workers). Thus there were no native caciques or hacenderos in Cavite.

 The friar lands in Cavite constituted more than one-forth of the total friar land holdings in the Philippines. These friar lands were the following: the Imus Estate (owned by Augustinian recollects), 18,419 hectares; Naik hacienda (Dominicans), 7,922 hectares; Sta. Cruz de Malabon (Dominicans), 8,902 hectares; and San Francisco de Malabon (Augustinians), 13,000 hectares. The question is how did these religious orders acquire such vast landed estates?

Take the case of the Imus Estate, the richest rice-growing area in the province, comprising parts of the municipalities of Imus, Bacoor, Kawit, and Dasmariñas. Planted to rice and sugarcane, the estate also included orchards, saltbeds, fisheries, beach lands, and urban and rural lots. Assessed at S 1,605,303 at the turn of the century, the estate was crisscrossed by rivers, canals, underground ditches, and dams.

One version says that the Recollect father took over the lands through a gradual process of deception, starting from the extension of the irrigation facilities to adjoining rice lands originally owned by the natives of Imus. Previously, a wealthy Spaniards had a large area in Imus where he raised horses. He built many dams to insure irrigation of the grass grown for horse fodder. Farmers in the neighborhood availed themselves of the irrigation facilities for which the Spaniards charged a nominal fee.

When the Spaniard left for Spain he transferred the administration of his land to recollect curate of Imus. In the course of time the administration changed hands from one lay brother to another, under the supervision of the friars, and the fee for the use of irrigation facilities became known as “rent” for the land, which eventually included irrigated and nonirrigated areas on the mountain sides. Since they had ready access to government offices, the friars surreptitiously had all the lands properly titled in the name of the Recollect religious order.”

However, another version shows no irregularities in the Recollect acquisition of the vast Imus Estate. The record reveals that the lands constituted successive grants made under three Spanish governors-general; namely, Santiago de Vera (1584-1590), Gomez Perez Dasmariñas (1590-1593), and Luis Perez Dasmariñas (1593-1595).”

 

Clerical usurpation of lands is also evident in the acquisition of the Naik Hacienda, the titles to several landholdings being contested by one Pastor Poblete, a native of that town.

            To Caviteños the sight of overly opulent Spanish friars owning vast tracts of lands, mostly usurped from the native owners, in contravention to the fundamental tenets of their ministry, especially the teaching that one cannot serve both God and mammon, must have produced a traumatic experience that can never be erased from their minds. No wonder such painful experience, like slowly glowing embers, suddenly spurted into a giant conflagration that was the Philippine Revolution.

            The question of excessive friar lands certainly topped all other factors in Cavite that brought about the revolution.

            2. Galleon trade and shipbuilding. Another factor that rankled like a wound in the memory of Caviteños was the galleon trade and its companion piece, shipbuilding. From 1571 when Miguel Lopez de Legaspi conquered Manila and began the formal colonization of the Philippines until Mexico’s declaration of independence from Spain in 1821, a span of 250 years, the Philippines was ruled by Madrid through Nueva Espana (New Spain) or Mexico. Manila at the time of Spanish contact was already a thriving emporium of Asian trade.

            Silks of all kinds, raw and woven damasks, taffetas and cloths of every texture, embroideries and porcelains from China; pearls and precious stones from India; diamonds from Goa, cinnamon from Ceylon, and pepper from Sumatra and Japan; eloves, nutmeg, and other spices from the Moluccas; wool and carpets from Ormuz and Malabar, camphor from Borneo, balsam and ivory from Cambodia – all these articles of trade were brought to Manila for barter or exchange. The Spanish conquistadors immediately saw the immense profitability of transporting these goods across the Pacific Ocean for exchange with the silver from Mexico and Peru. Soon they left the urgent need for ships to ferry these Oriental wares.

            In 1587, sixteen years after Legazpi as the capital of the Philippines had proclaimed Manila, Governor Santiago de Vera wrote the King of Spain bewailing the lack of vessels to transport the great quantity of goods that had accumulated in Manila. He informed Philip II that he had already built a 500-ton galley, and several others were under construction for the trading fleet.

            The vessels that were used to transport the Oriental goods to Acapulco, the port of entry and departure in Mexico, were known as galleons. Shipwrights in Cavite constructed the first galleons, the Espiritu Santo and San Miguel. Cavite labor conscripted through polo bore the brunt of burden in cutting and hauling timber from the mountains to the shipyards at Cavite el Puerto (now Cavite City). It was a most difficult job in which whole towns in adjacent areas had to be depopulated of able-bodied males to facilitate the transport of huge logs. Polo laborers were supposed to receive token wages, but even the paltry amount sometimes could not be paid from the national treasury, so that they had to be content with four pesos’ worth of rice provided by the villages where the workers had been recruited.

            In addition, the building of each galleon meant, on the average, the loss of several thousand-draft workers dying of malnutrition, disease, and cold in vermin-infested jungles where ship timber could be found. One galleon normally required the labor of 8,000 to 10,000 workers for three months, nearly half of who became casualties before the ship construction could be finished. Thus, behind the building of each galleon, which gave huge profits to only a few highly placed Spaniards in Manila, including the governor and his favorites, a sprinkling of clergymen in the higher echelons, and scores of merchants, was a tale of woes and sacrifices for t5he Caviteños nearly everyone of whom welcomed the outbreak of the revolution.

            3.War Service. Aside from the conquest of the Philippines, by a skillful combination of the sword and the cross, Spain had also dreams of building an Oriental Empire. Her colonial appetite was insatiable. She had plans to conquer China and Japan. In 1573, just two years after the conquest and founding of Manila by Legazpi, who actually became the first Spanish governor of the Philippines, Capt. Diego de Artieda assured Philip II that he could undertake an exploratory expedition to China with but two ships, 80 shoulders and enough provisions and ammunitions. Two years later, Capt. Juan Pacheco de Maldonado asked the king to give him 500 soldiers and ample supplies for an exploration and conquest of China, Japan, the Lechios, and the islands of Escauchu. Governor Guido de Lazares himself, who succeeded Legazpi, wrote the Spanish king that he could extend the Spanish empire to Japan, given enough ships, soldiers and supplies.

            It was this spirit of overly ambitious Spanish conquistadors that led the involvement of the Philippines in wars with neighboring Asian countries, costing thousands of lives of Filipinos, a considerable number of them Caviteños, all for the service of the Spanish king. Among these wars were the following:

1)     The invasion of Borneo in 1578 by Governor Francisco Sande (1575-1580) involving an expedition of 40 ships, 1500 Filipinos and several hundred Spaniards, and continued by his successor, Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalose (1580-1583) mainly to prop up to tottering regime of Sultan Sirela, twice disposed by his usurper brother.

2)     Spanish expeditions in 1582 and 1585 to the Portuguese-controlled Moluccas, this time involving three large ships and numerous smaller craft, 300 Spaniards, and 1500 Filipinos.

3)     Then anti-Dutch and anti-British expedition to the Moluccas under Governor Perez Dasmarinas (1590-1593) and his son Luis Dasmariñas, involving 100 vessels, 1,000 Spaniards, and 400 Manila harquebusiers, 800 Bisayans, 400 Chinese rowers which ended in a dismal failure because of Chinese mutiny and massacre of the Spaniards, including Governor Dasmariñas.

4)     The series of Spanish expeditions to Cambodia lasting seven years, 1596-1603, which ended in another failure.

5)     Spanish war with Siam in 1624 because the latter had signed a treaty of alliance with the Dutch, Spain’s mortal enemy.

6)     A Spanish-Filipino expedition to French Indo-China in 1857-1861, involving 1,500 men to help France, a Spanish ally, in the conquest of the country and to avenge the murder by the natives of a Spanish missionary, Bishop Diaz.

Needless to say, these wars waged by Spain took a great toll of Filipinos recruited in the service of the Spanish king, in addition to the polo or forced labor provided for in the colonial statute. Being just a next-door neighbor of Manila, Cavite so much from these successive recruitments, resulting in considerable depletion of its manpower. Many of the Caviteños drafted for the various expeditions never returned home, causing a deep-seated trauma on the part of their families, friends and neighbors that eventually had to find retribution in the Philippine Revolution.

            4.Rise of the middle class and principales. The proximity of Cavite to the nation’s capital, Manila, which was formally opened to the world trade in 1834, thirteen years after the abolition of the galleon trade resulting from Mexico’s declaration of independence from Spain, contributed to the development of a middle class in the province. As gateway to Manila, Cavite became the point of convergence of merchants of all nations, notably the Chinese, doing brisk trade in what was called Cavite el Puerto. A great number of these Chinese merchants soon settled there, and through intermarriage with natives produced a mestizo class known as sangleyes (Chinese term for traders). By reason of their superior economic standing, these Chinese mestizos, now integrated into the Filipino mainstream, acquired higher education, even sending their children abroad to study in Spanish and other European universities.

            By and large, this accretion of Cavite society made up the principalia or people of means who constituted the highest rung in the local administrative hierarchy although the lowest in Spanish bureaucracy. It was from the principalia that the gobernadorcillos (later capitanes municipal) and cabezas de barangay, the real prime movers on the municipal level, were selected and drafted into the public service. By law the gobernadorcillos were supposed to have as working knowledge of Spanish, but whatever deficiency they might have in this regard was promptly remedied by the appointment of technical assistants such as directorcillos, usually college students in Manila who were unable to finish their studies.

            Reduced to mere cogs in the Spanish colonial bureaucracy, the gobernadorcillos and cabezas of Cavite, who constituted the final channel of communication between the native population and the higher echelons of the government, were the first to feel hurt by any form of Spanish discrimination and other forms of injustice. No wonder they constituted the leadership of the revolution in the province. The poor illiterate masses instinctively followed the principalia (not necessarily ilustrados), giving the struggle against Spain a genuinely popular character, and insuring its eventual success. The few ilustrados, of course, including the native secular clergy, were easily absorbed in the emencipation movement.

            5. British occupation of Manila, 1762-1764. Assessing the significance of the British occupation of Manila in 1762-1764 after a 12-day siege, historians conclude that the tradition of Spanish invincibility, which former American governor-general describes as Spain’s “greatest asset in dealing with the Filipinos,” came to an end. Emboldened by Spanish defeat, the Filipinos, long victimized by Spanish oppression, burst into armed uprisings such as those in the Ilocos, Pangasinan, Cagayan, Laguna, Batangas, Tayabas, Cebu, Panay, Camarines and Zamboanga. In this respect, says one historian, the British occupation had far-reaching effects on the course of Philippine history.

            For the Caviteños in particular, the British occupation and easy defeat of the Kastilas (Spaniards) not only opened their eyes to the possibility of overthrowing Spanish rule but also provided another reason why Cavite should be in the forefront of the revolution against Spain. For 48 hours, according to one Spanish writer, Manila was raped by British conquerors. “The drunken soldiery committed great outrages, violating women, robbing houses, and destroying works of art in church and public edifices, assisted in the nefarious act by Chinese vandals and prisoners whom the British impudently set free.”

            The Augustinian church and other churches in Manila bore the brunt of enemy pillage. There was nothing that British General William Draper and Admiral Samuel Cornish, commanders of the joint invasion of Manila, could do since the sacking of conquered territory was then sanctioned by prevailing practices of war. The looters pulled down the sacred images, ransacked the chests, and desecrated the graves of illustrious Spaniards. Four hundred houses were burned in Tondo and Binondo after despoiling them of valuable silverware, furniture, and works of art.

            Being just adjacent to Manila, Cavite was also simultaneously raped by British and Espy marines. While there is no estimate of the losses suffered by the Caviteños, it could be that they constituted more than half of the 941 defenders killed or wounded as claimed by the British. The Caviteño losses were primarily caused by Spanish ineptitude and inability to provide adequate protection from enemy attacks, including Moro piracy, which continued throughout the Spanish regime in the islands. The thought of previous sufferings rankled in the memory of Caviteños, who were quite sensitive to any form of oppression, and at the proper time they rose as one man overthrowing the hated Spanish rule.

            6. Cavite mutiny of 1872. The execution on February 17, 1872 of Fathers Mariano Gomes, 73, a Filipino-Chinese mestizo, Jose Burgos, 35, a Philippine-born Spaniard and Jacinto Zamora, 37, a full blooded native of Pandacan, Manila for alleged complicity in the mutiny, on January 20, of about 200 Filipino soldiers and workers in the Cavite arsenal, has been described as “judicial murder…that shocked the Filipino people into nationhood, as did no other single event in the nineteenth century. Indeed, February 17, 1872, has been called the birthday of the Filipino nation.”

            The 40,000 Filipinos who saw the execution, went home, all convinced that the three priests were innocent and died true martyrs; and “in their indignation they forgot tribal differences and regional barriers, and they joined together as one people to fight for a common cause.’ In the iniquitous execution of the three priests Rizal, about eighteen years later would see a kind of racial oppression, the priests being indios, which would make the natives “clasp hands and make common cause” or “embrace and call one another brothers.” Eventually, the natives forgot their ethnic origins, such as Tagalogs, Ilocanos, Bisayans, etc. and began calling themselves Filipinos. If anything, the GOMBURZA (acronym for Gomes, Burgos and Zamora) execution was a great turning point from native tribalism to Filipino nationhood.

            But what historians have overlooked is the fact that prominent Caviteños, people who made history for their province, were among the casualties of 1872. There was Carlos Aguinaldo, father of General Emilio Aguinaldo and many times gobernadorcillo of Cavite El Viejo (now Kawit); who was arrested and tortured, as a consequence of which half of his body was paralyzed. He never recovered, and six years later, on October 6, 1878, he died.

            Mariano Alvarez, founder of the Magdiwang Council of the Katipunan in Cavite, was likewise arrested by the Spaniards and tortured, allegedly for his association with Father Burgos whose autographed picture was found in Alvarez’ possession. Thanks to the intercession of an influential friend, probably a Spaniard, Alvarez was not executed or banished to the Marianas.

            The most prominent Caviteño to be deported to Guam, for alleged complicity in the “Affair of 1872,” was Jose Basa y Enriquez (1843-1912), a noted lawyer, educator, writer and reformer. It was in Basa’s school in Cavite where young Emilio Aguinaldo, unable to resume his studies in the Letran College after the cholera epidemic of 1882, studied for some time before completely dropping out of school.

            Another Caviteño deportee to Guam was Silvestre Legazpi, who served as general treasurer of the Revolutionary Government. Legazpi was married to Panteleona Aguinaldo, sister of General Baldomero Aguinaldo, secretary of finance in the first Aguinaldo cabinet formed after Easter Sunday of 1897. Legazpi was one of the 26 Filipinos who joined General Aguinaldo in his exile to Hongkong. An unresconstructed rebel even under the American regime, Legaspi was one of the 57 Filipino patriots deported by Military Governor Arthur MacArthur on January 7, 1901. Among his fellow deportees were Apolinario Mabini, Artemio Ricarte, Pio del Pilar, Mariano Llanera, and Maximo Hizon.

            But certainly, the youngest victim of the Cavite mutiny was Emilio Aguinaldo himself. In the confusion arising from the arrival in Kawit of a Spanish cavalry unit from Manila, as part of the reign of terror sparked by the mutiny, the child, Emilio, hardly three years old, was hidden in the bushes on the river bank behind their house in Kaingen, while his caretaker, a cousin named Eugenio Valerio, jumped into the water, swimming safely to the other side of the river. After the Spanish soldiers had passed by, cousin Eugenio came back and found the boy safe but swollen all over, suffering from high fever caused by bites of giant ants called hantiks.

            As if fated by destiny, it was these victims of mutiny of 1872 who were to play stellar roles in the Revolution of 1896.

            7. Secularization Movement. By virtue of patron to real (royal patronage), the Archbishop of Manila was authorized to visit or inspect all parishes in the country, whether managed by secular or religious priests, the latter belonging to the regular orders (Dominicans, Augustinians, Recollects, etc.). The Jesuits belonged also to the regular orders-the Society of Jesus-but they were not friars. Bishop Domingo Salazar, the first head of the Catholic Church in the Philippines, who had been a missionary for 40 years in Mexico, wanted to enforce the right of visitation by their own superiors in the order, and the secular priests to the Manila Archbishop.

            In 1878, Archbishop Santa Justa, supported by Governor General Jose de Raon (1765-1770), gradually secularized the parishes vacated by the friar-curates. In view of the prevailing scarcity of priests, he launched a crash program for the training of priests. The archbishop ordained as many Filipino seculars as were needed to fill existing vacancies even after a little training. The expulsion of the Jesuits from the Philippines in 1768 accelerated the secularization. Unfortunately, a number of Filipino seculars proved unfit for the priesthood, stirring up numerous complaints against their hasty ordination,

            The secularization was suspended by the royal decree of December 11, 1776. Governor general Rafael Maria de Aguilar (1793-1806) in 1805 authorized the appointment of Spanish regulars to the vacant parishes of Santa Rosa (in Laguna), Imus (Cavite), and Las Piñas (Morong). The secularization movement received a second blow when a royal decree was issued on July 8, 1826, ordering the return to the regulars of the parishes taken from them since the time of Governor Simeon de Anda (1762-1764),

            The movement received a greater blow on March 9, 1848, when, under another royal decree, seven parishes in Cavite were transferred to the regulars; namely, Bacoor, Kawit, and Silang to the Augustinian Recollects; Sta. Cruz de Malabon (now Tanza), San Francisco de Malabon (now Gen. Trias), Naik, and Indang to the Dominicans. Finally, a royal decree was issued on September 10, 1861, compensating the Recollects with parishes around Manila for the loss of their missions in Mindanao, which were given back to the Jesuits upon their return in 1859. All the parishes given to the Recollects, including that of Antipolo. “The pearl of the curacies,” happened to be occupied by Filipino seculars. The Filipino clergy, now highly educated and well trained for the priesthood, fought back, causing a dialectical change in the secularization movement. Henceforth, the issue would become one of the filipinization of all the curacies, with the ultimate goal of national independence.

            The friars in the Cavite Mutiny implicated fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora, leaders of the movement, for the sole purpose of halting the filipinization movement, which would mean the end of the friar rule in the country. But as far as the Caviteños were concerned, the transfer of the seven Cavite perishes to Spanish regulars was enough fuel to their growing anti-Spanish sentiment which would burst into a holocaust thirty-seven years later in the Revolution of 1896.

            8. Father Mariano Gomes. The man who did most to pave the way for the revolution in Cavite was, strangely enough, not a Caviteño but a priest from Sta. Cruz, Manila, Fr. Mariano Gomes (1799-1872). A brilliant student, he was ordained priest at age 25. He said his first mass on May 28, 1824, and five days later he was assigned to Bacoor, Cavite, where he spent the next 48 years attending to the spiritual and material needs of townsfolk.

            Coming from a well-to-do couple, Father Gomes spent his own money in undertaking road building constructions and organizing a cooperative bank without collaterals and interest on loans. As vicar forage, Gomes rallied all priests in Cavite and nearby provinces behind the movement seeking the revocation of the royal decree of 1879 giving seven parishes of Cavite to Spanish regulars or friars. In the hands of Father Gomes, the secularization movement was converted into a movement for filipinization of all curacies, ultimately leading to national independence.

            Glossed over by historians is the fact that Gomes exercised a decisive influence on the lives of two men – Luis Parang and Eduardo Camerino – who kept alive the revolutionary tradition of Cavite. Parang led the agrarian revolt of 1828, and Camerino that of 1869. Assuming the role of peacemaker, Gomes personally went to the mountain hideout of Parang and convinced him to come down with him to the Malacañang Palace where the governor general (probably Mariano Ricafort, 1828-1830), in his desire to end the long-smoldering revolt, signed a Tratado de Malacanang (Treaty of Malacañang), not only granting amnesty to Parang and his followers but also suspending the projected increase of land rent by religious corporation in Cavite, thereby preventing the ejection of tenants from their farms on account on failure to pay land rent due to poor harvest.

            Having succeeded in putting an end to the Parang revolt, Gomes was again instrumental in the peaceful settlement of the Camerino revolt of 1869. It is quite possible that Gomes had previously met liberal Governor-general Carlos Maria de la Torre (1869-1871) during the Malacañang reception of July 12, 1869, where the Governor was “serenaded” by Filipino leaders, priests and students to express their appreciation and gratitude for his liberal policies including, among others, the abolition of press censorship, free discussion of political problems, and suppression of flogging of military deserters.

            De la Torre personally went to Cavite in 1869 and there met Camerino at the recollect estate house in Imus. Consequently, he appointed Camerino chief of a new police force called Guias de la Torre (Aides of de la Torre), and granted amnesty to his followers. Thereafter, Camerino, now a free man, was constantly associated with Fr. Gomes. This association, unfortunately, proved to be his undoing because the friars, implicating Gomes, Burgos and Zamora in the Cavite Mutiny, did not hesitate to have Camerino arrested. On February 8, 1872, Camerino was executed, but eleven of his men composing the Guias de la Torre were each given ten-year sentence for complicity in the mutiny.

            It is difficult to visualize the Philippine Revolution breaking out in Cavite without the preliminary groundwork made by Parang and Camerino, “notorious bandits” in the eyes of the establishment but patriots to their people, who had come under Gomes’s “tutelage.”

            9. Character of Caviteños. Caviteños are predominantly of Malay stock mix with Chinese and Spanish minorities through informal unions or marriages. Rizal’s description of the Malays may well apply to the Caviteños as part of the Tagalog ethnic group. He says that they possessed a “delicacy of sentiment” not to be found among Westerners. “They sacrifice everything – liberty, ease, welfare, name – for the sake of an aspiration or a conceit . . . (and the least word which wound (their) self-love they forget all the sacrifices, the labor expended, to treasure in their memory and never forget the slight they have received.”

            Perhaps referring to the GOMBURZA execution as a “general affront by the Spaniards against a whole race,” Rizal says the Filipinos “wiped away their own feuds and united against a common enemy – their former protectors, now their exploiters and executioners.”

            Speaking of their behavioral patterns and traits, one scholar says that “the Caviteños have always been known for their pride and daring ways. The Latin zest for life is there – most conspicuous in the array of colors, bands of music, and sumptuous banquets during fiestas. Pintakasi or cockfight tournaments took the place of the Spanish bullfight . . . “

            The scholar also notices “a high degree of irritability among Caviteños, frequently exhibited in hotly contested political elections, often accompanied by fraud and bloodshed . . . Alienation from the establishment find expression in overt acts of violence, machismo, and related manly virtues of physical prowess, daring and guile.”

            Banditry has become almost an institution in Cavite, the traditional home of insurgency, says James Leroy, an American author. “That banditry has always had in it an element of revolt against friar rule or civil tyranny . . . is unquestionable. That it has more closely assumed a political aspect against Spanish rule, and during the war against American sovereignty, is also apparent.”

            What Leroy overlooked is the fact that banditry in Cavite has always had some element of mass support. The Caviteños has been especially sensitive to injustice, whether committed by foreigners or local tyrants. Take the case of Leonardo Manicio, alias Nardong Putik, who was regarded by most Caviteños as the local Robin Hood. He had escaped the national penitentiary and taken refuge among the poor farmers of Cavite, living in a life of a “free man,” until he was shot to death one morning presumably by double agents disguised as bodyguards.

          Nardong Putik was contemporary version of Parang and Camerino. However, in the case of the latter two “bandits,” the character was set in bolder and more positive relief because it prepared the province, psychologically and emotionally, for the greater challenge to their personal machismo- the Revolution of 1896.

10. Masonry in Cavite. The idea of the Age of Enlightenment- liberty, equality, and fraternity- found their first seedbed in Cavite. These ideas considered revolutionary in the Philippines in the context of the last century of Spanish rule, were brought here by Spanish marines at Cavite el Puerto, the home base of the Spanish Far Eastern Fleet, who were Freemasons before coming to the Philippines.

            The first masonic lodge in the Philippines, called Logia Primera Luz Filipina, was established in Kawit in 1856, thirteen years before Aguinaldo was born, by two Spanish naval officers, Jose Malcampo, who later became an admiral and governor general (1874-1877), and his friend, Castro Mendez Nuñez, operating under a charter from the Grand Oriente Lucitano, the Masonic Grand Lodge of Portugal.

            Later, another lodge mainly composed of German and other foreign Masons was established under a charter from Hong Kong. The first secretary of the new lodge was a highly cultured Filipino (a Spaniard born in the Philippines) named Jacobo Zobel y San Gomez.

            A preponderant majority of the leaders of the Philippine Revolution were Masons including Aguinaldo and Bonifacio. According to general Baldomero Aguinaldo, president of the Magdalo Council, there were some 300 Katipuneros at the outbreak of the Revolution.

11. The thirteen martyrs of Cavite. The Revolution started in Cavite on August 31, 1896. Two weeks later, on September 12, thirteen prominent Caviteños, ten of them being Freemasons and Three Katipuneros, were executed by a Spanish firing squad in Fort San Felipe, Cavite, for the alleged complicity in the uprising. It was a repeat performance of the GOMBURZA execution of 1872 in so far as the summary character of the trial was concerned. The thirteen accused were tried by a Spanish military court and given Spanish army officers for counsel. But instead of defending their clients, the army lawyers "admitted the guilt" of the accused, in what maybe regarded as the weirdest trial in history. The execution followed immediately, and the bloody corpses were promptly loaded in three carabao-drawn carts and dumped into a common grave in the Caridad Cemetery.

            The execution of thirteen influential Caviteños was clearly aimed checking the spread of the uprising that had started a few days earlier in Cavite el Viejo (now Kawit), San Francisco de Malabon (now Gen. Trias), and Noveleta, but the opposite happened: in less than a week's time all municipalities of Cavite had taken up arms, and about four weeks later, after the battles of Binakayan and Calero on November 9-11, Spanish sovereignty in the province was no longer visible except in the narrow strip of land known as Cavite Arsenal, home base of the Spanish Far East Fleet.

            A feeling of indignation at the travesty of justice under Spanish rule, exacerbated by a racial antagonism, caused the Caviteños to join hands and flight to overthrow the tyrannical alien regime. The death of the thirteen martyrs, as in the GOMBURZA execution twenty-four years earlier, was a great Spanish blunder. If the GOMBURZA killing " shocked the Filipino into nationhood," the death of Cavite's thirteen martyrs was, indeed, a decisive step forward the birth of the Filipino emancipation in Kawit, the mother town of Cavite, on June 12, 1898.

            The Cavite Mutiny of 1872 was the opening curt of the struggle for the Filipino emancipation; but the execution of the thirteen martyrs of Cavite on September 12, 1896, rang down the curtain for the Spanish regime in the Philippines.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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