****
[The following daily recording of events related to the plague were written in a shorthand style which required deciphering, first done by John Smith in 1819 -1822. A Wheatley edition of the diaries was published in 1899 and until the publication of this "diary" by scholars via the University of California, it stood as the base reference to Samuel Pepys's work. Because of length of his diary which filled three thousand pages, many abridgements have been printed, based on Smith's and Wheatley editions. For the most part, the decoding has yielded identical results (much because the later researchers had the benefit of prior editions.)
Here then are abstracts from the UC series and an abridgment edited by Isabel Ely Lord; focusing on Samuel Pepys recording of the plague of 1665. Added (as notes, are the referenced footnotes by the UC editors) are commentary that helps put in perspective Pepys's log. Omitted are notes that the above authors added to correct small misstatements by Pepys or when he rounded numbers of plague victims. Pepys was a precise recorder of history as it occurred and picking at small differences adds nothing to his important work. In addition, Pepys spelling was unique to him, as example, in the first date referencing the plague: the word sickness is spelt; Sickenesse. Rather than changing it to the current spelling, letting it remain gives flavor to his writing, other examples abound. His terse style permits the imagination to explore the events and follow the plague as it swept London. Comments have been added by JSW to hopefully cause the reader to think along the lines of the people exposed to the plague.
Physicians worked long and hard to find a solution to the disease and in reading Pepys's record it is possible to see how some of their attempts were well based on observation and facts and did probably lessen the effect of the Plague. Some one hundred and forty years later, with the compound microscope developed in the 1670's, it was possible to characterize the gram negative bacillus that causes the disease. They struggled without proper sanitation, pesticides and antibiotics, lacking any one of the three, sets the stage for a pandemic (world-wide) infection. Unfortunately, nothing has changed!
As you read this record, think of the West Nile Fever that is presenting a challenge to health authorities in New York City and consider that a disease outbreak as observed in Samuel Pepys's time is still possible! Politicians and activists have convinced many that pesticides, especially DDT, are poisons that must be banned. It takes an episode of West Nile Fever to bring into question these "facts." And, to consider that malaria, once thought to be under control, is now a major cause of loss of life. Then, consider tuberculosis, a disease that was thought to be almost eradicated as a human hazard. Strains of this organism are now resistant to many of the antibiotics of first choice. Finally, the horrendous disease, AIDS, is now visited upon us. While in its most deadly form it quickly claims a victim, but the real danger is that in suppressing the disease, we may be developing opportunistic variants of bacteria (such as that which causes TB) which will become a plague in our time. Read and think of the devastation of Black Death in Samuel Pepys's time and consider if you will, that an outbreak of a major disease can and probably will happen again. (Remember that in the United States in the period following the first world war, a form of swine flu created the Influenza pandemic which swept through and killed entire communities. In North Florida, cemeteries exist with large oak trees growing on graves that are poorly marked, giving evidence that towns suffered such losses that they ceased to exist.]
Here begins Samuel Pepys's diary:
April 30, 1665 ... Great fears of the Sickenesse here in the City, it being said that two or three houses are already shut up. God preserve us all.(a)
May 3 ... So to the Change and thence home to dinner; and so out to Gresham College and saw a cat killed with the Duke of Florence's poison. And saw it proved that the oyle of Tobacco, drawn by one of the Society doth the same effect, and is judged to be the same thing with the poison, both in colour and smell and effect. (b)
June 7 ... This day, much against my Will, I did in Drury-lane see two or three houses marked with a red cross upon the doors, and "Lord have mercy upon us" writ there which was a sad sight to me, being the first of that kind that to my remembrance I ever saw. It put me into an ill conception of myself and my smell, so that I was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell and to chaw which took away the apprehension.(c)
June 10 ... In the evening home to supper, and there to my great trouble hear that the plague is come into the City (though it hath these three or four weeks since its beginning been wholly out of the City);
June 15 ...The town grows very sickly, and people to be afeared of it there dying this last weekof the plague 112, from 43 the week before whereof, one in Fanchurch-street and one in Broadstreete by the Treasurer's office.
June 17 ... hearing that my Lord Treasurer was gone out of town with his family because of the sickness, I returned home without staying there. ... It stroke me very deep this afternoon, going with a Hackny-coach from my Lord Treasurer's down Holborne the coachman I found to drive easily and easily; at last stood still, and come down hardly able to stand; and told me he was suddenly stroke very sick and almost blind, he could not see. So I light and went into another coach, with a sad heart for the poor man and trouble for myself, lest he should have been stroke with the plague being at that end of the town that I took him up. But God have mercy upon us all.
June 20 ...This day I inform myself that there died four or five at Westminster of the plague, in one alley in several houses upon Sunday last Bell Alley, over against the Palace-gate. Yet people do think that the number will be fewer in the town then it was the last week.
June 23 ... So home by hackney-coach; which is become a very dangerous passage nowadays, the sickness encreasing mightily. (d)
June 26 ... The plague encreases mightily I this day seeing a house, at a bittmakers over against St. Clements church in the open street, shut up; which is a sad sight.
June 28 ... ^� in my way observing several plague-houses in Kings-street and the Palace. ... I am fearful of going to any house, but I did to the Swan; and thence to White-hall giving the waterman a shilling, because a young fellow and belonging to the Plymouth.
June 30 ... Myself and family in good health, consisting of myself and wife Mercer, her woman Mary, Alce and Su, our maids; and Tom, my boy [These are the four surviving children of Pepys, the other seven died, but not of the plague.*]. In a sickly time, of the plague going on.
July 1 ... Thence by coach, and late at the office and so to bed sad at the news that seven or eight houses in Bazing-hall street are shut up of the plague.
July 5 ... though some trouble there is in having the care of a family at home in this plague time.
July 11 ... After doing what business I could in the morning, it being a solemn fast-day for the plague growing upon us.(e)
July 13 ... Above 700 dead of the plague this week.
July 18 ... and did give Mrs. Mitchell (who is going out of town because of the sickness) and her husband a pint of wine. ... I was much troubled this day to hear at Westminster how the officers do bury the dead in the open Tuttle-fields, pretending want of room elsewhere; whereas the New-Chapel church-yard was walled in at the public charge in the last plague time (f) merely for want of room, and now none but such as are able to pay dear for it can be buried there.
July 19 ... So walked to Redriffe, where I hear the sickness is, and endeed is scattered almost everywhere ^� there dying 1089 of the plague this week. My lady Carterel did this day give me a bottle of plague-water. (g)
July 22 ... I to Fox-hall, where to the Spring-garden, but I do not see one guest there the town being so empty of anybody to come thither only, while I was there, a poor woman came to scold with the maister of the house that a kinswoman, I think, of hers, that was newly dead of the plague, might be buried in the church yard; for, for her part, she should not be buried in the Commons [plague pits] as they said she should. ... I could observe and the streets mighty thin of people.
I met this noon with Dr. Burnett, who told me, and I find in the news-book this week that he poste upon the Change, that whoever did spread that report that instead of the plague, his servant was by him killed, it was a forgery; and showed me the acknowledgment of the maister of the Pest-house that his servant died of a Bubo on his right groine, and two Spots on his right thigh, which is the plague.(h)
July 25 ... my wife's brother, who importunes me ... letting him come often to me is troublesome, and dangerous too, he living in the dangerous part of the town [one of the crowded western out-parishes.*]
July 26 ... The Sickenesse is got into our parish this week; and is got endeed everywhere (i) so that I begin to think of setting things in order, which I pray God enable me to put, both as to soul and body.
July 27 ... At home met the weekly Bill, where above 1000 encreased in the Bill; and of them, in all, about 1700 of the plague.
July 29 ...And so by coach to Kate Joyces, and there used all the vehemence and Rhetorique I could to get her husband to let her go down to Brampton, but I could not prevail with him he urging some simple reasons, but most that of profit [minding the tallow chandler's shop], minding the house and the distance, if either of them should be ill. However, I did my best, and more than I had a mind to do, but that I saw him so resolved against it while she mightily troubled at it. At last he yielded she should go to Winsor to some friends there. So I took my leave of them, believing that it is great odds that we ever shall see one another again for I dare not go any more to that end of the town.
July 30 ... It was a sad noise to hear our Bell to toll and ring so often today, either for deaths or burials; I think five or six times.
July 31 ...Proctor the vintener of the Miter in Woodstreet, and his son, is dead this morning there of the plague.
Thus we end this month, as I said, after the greatest glut of content that ever I had; only, under some difficulty because of the plague, which grows mightily upon us, the last week being about 1700 or 1800 of the plague.
So God preserve us all friends long, and continue health among us.
August 2 ... it being a public fast, as being the first Wednesday of the month, for the plague. I within-doors all day...
August 3 ... Citizens, walking to and again to enquire how the plague is in the City this week by the Bill which by chance at Greenwich I had heard was 2010 of the plague, and 3000 and odd of all diseases but methought it was a sad question to be so often asked me.
... Mr. Marr telling me by the way how a maid-servant of Mr. John Wrights (who lives thereabouts) falling sick of the plague, she was removed to an out-house, and a nurse appointed to look to her who being at once absent, the maid got out of the house at the window and run away. The nurse coming and knocking, and having no answer, believed she was dead, and went and told Mr. Wright so; who, and his lady, were in great strait what to do to get her buried. At last resolved to go to Burntwood hard by, being in that parish, and there get people to do it but they would not; so he went home full of trouble, and in the way met the wench walking over the Common, which frighted him worse than before. And was forced to send people to take her; which he did, and they got one of the pest Coaches and put her into it to carry her to a pest-house. And passing in a narrow lane, Sir Anthony Browne, with his brother and some friends in the coach, met this coach with the Curtains drawn close. The brother being a young man, and believing there might be some lady in it that would not be see, and the way being narrow, he thrust his head out of his own into her coach to look, and there saw somebody look very ill, and in a sick dress and stunk mightily; which the coachman also cried out upon. And presently they came up to some people that stood looking after it; and told our gallants that it was a maid of Mr. Wrights carried away sick of the plague which put the young gentleman into a fright had almost cost him his life, but is now well again.
August 8 ... And poor Will that used to sell us ale at the Halldoor his wife and three children dead, all I think in a day. So home through the city again, wishing I may have taken no ill in going; but I will go, I think, no more thither.
August 10 ...Thence to the office; and after writing letters, home to draw over anew my Will, which I had bound myself by oath to despatch by tomorrow night, the town growing so unhealthy that a man cannot depend upon living two days to an end.
August 12 ...The people die so, that now it seems they are fain to carry the dead to be buried by daylight, the nights not sufficing to do it in. And my Lord Mayor commands people to be within at 9 at night, all (as they say) that the sick may have liberty to go abroad for ayre. There is one also dead out of one of our ships at Deptford, which troubles us mightily the Providence fire-ship, which was just fitted to go to sea. But they tell me today, no more sick on board. And this day W. Bodham tells me that one is dead at Woolwich, not far from the Ropeyard. I am told too, that a wife of one of the groomes at Court is dead at Salsbury, so that the King and Queene are speedily to be all gone to Milton. (j) God preserve us.
August 14 ... Great fears we have that the plague will be a great Bill this week
August 15 ... It was dark before I could get home; and so land at church-yard-stairs, where to my great trouble I met a dead Corps, of the plague, in the narrow ally, just bringing down a pair of stairs but I thank God I was not much disturbed at it. However, I shall beware of being late abroad again.
August 16 ... Lord, how sad a sight it is to see the streets empty of people, and very few upon the Change jealous of every door that one sees shut up, lest it should be the plague and about us, two shops in three, if not more, generally shut up.
August 20 ...Mr. Povy not being at home, ... only eat and drank there with his lady and told my bad news and hear the plague is round about them there. ... After Church to my Inn and eat and drank; and so about 7 a-clock by water, got between 9 and 10 to Queene hive, very dark and I could not get my waterman to go elsewhere, for fear of the plague. Thence with a lanthorn, in great fear of meeting of dead corses carrying to be buried; but blessed be God, met none, but did see now and then a Linke (which is the mark of them) at a distance. So got safe home about 10 a-clock, ...
August 22 ... I went away and walked to Greenwich, in my way seeing a coffin with a dead body therein, dead of the plague, lying in an open close belonging to Coome farme, which was carried out last night and the parish hath not appointed anybody to bury it but only set a watch there day and night, that nobody should go thither or come thence, which is a most cruel thing this disease making us more cruel to one another then we are [to*] dogs.
August 25 ... This day I am told that Dr. Burnett my physician is this morning dead of the plague which is strange, his man dying so long ago, and his house this month open again. Now himself dead poor unfortunate man. (k)
August 30 ... Hadly our Clerke, who upon my asking how the plague goes, he told me it encreases much, and much in our parish; "For," says he, "there died nine this week, though I have returned but six" which is a very ill practice, and makes me think it is so in other places, and therefore the plague much greater then people take it to be.
... I went forth and walked toward Moorefields to see (God forgive my presumption) whether I could see any dead Corps going to the grave; but as God would have it, did not. But Lord, how everybody's looks and discourse in the street is of death and nothing else, and few people going up and down, that the town is like a place distressed and forsaken.
August 31 ...the plague having a great increase this week beyond all expectation, of almost 2000 making the general Bill 7000, odd 100, and the plague above 6000
...Thus the month ends, with the plague, everywhere through the Kingdom almost. Every day sadder and sadder news of its encrease. In the City died this week 7496; and of them 6102 of the plague. But it is feared the true number of the dead this week is near 10000 partly from the poor that cannot be taken notice through the greatness of the number, and partly from the Quakers and others that will not have any bell ring for them.
... As to myself, I am very well; only, in fear of the plague, and as much of an Ague, by being forced to go early and late to Woolwich, and my family to lie there continually.
September 3 Up, and put on my coloured silk suit, very fine, and my new periwigg, bought a good while since, but darst not wear it because the plague was in Westminster when I bought it. And it is a wonder what will be the fashion after the plague is done as to periwigs, for nobody will dare to buy any haire for fear of the infection that it had been cut off of the heads of people dead of the plague.
... [meeting of the vestry to determine] doing something for the keeping of the plague from growing; but Lord, to consider the madness of people of the town, who will (because they are forbid) come in Crowds along with the dead Corps to see them buried. But we agreed on some orders for the prevention thereof. [In London all funeral processions and gatherings were for4bidden during the Plague, whatever the cause of death. The plague victims themselves were supposed to be buried only between sunset and sunrise, but the sheer numbers of deaths made nonsense of the law.*] Among other stories, one was very passionate methought of a complaint brought against a man in the town for taking a child from London from an infected house. Alderman Hooker told us it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious-street, a saddler, who had buried all the rest of his children of the plague; and himself and wife now being shut up, and in despair of escaping, did desire only to save the life of this little child; and so prevailed to have it received stark-naked into the arms of a friend, who brought it (having put it into new fresh clothes) to Grenwich; where, upon hearing the story, we did agree it should be (permitted to be) received and kept in the town.
September 4 ... it troubled me to pass by Come Farme, where about 21 people have died of the plague and three or four days since I saw a dead corpse in a Coffin lie in the close unburyed and a watch is constantly kept there, night and day, to keep people in the plague making us cruel as dogs one to another.
September 6 ... I looked into the street and saw Fires burning in the street, as it is through the whole City by the Lord Mayors orders. (l)
...fires on each side of the Thames; and strange to see in broad daylight two or three Burials upon the Bankeside, one at the very heels of another doubtless all of the plague and yet at least 40 or 50 people going along with every one of them. ...
September 7 ... sent for the Weekly Bill and find 8252 dead in all, and of them 6978 of the plague which is most dreadful Number and shows reason to fear that the plague hath got that hold that it will yet continue among us.
September 8 ...I was in great trouble all this day for my boy Tom, who went to Greenwich yesterday by my order and came not home till tonight for fear of the plague. But he did come home tonight, saying he stayed last night by Mr. Haters advice...
September 10 Walked home, being forced thereto by one of my watermen falling sick yesterday; and it was God's great mercy I did not go by water with them yesterday, for he fell sick on Saturday night and it is to be feared of the plague. So I sent him away to London with his fellow.
September 14 ... being forced to walk over the Bridge toward the Change, and the plague being all thereabouts.
...the decrease of 500 and more, which is the first decrease we have yet had in the sickness since it begun and great hopes that the next week it will be greater. Then on the other side my finding that through the Bill in general is abated, yet the City within the walls is increased and likely to continue so (and is close to our house there) my meeting dead corps's of the plague, carried to be buried close to me at noonday through the City in Fanchurch-street- to see a person sick of the sores carried close by me by Grace-church in a hackney-coach my finding the Angell tavern at the lower end of Tower-hill shut up; and more then that, the alehouse at the Tower-stairs; and more then that, that the person was then dying of the plague when I was last there, a little while ago at night, to write a short letter there, and I overheard the mistress of the house sadly saying to her husband somebody was very ill, but did not think it was of the plague to hear that poor Payne my water(man) hath buried a child and is dying himself to hear that(a labourer I sent but the other day to Dagenhams to know how they did there is dead of the plague; and that) one of my own watermen, that carried me daily, fell sick as soon as he had landed me on Friday morning last, when I had been all night upon the water (and I believed that he did get his infection that day at Brainford: is now dead of the plague to hear ... that Mr. Sidney Mountagu is sick of a desperate fever at my Lady Carteret's at Scott's hall to hear that Mr. Lewes hath another daughter sick and lastly, that both my servants, W Hewers an Tom Edwards, have lost their fathers, both in St. Sepulcher's parish, of the plague this week doth put me into great apprehensions of melancholy, and with good reason.
September 18 ... my poor Lord of Sandwich was concerned for me during my silence awhile, lest I had been dead of the plague in this sickly time.
September 20 ... But Lord, what a sad time it is, to see no boats upon the River and grass grow all and down Whitehall-court and nobody but poor wretches in the streets. And which is worst of all, the Duke showed us the number of the plague this week, brought in the last night from the Lord Mayor that it is encreased about 600 more then last, which is quite contrary to all our hopes and expectations from the coldness of the late season; for the whole general number is 8297; and of them, the plague 7165 which is more in the whole, by above 50, then the biggest Bill yet and which is very grievous to us all.
September 27 ... Here I saw this week's Bill of Mortality, wherein, blessed be God, there is above 1800 decrease, being the first considerable decrease we have had.
September 30 ... I do end this month with the greatest content, and may say that these last three months, for joy, health and profit, have been much the greatest that ever I received in all my life in any twelve months almost in my life having nothing upon me but the consideration of the sickliness of the season during this great plague to mortify me. For all which, the Lord God be praised.
October 3 ... This night I hear that of our two watermen that used to carry our letters, and were well on Saturday last, one is dead and the other dying, sick of the plague the plague, thought decreasing elsewhere, yet being greater about the Tower and thereabouts..
October 5 ... [In discussing the marriage of his wife sister] would have her married as soon as we could; but this great sickness-time doth make it unfit to send for her up...
So I walked through Westminster to my old house, the Swan, and there did pass some time with Sarah; and so down by water to Deptford and there to my Valentine's; round about and next door on every side is the plague, but I did not value it but there did what I would ...
The Bill, blessed be God, is less this week by 740 of what it was the last week.
October 6 ...[On the offer to accept payment for debts] Maynell refused it, saying that he could have his money when he would, and had rather it should lie where it doth then receive it here in town this sickly time, where he hath no occasion for it.
October 7 ... Talking with him in the highway, comes close by the bearers with a dead corps of the plague; but Lord, to see what custom is, that I am come almost to (think) nothing of it.
October 8 ... Sir Matin Noell's lady is dead with grief, for the death of her husband and nothing else, as they say, in the world. But is seems nobody can make anything of his estate, whether he be dead worth anything or no, he having dealt in so many things, public and private, as nobody can understand whereabouts his estate is -- which is the fate of these great dealers at everything.(m)
October 11 ...[On renting a room away from the plague] for the having room enough, and to keep out strangers and to have a place to retreat to for my wife if the sickness should come to Woolwich, am contented to pay dear...
October 12 ... Good news this week that there are about 600 less dead of the plague then the last.
October 13 ...[On his accounts being neglected] my own proper accounts are in great disorder, having been neglected now above a Month; which grieves me, but it could not be settled sooner. These together, and the fear of the sickness, and providing for my family, do fill my head very full; besides the infinite business of the office, and nobody here to look after it but my self.
October 16 ... Thence I walked to the Tower. But Lord, how empty the streets are, and melancholy, so many poor sick people in the streets, full of sores, and so many sad stories overheard as I walk, everybody talking of this dead, and that man sick, and so many in this place, and so many in that. And they tell me that in Westminster there is never a physitian, and but one apothecary left, all being dead but that there are great hopes of a great decrease this week; God send it. (n)
[On access to goods and services] Cocke did get a great many of his goods to London today to the Stillyard; which place, however, is now shut up of the plague...
October 28 ... [On commerce] The King had decided that once mourning for the King of Spain was over he would wear nothing "inside or out" that was not of English manufacture, except linen and calicoes; The gesture had little effect, and the renewed attempts made in parliament to achieve something of the sort resulted only in the act of 1667 requiring corpses to be shrouded in English wool.
October 31 ... Sir W Batten met me and did tell me that Captain Coches black was dead of the plague which I had heard of before but took no notice. By and by Captain Cocke came to the office, and Sir W. Batten and I did send to him that he would either forbear the office or forbear going to his own office. However, meeting yesterday the Searchers with their rods in their hands coming from his house, I did overhear them say that the fellow did not die of the plague. (o)
... Thus we end the month merrily, and the more, for that after some fears that the plague would have encreased again this week, I hear for certain that there is above 400 decrease the whole number being 1388; and of them of the plague, 1031.
November 1 ... [Captain Cooke redeemed] so he wold come along with me home to my lodging; and there sat and supped and talked with us, but we were angry a little a while about our message to him the other day, about bidding him keep from the office or his own office because of his black dying.
November 4 ... my head a little akeing, partly for want of natural rest partly having so much business to do today, and partly from news I hear, that one of the little boys at my lodging is not well, and they suspect, by their sending for plaster and Fume [materials used to produce aromatic vapour] that it may be the plague. So I sent Mr. Hater and W. Ewre to speak with the mother but they returned to me satisfied that there is no hurt nor danger, but the boy is well and offers to be searched. [Look for the glandular swellings (buboes) which were indicative of bubonic infection.]
November 8 ...[Expresses relief] being glad I was out of the town, for the plague, it seems, rages there more than ever.
November 9 ... The Bill of Mortality, to all our griefs, is encreased 399 this week, and the encrease general through the whole city and suburbs, which makes us all sad. [There is confusion of dates because of the different calendars.]
November 10 ... that Mr. Harrington, our neighbour, and East Country merchant, is dead at Epsum of the plague. (p)
November 12 ... [In a meeting with Captain Cocke for dinner] They hope here the plague will be less this week.
November 14 ... he [Captain Cocke] and I in his coach through Kent Streete (a sad place through the plague, people sitting sick and with plasters about them in the street, begging)...
...This day, calling at Mr. Rawlingson's to know how all did there, I hear that my pretty grocer's wife, Mrs. Beversham, over the way there, here husband is lately dead of the plague at Bow, which I am sorry for, for fear of losing her neighbourhood.
November 15 ...Up, and all the morning at the office busy; and at noon to the Kings-head Taverne, where all the Trinity-house dined today to choose a new Maister in the room of Hurlestone that is dead.
... The plague, blessed be God, is decreased near 400; making the whole this week but 1300 and odd for which the Lord be praised.
November 20 ... [Meeting with Mr. Deering about business who reports on the death of his clerk] Here I find Mr. Deering come to trouble me about business which I soon dispatched; and parted, he telling me that Luellin hath been dead this fortnight of the plague in St. Martin's Lane which much surprized me.
November 22 ...[Many of the reports of death were wrong.] I heard this day that Mr. Harrington is not dead of the plague as we believed; at which I was very glad but most of all to hear that the plague is come very low; that is the whole under 1000 and the plague 6000 and odd and great hopes of a further decrease, because of this day's being a very exceeding hard frost and continues freezing...
November 23 ... It continuing to be a great frost (which gives us hope for a perfect cure of the plague)...
November 25 ...[At dinner with his wife and friends] But here they tell me one of the houses behind them is infected; and I was fain to stand there a great while to have their back-door opened (but they could not, having locked them fast against any passing through); so was forced to pass by them again, close to their sick-beds which they were removing out of the house which troubled me. So I made them uninvite their guest and to resolve of coming all away to me tomorrow.
November 27 ...I into London, it being dark night, by a Hackny Coach, the first I have durst to go in many a day, and with great pain now for fear. But it being unsafe to go by water in the dark, and frosty, cold, and unable , being weary with my morning walk, to go on foot, this was my only way. Few people yet in the streets, nor shops open, here and there twenty in a place almost, though not above 5 or 6 a-clock at night. So to Viner's and there heard of Cocke and found him at the Popes-head, drinking with Temple.
November 30 ...Great joy we have this week in the weekly Bill, it being come to 544 in all, and but 333 of the plague so that we are encouraged to get to London as soon as we can. And my father writes as great news of joy to them, that he saw Yorkes wagon go again this week to London, and was full of passengers and tells me that my aunt Bell hath been dead of the plague these seven weeks.
December 13 ...and so onto the Change, and there hear the ill news, to my great and all our great trouble, that the plague is increased again this week, notwithstanding there hath been a day or two great frost; but we hope it is only the effect of the late close warm weathr, and if the frost continue the next week, may fall again; but the town doth thicken so much with people, that it is much if the plague do not grow again upon us....
[And returning to his home] calling at my house to see my wife, who is well (thought my great trouble is that our poor little parish is the greatest number this week in all the city within the walls, having six (from one the last week); ...
December 17 [Having discussed business with Cutler regarding who will stand security for a business deal] He walked with me as far as Deptford upper-town, being mighty respectful to me; and there parted he telling me that this town is still very bad of the plague....
December 20 ..But two things trouble me: one, the sickness is encreased above 80 this week (though in my own parish, not one hath died, though six the last week); the other most of all, which is that I have had so complexed an account for these last two months, for variety of layings out ... and variety of gettings, that I have not made even with myself now these three or four months;
December 27 ... Up, and with Cooke by coach to London. There home to my wife, and angry about her desiring a maid yet, before the plague is quite over...
...home to bed with great content that the plague is decreased to 152 the whole being but 330.
December 31 ... It is true we have gone through great melancholy because of the great plague, and I put to great charges by it, by keeping my family long at Woolwich, and myself and another part of my family, my clerks, at my charge at Greenwich, and a maid at London.
...I have never lived so merrily (besides that I never got so much [Pepys profits were great during this period] as I have done this plague-time...
My whole family hath been well all this while, and all my friends I know of, saving my aunt Bell, who is dead, and some children of my Cosen Sarah's of the plague. But many of such as I know very well, dead. Yet to our great joy, the town fills apace, and shops begin to be open again. Pray God continue the plague's decrease for that keeps the Court away from the place of busines, and so all goes to wrack as to public matters, they at this distance not thinking of it.
[So ends the diary of Samuel Pepys for the year 1665.]
***
(a) The entry on April 30 marks the beginning of Pepys's notices of the attack of plague in London the most serious since that of 1625 which has become known as the Great Plague. For the most part the additions which follows are from the UC series, comments by jsw are added in parenthesis followed by an *.
(Pepys's) account affords some of the best contemporary evidence. In its commonest form plague in England at this time was a bubonic infection caused by a bacillus carried by rat fleas. (The pneumonic variety spread by droplets of liquid in the breath, especially when one coughed, was much less common.) It was endemic in Asia and parts of Africa, and according to most authorities came to Western Europe only as epidemics (though some believe it to be endemic there as well), spread at intervals from the Mediterranean and Middle East by rats which infested the trading ships. (Coincident to the outbreak in England was the outbreak in Holland in 1663-1664.*) The outbreaks always abated in the winter when the fleas hibernated. [Fleas and their host do not hibernate, but rats and mice are less fecund during the winter months as are many other animals and this more than likely explains the reduction in instances of plague being recorded.*] They [the outbreaks*] ceased altogether in England after 1671 for reasons which are still a matter of dispute. Possibly both rats and humans had developed an immunity. The illness took the form of a high fever, with swellings (buboes') of the lymphatic glands, and sometimes spots (tokens") on the skin. Contemporary medicine was unable to discover the cause of to prescribe any effective treatment. Whole households the healthy with the sick were isolated, sometimes virtually immured. Patients were bled, sweated and blistered but usually died within a few days. [For a measure of how patients were treated see: Treatment of Charles II of England *]. The present outbreak was the most famous attack, as well as the last on a large scale in England, though that of the year 1561 in London is held to have caused more deaths in proportion to population. About 100,000 died in London between this date, April 30, 1665 and November 1665 ^� between one-quarter and one third of the total population. By then, apart from outbreaks in provinces in 1666, it was virtually over. [A prime reference is cited to be the book by J. F. D. Shrewsbury, History of the Bubonic Plague in British Isles... (In addition, Daniel Defoes, Journal of the Plague Years, writing is often cited as a commentary of events of the plague, but none equal the daily log of Samuel Pepys, who wrote of the personal losses and effects on the population. For an account of an earlier plague epidemic, see Giovanni Boccaccio's account in The Decameron. which describes the plague in 1347. Or for an overview bringing the, plague up to modern times , Dr. E. L. (Skip) Knox's contribution from Boise State University.*)
***
It has always been expressed that the plague was brought to Europe and the Isles by rats harboring fleas. However, this is a rather simplistic understatement. Certainly, the coexistence of fleas and rats (or other rodents) appears to have necessary for the culture of the microorganism, Pasteurella pestis (aka Yersinia. Pestis), a short bacillus that accepts a stain on each end and is therefore termed "bipolar". The disease may be fatal to the rodent or subacute or chronic. However for the disease to spread, the flea must find a host and by disgorging blood in the state of biting the new victim, cause bacteria to be introduced into the blood stream.
Records of the plague and its effect on mankind date to recorded history although it is always a question; is it the same disease? That which has attracted the most attention has to do with the disease that originated in the Orient (presumed to be in the Golgi desert) in the 1300's and spread to the Western civilizations by trade, in goods such as silk and cloth. The rats or mice must have been passengers in boats used in transport or the fleas must have been in the fibers themselves. Of course man can also be a custodian of pest and it is not unlikely that someone who had developed an immunity to the disease might have been the vessel that carried the organism. Or, man's hoard of fleas could have been the transmitters. Goods transported seems more likely to this writer, having experienced the results of a flea infestation in a couch that had been a favorite resting place for a pet cat. (When the house was vacant for a period of two weeks and then returned to after a vacation, fleas in great number swarmed from the couch onto the writer and pet.) Hungry fleas wasted no time in hopping aboard for their first meals. It should be pointed out, however, that as many of these fleas were hatchlings they would not have been capable of producing disease, and only after having fed on a victim would they be primed for spreading whatever disease organism that the victim might have carried in his or her veins. Granted a few of the mature fleas that inhabited the couch could have been carriers.
Imagine if you will: you have a few fleas that harbour the disease causing organism and they finding to their liking, the dogs, cats, bats, mice, resident rats and man as a source of their daily meal. It doesn't take them long to exchange host and be readily transported. If they take up lodging in bedding and clothing, so much the better to pass their time on earth. The dog and cat flea, Pulex serraticeps, is not above accepting another host, including birds. Regardless, once a victim is selected and the microorganism cultured in the blood and lymph the disease quickly passes from sub-acute to acute, and death is the result often in a matter of hours but typically three to four days unless antibiotics treatment is begun. Of course antibiotics were absent in the days of the plague and the medical profession had to rely on botanicals which were for the most part ineffective.
One plant derived product, has some activity. Its name Fleabane. Bird's Tongue (Erigeron viscosum) was used as a means of ridding the premises of fleas, and the similarly named Fleabane, St. Jame's-wort or ragweed, was used to treat the symptoms of the Black Death. Later is a description from Culpeper's Complete Herbal which was published in England in 1653.
Many writers have concluded that the Bubonic Plague of 1665 was transmitted by the flea and not by an aerosol from the breath of a person infected. One can question this based on two substantial observations;
1) Old women were reported to investigate the dead and report their findings. Now, if the bodies were host to fleas, those critters would not have been likely to avoid a free ride on a new host. No report of deaths for these servants of the people have been reported and so it must be assumed that they lived to work another day. Of course, in the wisdom of the English, why not use old useless women for such a task, but, that's another issue.
2) A dead body doesn't breath so no aerosol would be produced and this would be a good thing for the ladies.
Entire families were wiped out, now this could be just as likely from fleas as from having been exposed to the breath of a soon to be dead victim. It's a wash in this case.
An interesting observation by Samuel Pepys regarding the experiment of a poison which proved to be fatal to a cat: Perhaps, the doctors were beginning to realize that domestic animals could be vectors for the disease as well as rats. Could this be the reason that in the Isles today, there is a great hatred of cats?
Bird's tongue
This is the Pulicaria of Lobel, and so called, because by its smell it drives away and destroys fleas and gnats .. [Pulicaria is derived from the Pulex (or flea).].
St. Jame's-wort or ragweed
...The decoction of the herb is good to wash the mouth or throat that has
ulcers or sores therein; and for swellings, hardness, or imposthumations,
for it thoroughly cleanses and heals them; as also the quinsey, and the
king's evil. It helps to stay catarrhs, thin rheums, and defluxions from
the head into the eyes, nose or lungs. The juice is found by experience to
be singularly good to heal green wounds, and to cleanse and heal all old
filthy ulcers in the privaties, and in other parts of the body, as also
inward wounds and ulcers; stays the mailignity of fretting and running
cankers, and hollow fistulas, not suffering them to spread farther. It is
also much commended to help aches and pains either in the fleshy part, or in
the nerves and sinews; as also the sciatica, or pain of the hips or
huckle-bone, to bathe the places with the decoction of the herb, or to anoit
them with an ointment made of the herb, bruised and boiled in hog's-suet,
with some mastic and olibanum in powder added to it after it is strained
forth.
http://www.bibliomania.com/NonFiction/Culpeper/Herbal/epistle.html
NB: The publication of the complete Samuel Pepys's Diary with commentary and contributions by Robert Latham, William Matthews, William Armstrong, McDonald Emslie, Oliver Millar, and R. F. Reddaway, provides a windfall of information, much lacking in attempts by other editors to abridge this most worthy historic and lively documentation of the brief period which Samuel Pepys religiously recorded the daily events of the period. While I have attempted to glean from the diary of 1665 those comments that apply to the plague and its impact on Pepys, his family, friends, associates and the social structure of London and the surrounds, it is impossible to say the work is complete. Pepys by use of a shorthand patterned after Shelton (who may be familiar to some as the translator who brought Don Quixote to life for English speaking peoples) often times provided a terse record which leaves the reader with more questions than answers, nevertheless, none equal his ability to encompass the events of everyday life and pass on to the reader the sense of tragedy that befell the people. Devoe doesn't do it, neither do the encyclopedic synopsis. University of California Press, 1972 is to be commended for publishing this work of literature.
Having taken the walk with me through Pepys's diary I hope that others might seek to explore the life and times by undertaking a similar journey; what of the battles with the Dutch, intrigue in politics, trade, monetary policy, amour, &c.. Pepys intended his diary for himself and selfishly imposed a code to keep prying eyes away. In this he failed and now with the ladies skirts lifted, we can see what is beneath.
***
Notes: (a) It was not uncommon for a house to be shut sometimes with the residents inside, hoping to protect those outside. How those faired who were inside can only be guessed.
(b) It is possible that the Doctors had in mind that there was a relationship between rats and Bubonic plague and were seeking a means to control rats. One source (to which I have no record) stated that the discovery of arsenic as a "rat" poison was the reason for ending the cycle of plague in Europe. In the case of extracts from tobacco; nicotine is a potent insecticide and has been used until recently as a chemical that could be used to treat crops to protect them against insect infestation. It has been used as a stomach poison in combination with bentonite (a clay) to control rodents. Nicotine is also a most poisonous substance, the quantity to produce death in mice by ingestion being; 230 mg/kg. The Merck Index, Vol. 12., 1996.
(c) This proved to be a heavily infected area. The Diary of Samuel Pepys, University of California Press, 1972.
The red cross had, by a city regulation, to be one foot high and the houses so marked were shut up (often with the victims inside) for 40 days. Ibid.
In the plague, tobacco was highly valued. Thomas Hearne (writing in 1721 ) has a story that no tobacconist in London died of the Great Plague. He adds that at Eton one boy was flogged for being discovered not smoking. Remains and Collections, 1885-1921 edition. Volume 7 pp 208, the medicinal value of tobacco. Ibid.
Interesting that snuff had become most popular by this time and the taking of snuff to induce a violent sneeze was the preferred means of taking it, as opposed to smoking. Mattoon Curtis' book, Snuff and Snuff Boxes, (Bramhall House, 1935) contains many references to the perceived value of snuff.
(d) The city regulations required any hackney-coach which had carried a plaque victim to be aired afterwards for five-six days. Special pest-coaches were sometimes employed.. Ibid.
(e) A proclamation of 6 July appointed 12 July and every first Wednesday in each month a fast day in London, Westminster and the places adjacent. Ibid.
(f) In 1647, 3597 victims died. Ibid.
(g) Probably a distillation of herbs. Ibid.
(h) The servant, William Passon, was one of the first victims of the plague in the city itself. Ibid.
(i) In St. Olave's there was one death from plague (out of a total of 1089) recorded in the bills of mortality for the week ending 25 July. Ibid.
(j) The plague victim was the wife of a groom in the service of an equerry to the Queen: efforts were made to conceal the illness. Ibid.
(k) The doctor died shortly after helping to perform an autopsy on the body of a plague victim, and others taking part in the operation were said to have died also. It has been suggested that a streptococcus was the cause of the deaths. But Burnet may well have died of the plague, since he was still living in the house in which his servant had died. Ibid.
(l) The fires were meant to clear the air of infection, and were perhaps the result of the city's recent appointment of physicians to advise on measures against the plague. Ibid.
(In books available at the time, it was written that burning fleabane would drive out insects. Whether this was the intent is of course, unknown. Fleabane, common Botanicals were all that were available to try to rid the homes and businesses of pestilence, "certain strongly aromatic plants are employed, of which the odors appear to be detestable to them (the fleas and other insects) as the different compositae known by the name of fleabane, and also wormwood, the merits of which last are thus extolled by Thomas Tusser who wrote in "Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry, 1573, to whit:
"While wormwood hath seed, get a handfull or twaine,
To save against March, to make flea to refraine;
Where chamber is sweeped, and wormwood is strown,
No flea for his life dare abide to be known."
(As written in Chamber's Universal Knowledge, volume 6, American Book Exchange, 1880)
Tusser is advising cleanliness (sweeping) but also is acknowledging that the reemergence of insect is seasonal, i.e., March is the beginning of the flea season which closely matches the daily log of Samuel Pepys.*)
(m) Noell (one of the greatest merchants and financiers of the century) had died of the plague on 29 September; his widow on 4 or 5 October. Ibid.
(n) Westminster, with its over crowded alleys, was badly hit by the plague. Many physicians had left for the country. Ibid.
(o) The "searchers of the dead", usually old women, were employed by parishes to examine corpses and ascertain the cause of death. On their unreliable diagnoses were based the figures of the Bills of Mortality. In times of plague they were required to live at appointed places, to undertake no other work, to go abroad only on duty, and to carry tall white wands so that the public could avoid contact with them. The office was abolished in 1836. Ibid.
(p) This was a false report, Mr. Harrington did not die. Ibid.
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