CAPS Working Paper No.050603

 

 

Assessing the need for Reform of the United Nations System:

 A Research Note

 

By:

 Muyanja Ssenyonga[1]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Center for Asia and Pacific Studies

Gadjah Mada University

Yogyakarta

2005

 

Table of Contents

 

 

 

 

 

Abstract

1

I.

Introduction

2

II.

Lessons learned from the League of Nations

5

III.

The United nations system

8

IV.

The bumpy ride for the United nations system

16

V.

Calls for Reforms: Are they nothing more than  pipe dreams?

25

VI.

Expanding the UN Security council: A glance at the scorecard of  contending bigwigs

27

VII.

Conclusion and the formidable task ahead

35

 

Reference

39

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Abstract

The note attempts to evaluate the performance of the United Nations system. By carrying out an exploration of the main functions of the major UN specialized agencies on a case-by-case basis, which facilitates the identification of the breakthroughs made by the respective agency, the obstacles encountered, and prospects for improvement.  The note considers the immense UN contribution to social, economic, cultural, and political, development of the World.  The note highlights the problem of coordinating a cacophony of decentralized specialized agencies by the economic and Social Council, and   the domineering powers of the five members having seats on the powerful Security Council.   Fears expressed by skeptics that globalization will serve as medium to mitigate resistance from   developing countries against rules on worker’s conditions economic liberalization continue to dog the UN, rather than wane. Reforms are deemed necessary both on the specialized agency level as well as at the United Nations administrative and Security Council level. The good will of the participating countries in the United Nations system is presented crucial determinant of the success or otherwise of the multinational body.    As the focus of the World community shifts from WTO talks to UN reforms, the article makes some humble contributions about which aspects of the UN must undergo reforms, singling out the expansion of the UN Security Council as deserving serious attention. Prospective candidates (which by no means is an exhaustive one) are dealt with on a case-by-case basis, showing the strength and weaknesses of each. The opinion on the criteria deemed a sine quo anon for an effective UN Security Council seat are streamlined, with no intention whatsoever to influence the reader in his judgment on which of the   candidate(s) deserve such a seat of profound importance both for the country in question and the geopolitical region it will represent.  An argument to base United Nations security council membership on regional, rather than national framework is put forward if not to follow the current trend in economics and politics, at least to empower all UN security members, as well as prevent abuse of the vested powers of permanent UN seat members by the members.

 

Key Words: United Nations; veto power, Security Council

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I. Introduction

 

To say that the United Nations system is under fire is a gross understatement. The past few years have seen the UN divided in the middle. Five members on the security council (United nations equivalent of board of governors have yet to resolve their bickering that seriously divided the executive arm of UN over the issue of Iraq (Britain and United States in full support while France, Russia, China, taking various degrees of opposition). Another issue that has tainted the 60-year-old multinational organization has been   the poor execution of the oil for food program under which Iraq was allowed to export limited quantities of petroleum oil in return for food under the supervision of the UN. Millions of dollars were unaccounted for as UN staff involved in the program have been implicated in misappropriation of the funds generated by the program, a scandal that has not only left the credibility of the United Nations system severely tarnished, but has led many to question the judgment of its soft spoken secretary general. The problems at the door of the 200 plus nation body do not end there, however. Accusations of maltreatment and sex harassment of internally displaced persons and refugees in the democratic republic of the Congo by UN peace keepers, have undermined the very fabric that underlies the spirit and prowess of the UN system-helping the weak, powerless, and helpless.

Doubtless, in bid to restore its credibility, the UN system has the unenviable task of putting its house in order, efforts that should not ensure the survival of the UN system for another six decades, but also widen the scope, and intensity of its operations.

Surprisingly the measures to re-orient the Un system commenced some five years ago, when, contrary to norm, the United nations, in collaboration with Organization of economic cooperation and development, OECD, international monetary fund, and the world bank, jointly launched the millennium goals with the underlying aim of making the world a better place for millions living under abject poverty. On June 26, 2000, four international Organizations jointly launched “A better World for All” report. Included in the four organizations was the UN (United Nations Organizations; OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development); IBRD (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development); and the IMF (International Monetary Fund). The report’s main theme is the issue of poverty alleviation and eventual eradication. Focusing on the fate of 1.2 Billion people the World over with less than $ 1.2 a day plus an additional 1.6 billion living on less than $ 2 a day, the report addresses several aspects of poverty through seven “mutually reinforcing goals”. The goals encompass; reducing the proportion of people living in extreme poverty by the year 2015; Enroll all children in primary school by 2015; make progress towards gender equality and empowering women by eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005; reduce infant and child mortality rates by two-thirds by 2015; reduce maternal mortality ratios by three-quarters by 2015; provide access for all who need reproductive health services by 2015; and implement national strategies for sustainable development by 2005 so as to reverse the loss of environmental resources by 2015. The report came at a time when despite increases in income in the 1990s, which saw some reductions in poverty especially in East Asia, there were areas of the World where there was hardly any significant improvement either due to lack of growth such as Sub-Saharan Africa or high income iniquity as was the case in Latin America.

Moreover, one of the main means of poverty reduction available to the poor education, though registered rising enrollment rates, at the prevailing rates, there were fears that more than 100 Million school-age children will be out of school in 2015, hence the pace had to be hastened somewhat. It is an established fact the education of girls still lags that of boys in many developing countries, thus it was felt that more effort was necessary to reduce gender disparities further. High infant and child mortality rates constitute a significant hurdle to the availability of school going children of both genders. As the report poignantly puts it… “For every country that cut infant and under-5 child mortality rates fast enough to reach the goal, 10 lagged behind -and another one moved backwards, often because of HIV-AIDS”. It was thus felt necessary to enhance the drive in the direction of infant and child mortality reduction by putting the issue into the spotlight for all countries of the World.

The slow improvement in the proportion of births attended to by skilled personnel in the 1990s, meant that not much dent was made into the more than a half million maternal deaths occurring each year. It was therefore deemed it pertinent to highlight the issue of increasing the number of skilled personnel during pregnancy and delivery which saving many mothers and their infants will accelerate the pace towards a Better World for all .The goal of poverty reduction can hardly be attained without putting brakes on the rate of births, generally high in poor countries. By increasing access to reproductive health services, it is expected that the demand for contraceptive use, the provision of which should be well streamlined.

Considering the fact that it is generally the poor that depends heavily and directly on the environment, and realizing that commitments made at Rio 1992 earth Summit were not more than mere scripts on scraps of paper, with fewer than a half of the signatories considered it worth while to implement them, environmental deterioration picked up pace thanks to increasing population and economic growth, the only way poverty reduction could be sustained was by adopting national sustainable development strategies with clear-cut environmental goals.

The goals set by the four organizations reflects the seriousness the international community regards poverty as an issue the eradication of which will ensure dignity for many in despair, availability of shelter for many without homes, enhance political influence for many currently taken as pawns in other peoples’ political games, ample education to the gullible following anything that moves without strength of mind to make decision son their own, sufficient health care for the malnourished, and regular income for many of the  hapless relying on elements of nature for a living. Setting goals. Noble as they may sound, is one thing; but as anybody acknowledges, their implementation is quite another thing altogether.

Being set by international organizations, the goals  “…cannot be imposed-they must be embraced. Each country must identify its own particular goals, its path to development, and make its won commitment through dialogue with its citizens” says the report. Additionally support both technical and financial has to be made available by the international community to aid the effort. It is thus expected that high income countries have to take an extra mile in their allocating a little more of their wealth to the poor countries if the better World for all is to be realized. In that light, therefore the performance of the international agencies and organizations will determine whether the well laid out goals will be translated into reality, assuming that high income countries buy the idea of increasing their contributions for development assistance.

It is deemed pertinent to explore the issue of the United Nations track record by focusing on some key special agencies in the United Nations system, after all three out of the four signatories of   A better World for all 2000 report -United nations, The World Bank, and IMF beelong to the UN system, while the fourth OECD though not directly under the United Nations umbrella usually works in association with United nations. There is an underlying notion that the noble goals can only be attained by a nobly performing United Nations system, which sets the course for the articles’ research question: Is Restructuring the UN system necessary? And if so which components of the system should undergo fundamental restructuring?  The second section considers the importance of lessons learned from UN predecessor, the League of Nations for clues on bolstering the performance of the United Nations, while section III takes a glance at the United Nations system. Section IV assesses the performance of the United Nations by looking at some of its bodies. Section V tackles the reform issue further, while section VI looks at the scorecard of each of the potential candidates for the expanded UN Security Council. . Section VII concludes the note. 

 

II. Lessons Learned from the League of Nations

Established in 1919, at the Paris conference the League of Nations was entrusted with the task of promoting world peace and security by fostering international cooperation and collective security arrangements. The 32 allied and associated members and future signatories were committed to provide joint protection to all members as any attack on one meant an attack on all; committed to the  reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations”; and called for the protection of minorities and indigenous peoples and granting of self determination to those under colonial rule. The legacy of the League of Nations thus included the establishment of   mechanism to maintain peace through institutionalized cooperation, commitment to protect others in the event of aggression and the collective punishment of the aggressor, and breaking ground on the formation of the international court of justice. The outbreak of the Second World War signaled the demise of the League of Nations system.

   A brief review of some of the factors leading to its demise should provide a good launching pad for the underlying theme of this article’s discussion: Is their need for restructuring the UN? The most pivotal factor for the League of Nations was the non-accession of the United States of America as a member despite the fundamental role played by Woodrow Wilson the US President. The Woodrow Wilson’s fourteen points that idealized “…a general association of nations, formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity of great and small states alike,” smacked of constitutional liberalism that was diametrically opposed to isolationism cherished by many Americans after huge commitment in protracted, and destructive first world War effort Weber (1995). This was in spite of the fact that Woodrow’s ideas had significant influence on League of Nations formation. Small wonder the failure of his country’s accession to the league, wrote an epitaph on the League of Nations existence.

            In as much as one of the key powers in the ally system that helped to defeat the Germans, Austrians, and Turks was outside the league it was difficult to countenance strong performance from the organization. United States has emerged from the World War I as the world’s strongest nation, militarily, financially, and politically.  The blunder of considering the losers of the war as guilty nations and thus had to pay reparations in monetary and territorial terms, doomed the league of nations at the very inception as such guilty nations saw the death of the league as the only way to regain their stature and national prowess. Moreover, the fact that overall the League of Nations lacked the mechanism to prevent war along with a series of other violent actions such as reprisals, intervention and blockades, actions of self help, meant that countries that wanted to go war were left with many safety values to exploit, which accounts for high frequency of skirmishes rampant during the League’s existence.

Many war skirmishes with hardly sufficient means to counter left the League of Nations a hollow loud shell. Using sanctions as the core of its arsenal in its efforts to prevent war, the League of Nations, sanctions were supposed to be imposed on a member that resorted to war in violation of the articles of the covenant. These sanctions took the form of boycotts against trade and financial relations with the belligerent state, with military actions if the council recommended. It was difficult to secure the involvement of all members in effecting the sanctions after all the United States, plus the defeated states were non members yet the latter states were the most likely to engage in war with their neighbors.

 It was difficult to carry out the leagues’ mandate, as it was voluntary on the members. Sanctions as it turned out were very ineffective and belligerent countries realized the nonexistence of any impediment in their way to launch new forays into their neighbor’s territories. The League of Nations did not stop Mussolini’s Italy from attacking virtually defenseless Ethiopia in mid 1935, Emperor Hiro Hito’s Japan invasion of China in 1931, South East Asia in early 1940s. Nor did the league stop Hitler’s Germany in its search for the sun to invade and annex Austria, then Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Russia. Spain’s Franco were undeterred in their forays into neighboring Portugal.

Perhaps lack of an armed force to enforce compliance of the member country that violated the covenants with the League of Nations’ resolutions was partially to blame, as that meant the league did not have any supranational presence beyond its council and assembly to deal with disturbers of peace.

Yet the main weakness of the League of Nations arose from the fact that its “decisions both in the council and assembly had to pass unanimously unless covenant peace treaties prescribed another procedure” Weber (1995). This meant that countries large and small had equal responsibilities for the maintenance of World peace. It isn’t surprising delay in reaching any decision was inbuilt in the league of nations decision making mechanism, which explains why there rarely any decision on anything in the course of its existence.

It is in order in order to avoid a recurrence of the League of Nations stillbirth that the United Nations system was modified to suit the realities of the time as well as leave some room for unanticipated occurrences. The United Nations system comprises of the United Nations and its subcomponents plus its specialized agencies. The latter agencies are decentralized agencies carrying out operations and functions, most of which report to the general assembly through ECOSOC with the exception of UNRWA and UNITAR which reports directly to the Secretary General. Decisions are taken in the general assembly on a three-thirds majority but must be approved by the security council of 15 members, five of which are permanent and have the right to veto, while the remaining 10 are selected from other UN members on a two-year rotation basis

 

III. The United Nations System

The United Nations system, which according to Hufner (1995) is “the totality of the United nations and its subcomponents as well as specialized agencies”, has contributed much to the economic and social development of many countries. 

Through, the World Bank, one of the UN specialized agencies, whose tasks include; the encouragement of collaboration and mutual development, development of production facilities in less developed countries, promotion of private foreign investment activity through guarantees or participation of daughter organizations like IFC, IDA, MIGA, UNITAR; much headway has been made in facilitating the inflow of capital from capital exporting to capital deficient countries with consequent impetus to economic development. It is moreover through the coordinating services of the IBRD that consortia, advisory groups, or informal organizations are put in motion, which facilitates the flow of development assistance to recipient countries. Additionally, IBRD acting as the leader of a series of projects specialized agencies such as UNIDO and ILO conducts sectoral analyses of technical financial aspects of reform projects especially in the developing World. It is such analyses that ensure that development projects are as sound economically as they are socially and environmentally sustainable.

It is no longer disputable that one of the outstanding performances of the United Nations system has been its relief work. The UN through its specialized agencies such as UNICEF, UNHCR, WFP, UNDRO, and HABITAT provides the leadership and coordination of efforts made by the international community to help countries affected by emergencies, irrespective of whether they are a consequence of natural or man-made disasters.

Yet the foregoing pales into insignificance if the role-played by the IBRD in construction of the worldwide financial and economic and social administration is put into the spotlight. The IBRD has served as a role model for the development of many regional development Banks in developing countries; runs the ICSID, which arbitrates disputes involving states and nationals of different countries; through MIGA, it promotes the flow of investment for productive activities with in member countries by mediating information on investment possibilities, covering non-commercial investment risks in the form of transfer risks, risks of denial of legal protection, and risk of war and civil conflict. No doubt, the World Bank has become one of the most prestigious and renowned UN agencies.

The IMF, the International Monetary Fund, obliges its members Ruwert (1995) to comply with a code of conduct in the field of International monetary relations as well as mutual assistance in overcoming temporary balance of payments disequilibria. Enshrined in the core of its establishment, the IMF is supposed to avoid the economically and socially damaging “beggar your neighbor” policies pursued by most countries in the interwar period late 1920s to late 1930s in which each country carried out exchange rate devaluation of its currency with the narrow view that by so doing it would out compete other countries with strong currencies in the international market. Obviously other countries did the same thing with dire consequences to the World Economy.

Thus,  one of the fundamental functions of IMF was to promote International monetary cooperation through an institutionalized machinery of consultation and coordination. The above function was to be supplemented others in the form of: facilitate the balanced growth of international trade, which in turn is meant to contribute to high levels of employment and real income, and development of the productive resources of all members; promote exchange stability, maintain orderly exchange arrangements, and avoid competitive exchange rate devaluations; assist in the establishment of a multilateral system of payments for the benefit of World trade; and make available financial resources for countries in balance of payments difficulties .

One of the United Nations agencies with strong inclination towards promoting trade and development over the past 36 years is UNCTAD, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. It is a permanent intergovernmental body of the United Nations General assembly focusing on attempts at securing an integrated treatment of development and interrelated issues in the areas of trade, finance, technology, investment, and sustainable development. The body employs research, policy analysis, intergovernmental deliberations, technical cooperation and interaction with civil society and the business sector to attain the cherished goals of maximizing trade, investment, and development opportunities for developing countries, as well as helping such countries to face challenges arising from globalization and integration into the World economy on an equal footing with the developed countries. Its importance therefore seems to have soared during phases of the Tokyo and Uruguay rounds of trade negotiations as developing countries suffering from institutional capacity as well influence, basically lacked the strong bargaining position that would ensure negotiations results to swing in their favor. UNCTAD purportedly would ensure that.

Boasting as one of the largest UN organizations, FAO, Food and Agricultural Organizations, was given the mandate to raise levels of nutrition and standards of living, improve agricultural productivity and better the conditions of rural populations. Through direct development assistance, FAO  “… collects, analyzes, and disseminates information; provides policy and planning advice to governments; as well as acting as an international forum for debate on food and agricultural issues”, enables the organization to promote agricultural development, which by and large, enhances the effectiveness of its efforts in the war against poverty and hunger.

Additionally, FAO by encouraging programs that  “… do not degrade the environment, are technically appropriate, economically viable and socially acceptable” the organization considers as a front-runner in the promotion of sustainable agriculture and rural development. This is thanks to the organization’s active involvement in land and water development, plant and animal production, forestry, and fisheries.

Besides, the Food and Agriculture organization, is also involved in areas such as economic and social, policy, investment, nutrition, food standards, commodities, trade, as well as emergencies which puts the organization as a key and indispensable partner in development related issues with developing countries. This arises from the fact the organization’s jurisdiction covers the length and breadth of issues that are crucial for developing economies.

FAO assisted developing countries in preparing for multilateral trade negotiations by providing the requisite information and technical assistance which was supposed to strengthen their bargaining position in the negotiations to attain as many benefits as possible.

FAO has also been an outstanding player in equipping the developing countries with technical capacity to enable them to pursue, develop and implement sustainable productive systems. Technical assistance in fields of normative studies and policy advice, working with farmers and rural communities, provide informed opinion on trade related issues, food security, training in national food control systems, food safety issues, and expert advice on gender policy development.

One shouldn’t underestimate the role of FAO in the development of rural finance systems the source of agricultural finance for millions of rural farmers in the developing World. With the adoption of realistic rates of interest, mobilization of local savings as an integral part of rural financial intermediation, and the promotion of variety in financial intermediaries including formal and less formal institutions, as underlying principles FAO encourages the development of agricultural finance institutions in developing countries. This is executed by     supporting developing country efforts in the “…areas of financial policies and institutional structures, operational procedures, and training, with special emphasis on less advantaged people in rural areas”, according to FAO.

 In that line FAO has gone further to promote the development of mechanisms that ensure the   safety of savings deposits, the cornerstone for savers confidence in any financial intermediary’s soundness. By initiating the ‘Safeguarding Savings Deposits’ programme, the organization attempted to address the safety of depositors money issue by drawing on the findings from an analysis of experience on the safety of depositors’ savings in recognized banks, cooperatives, investment groups, and ROSCAS (rotating saving and credit associations) over time in developed and developing countries, to foster the development of guidelines and training materials, essential for grass roots rural financial intermediaries.

Realizing the problem of lack of collateral in rural settings, FAO initiated a programme, which according to FAO, is meant to “design methods for removing some of the main constraints, and/or for permitting existing collateral to be used more effectively”. Alternative ways for securing loans less affluent customers were also considered.

With the view to improve the efficiency and better customer service of operational procedures, automation of rural finance operations hasn’t escaped the attention of this enormous organization. By developing the FAO Micro banking low-cost software system, the carrying out of various internal checks and a series of management reports could not be any easier. This system was meant to boost the effectiveness as well as the efficiency of the front office by accelerating the speed of transactions, thereby reducing the cost. FAO is runs regional agricultural credit associations (RACAS), which provide financial services to small farmers and the rural people. With one center for Asia, Africa, Near East and North Africa and intensive collaboration with (ALIDE), the association of Development Finance Institutions in Latin America, FAO has made much headway in ensuring the availability of finance for agricultural purposes and to the rural people in general.

IFAD, with aims not so different from those of its sister organization FAO, has the mission of eliminating hunger and poverty, enhance food security, raise productivity and incomes, and improve the quality of life through improved access to productive resources and empowerment; it can be asserted that the organization apparently complements the activities of FAO.

One should not underrate the services rendered by the ILO, the International Labor Organization, another specialized agency of the United Nations. Established with the task “of securing an equal footing for competitors, by way of agreements based on international law concerning generally accepted minimum standards for labor protection and working conditions”, the ILO is aimed at “creating such conditions which are necessary that human beings, irrespective of race, creed, or sex, can pursue both material well-being and through spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and equal opportunity by improvement of working and living conditions of the employed, activation of human labor resources, development and strengthening of the workers’ organizations by providing technical assistance to the states, international gathering and distributing information, and through international conventions and recommendations” Kohler (1995). The role that ILO plays in the lives of workers and employers alike is thus very profound. Arbitrary compensation for work is liable to scrutiny, discrimination on work is ground for ILO probe, and inhuman living and working conditions for workers receive ILO attention. This sounds good news to everybody, for good working conditions enhance worker’s efficiency, which in turn translates into higher and better quality output for the employer, and high value output of course yields high tax returns for the government.

The calls for a new transformed United Nations picked pace by the turn of the last century and apparently the beginning of the new one seems to take such incessant demands to unprecedented proportions. The motivations for such calls seem to be as diverse as one would expect of a body representing well over 200 nations large and small, rich and poor, developed and developing, communist and capitalist, monarchies and republics the World over. It shouldn’t be out of order to delve into some of the factors serving as drivers to prepare the ground for “take-off” into the fuzzy essence of the issue-the merits and otherwise of the prospective candidates for new seats once such reforms as championed for, are made.

To most people in the developing World the importance of the United Nations is associated with the activities of one of its specialized agencies- the United Nations Commission for refugees UNHCR. This obviously arises from the more than proportionate share of catastrophes, man-made and otherwise that like or not, enmesh the UN body into the thick of things in the third World. From its involvement in evacuating refugees freeing from carnage, wars, and persecution in their homelands to lending a hand in resettling displaced persons from one part of the country to the other, freeing natural disasters in form of floods, and famine. UNHCR had been able to bring back smiles to the hitherto desperate and disillusioned faces in the developing World. Relief is the apt word for UNHCR.

The work of the United Nations system is an International body that ensures the maintenance of World peace and order and the re-establishment of semblance of sanity in areas where “the darkness of man’s heart” drive man into fierce battles and wars, both with in and outside national borders. Through its affiliated agencies it is meant to encourage development in health, education, trade, agriculture, Industry, through WHO, UNESCO, UNCTAD, FAO and IFAD, and UNIDO respectively. The UN is also expected to ensure safe and clean environment, through UNEP; bring solace to war and conflict dislocated peoples, and assist countries manage their populations through UNHCR, WFP and UNDRO, UNFPA; prevent the proliferation nuclear energy and the attendant weapons through IAEA; prevent the trade and trafficking in drugs through UNDCP; ensure the development of standards and guidelines on telecommunications through ITU; coordinate the national mail services through UPU; develop guideline on national and international maritime policy through IMO;  coordinate information on weather and climate issues through WMO; and provide  multi-faceted expert advice on  national development policies through UNDP.

Yet this is just the tip of the iceberg of the immense role played by the United Nations body. The essence of the foregoing is to indicate the importance the UN has in the World today, which is one reason why eyebrows are raised whenever indications of emerging “disproportionate” influence by some member countries are discerned. It is on that line of argument that takes this discussion to the factors responsible for calls for changes in not only the United Nations administration but the very core of the UN system itself.

By all accounts the most remarkable achievement by the United Nations system is attributed to the establishment of the world trade organization WTO. The world trade organization which came into force in January 1995 in the wake of a sufficient number of states ratifying the final Uruguay results signed in Marrakech, Morocco December 1994. The child of the 1986 Punta del Este ministerial declaration, which saw the beginning of the longest trade negotiations the Uruguay round. The Uruguay round negotiations embodied a document of some 26,000 pages covering details on schedules of tariff, major agreements on trade in services, on trade related intellectual property questions, anti-dumping issues, agricultural trade, subsidies, technical standards, textiles, and customs evaluation, Jackson (1996). The WTO consists of two important institutional frameworks, the WTO charter, and a new set of dispute settlement procedures. While the WTO charter comprising of the substantive agreements emanating from the Uruguay round is devoted to “… the institutional procedural structure that are necessary for effective implementation of substantive rules that have been negotiated in the Uruguay round.

The WTO charter by tying together the various texts developed in the Uruguay round reinforces the single package idea of the negotiations, demanding accepting countries to accept the entire package rather than selectively. This averts the problem of side codes evident in the Tokyo round of trade negotiations. The WTO structure establishes the legal authority for a secretariat and Director General and staff. The WTO structure allows for an expansion of the institutional structure to new subjects negotiated in the Uruguay round encompassing services, intellectual property making it the legal mechanism applicable to services for GATT (General agreement on Tariffs and trade concentrated on goods). The dispute settlement mechanism, and the trade Review mechanism, on the other hand, is to be applicable to all subjects of the Uruguay round for all nations that are members of WTO.

Adherence to WTO rules is bound to increase import competition which will not only   stimulate technological change, but will reduce monopoly power by forcing domestic firms to produce at higher capacity utilizations than before, setting pace for higher efficiency. Moreover, it is expected that shocks to economies in form economic liberalization will increase productivity Cline  (1995). The removal of all current distortions is estimated to generate economic gains to the tune of $213 billion annually. These gains are expected to come from cuts on tariffs on agricultural products, $190 billion, and manufactured products $19 bullion. GATT made estimates of increase in the level of World trade in the wake of WTO amounting to $745 billion in 2002, coming from 60 per cent clothing, 34 per cent textiles, 20 per cent agriculture and 19 per cent in processed foods and beverages.

It is expected that with the onset of WTO, the potential for the evolution and development of an institutional structure conducive to international trade cooperation will be realized Jackson (1996). With provisions for flexibility on inclusion of future negotiated rules or measures, WTO framework will assist nations to face constantly emerging problems. It is likewise expected to serve as a forum for ironing out differences on such issues as dumping, customs tariffs, rules of origin, subsidies, import licensing, sanity and phytosanity measures, pre-shipment inspection, technical barriers to trade, and safe guards. WTO will provide the forum for coordination and discussion between national government officials and international organizational officials dealing in monetary and lending issues with those involved in trade issues. WTO thus is expected to complement the Bretton Woods institutions by offering the coordination and coherence through a high profile joint committee of the International Monetary Fund and The World Bank.

 

IV. The bumpy ride for the UN system

The World Bank: Are funded projects fraught with leakages and beckon environmental disasters?

Yet despite the commendable and impressive work of the UN system, it hasn’t escaped the wrath of many elements of our society in developing as well as developed countries. Criticisms are leveled against one of United Nations specialized agencies, the World Bank. In conducting its financial, economic and social development, the IBRD generally regards the opinion of the ruling government as representative of the wishes of the people, with the consequence that multi-billion dollar projects are put agreed upon and later funded by the World Bank later to be rejected by the local population.

Typical of such projects are Mega projects such as hydroelectric power stations where enormous resources are injected ostensibly to improve the lot of the local people, with those   dislocated in the course of their construction inclusive. Possibly fresh in the minds of many is the controversial Petroleum project in Chad-Cameroon Oil Pipe line project estimated to cost $3.7 billion to be funded by the World Bank. This is inspire of protests from environmental groups as it is feared to contaminate beautiful landscapes in the Sahel, aggravate the already slash-and-burn pock-marked rainforest in the south by providing the much needed access roads to illegal loggers, as well as possible Oil spills, and the traumatic displacement of rainforest dependent 100,000 Pygmies to strange environments, Bowis (2001)

If the kind of some of the projects funded is disputable, the firms involved in their executions invite even far more criticism. Despite the fact that most projects are executed in developing countries, rarely, if at all, are developing countries’ firms called to tender for the projects. This implies that most materials, manpower and money end up in having multiple effects in developed countries. This is not to mention the impact of projects designs by firms with hardly sufficient knowledge on the local social and climatic conditions. And of course that doesn’t augur well for the integration of such projects in the respective domestic economies. Thus calls for reforms in the tendering mechanism as well as on the decision on of the type and kind of projects funded by the World Bank is in the air.

The high level of leakage of funds in World Bank funded projects is another black spot in the Organization’s operations. As a multilateral organization with indisputable reputation backed by many decades of experience in development oriented projects, the bank should be in a better position than most to ensure that the projects funded are handled in the most effective and efficient manner. This is so, if statistics from some researchers is anything to go by. It is for example revealed by Independent sources that quite a good number of World Bank funded projects in Indonesia experienced malfeasance to the tune of 30 per cent. As is the normal practice, such reports are dismissed by both government and World Bank officials as baseless and unfounded. Yet such revelations could be just a tip of an iceberg!

Strong though it is, the criticism leveled against the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, IBRD, is mere accolades compared with the barrage mounted against its sister organization, the International Monetary Fund.

 

a. IMF: Does extreme focus on   monetary stabilization jeopardize economic growth/development?

Important as its functions are no doubt IMF has received the most consistent and one would say vehement criticism of all UN specialized agencies.

In carrying out its economic restructuring operations deemed necessary in many countries in the perils of balance of payments disequilibria, it is common practice for IMF to prescribe structural adjustment programs Killick (1995). This may entail among others, re-orientating the domestic economy from relying on subsidies and high customs tariffs to free market forces, irrespective of the immense vulnerabilities such economies have, which leads to reductions on health as well as education, and retrenchment of the civil service; reduction of all barriers to trade; and rollbacks of the government in economic activities and instead encouraging the private sector to do the job.

In most cases, developing countries, argue, such prescriptions, do not take sufficient consideration of developing countries, structural deficiencies as reflected in the expectation that developing countries can improve on their economies’ efficiency by undertaking genuine privatization before the onset of democratic reforms, which is hardly probable, the expectation that governments can make cutbacks in expenditure on health and education, when the state is the provider of such services to many poor people in the third World doesn’t improve the image of IMF in the eyes of developing country nationals.

Moreover, such far-reaching expenditure reductions are also prescribed for the defense establishment, which of course hasn’t been welcome to the Army top brass with consequent ouster of many such compliant governments to IMF, dictates Killick et al. (1992). Some critics even go as far as regarding the monetarist approach on conditionality adopted by IMF as too short run in orientation with minimal consideration for the long term sustainability of the target economies Killick (1996), Harrigan (1996), Conway (1994). Examples in support of this are suggestions to make cutbacks on health and education, ironically the two services that can ensure the availability of skilled, healthy and resilient workforce in the future.

In fact there is a lot of common ground on the notion that IMF does not extend sufficient amount of credits to third World countries at the time of their greatest need. This explains why countries facing balance of problems difficulties take long, if at all, to overcome the balance of payments problem Harrigan (1996). Some even say conditions become worse in the aftermath of IMF intervention. No doubt calls for reforms in IMF is top agenda for most developing countries. Unfortunately, there is little support from the developed countries on this, thanks to the “controlling interest” they have in its deliberations and activities.

 

b. ILO: Does ILO push workers’ issues too far for developing countries’ liking?

The international labor organization sees to it workers’ interests are respected by calling for the provision of proper conditions of work ranging from remuneration, housing, health, education, family allowances, to proper working schedule, appropriate personal and career development. International labor organization abhors discrimination of workers basing on gender, race, or creed.   The International labor organization has also been vehemently involved in efforts to reduce, and eventually eradicate forced labor in all forms, especially of child. Child labor is recognized as a source of exploitation for the underage children, whose parents however have not many options up their sleeves. The labor organization has spearheaded efforts to regulate child labor, taking into consideration, the conditions that force parents to let go of their children to employers. Many children and women have become victims of trafficking within and across national borders. It is also an area that has been the  focus of ILO for some time.. Some of the criticisms made against the ILO arise from the fact that the standards for working conditions are expected to be the same both for developed and developing countries. Yet, developing countries argue, social, cultural and economic conditions in the developing countries are quite different from those in the developed World. Allegations have been made that developing countries are using the issue of workers’ conditions of work to out compete them out of the international market. This argument is backed by the fact that most products from developing countries have a high labor cost component, such as textiles, farm products, and primary products, implying that were the workers conditions in the developing world to be indexed to those in the developed world, the fate will be sealed for developing countries’ exports.

It isn’t only on that quarter that ILO is attacked, but also its over emphasis on the workers’ side does make it the darling of many countries where capitalists hold much sway. It for example criticized for encouraging worker’s radicalism, which in many developing countries is close to being accused of insubordination. Doubtless, in some countries ILO activities are curtailed. Reforms are called for even here, even though this time from different sections of society and of course for different reasons.

 

c. The UNHCR: Is the agency hemorrhaging the UN system?

Its activities of evacuating refugees and resettling displaced persons are categorized as emergency situations. This means that funds to run such activities are often raised on adhoc basis due to the unpredictable nature of both the location, size and intensity of such emergencies. Aid that is channeled through UNHCR being a multilateral agency doesn’t receive the much needed fanfare and news coverage so much needed by donors, reducing the interest developed countries have in contributing their relief through it. The preference is instead given to non-government organizations with affiliations to the country in question raising the publicity of the donated aid. The channeling of relief assistance through a motley of uncoordinated non-government organizations reduces the over all effectiveness both quantitatively and qualitatively. Moreover, being at the mercy of the donors, the UNHCR ‘s performance depends on the willingness of the large donors tom insufficient funding and sluggish aid coordination still remain the main drawbacks.

 

d. WTO: Forum for full-fledged globalization or an arms-twisting nightmare for LDCS ?

The fanfare with which WTO was inaugurated may belie the challenges already mounting on its doorstep. Not only, does its credibility depend on how the major nations respect the results of its dispute settlements mechanisms, but the extent to which nations large and small are ready to carry out the provisions of the Uruguay round. There is already evidence of backtracking on some issues, which does not augur well for the effectiveness of the organization. The very idea of enhancing and extending liberalization of trade is meeting consistent resistance from developing and developed countries alike. The failure of the Seattle meeting 2000 wasn’t a lesser eloquent testimony to this trend. Resistance against further liberalization of services especially financial survives, is meeting resistance from many developing countries with worries of losing control of their financial sectors.

            The emergence of regional trade arrangements means that large countries are bent  on expending their regional trade arrangements as part of their participation in the World Trade organization. The implication is that there will be a two-tier system adopted by larger powers in their the evolving global economic environment: multilateral accords representing agreement between the larger contracting powers to the GATT, and regional trade arrangements involving smaller country arrangements with their larger trading partners. This shows the degree to which larger powers are ambiguous in their commitment to World trade organization rules, and such stance is bound to reduce the negotiating power of the developing world.

Most developing countries are worried at the “… re-labeling of the GATT institutions by the WTO means that developing countries’ opportunity to deal in any firm-rules-based way with their situation in the trading system, and to achieve a strengthened system of trade rules has been foregone now that permanent status has been granted to WTO”, according to Hamilton and Whaley (1995).

Additionally, the immense task of integrating developing countries and economies in transition as well as monitoring the WTO rules to ensure fair treatment of all for all countries.

Gains expected from trade liberalization are based on industrialized country economies as well as regional economic groupings such as European Union and NAFTA, with the implication that the fate of the developing countries is regarded as an afterthought, rather as an essential issue. The fact that most gains from trade liberalization arise from the reduction on agricultural subsidies and tariffs undertaken in the developed countries, mean s that for exporters of some agricultural products such as food stuffs like Thailand and Argentina, they will enjoy windfalls as theory will able to compete with producers in the developed countries. Nonetheless, food-importing countries will come of worse, as their import bill will skyrocket leading to higher debt overhand. The position of the developing countries is made the worse by the fact that cuts in tariffs on industrial products of interest to developing countries are lower than all other goods 32 per cent compared with 38 per cent respectively. This implies that despite the elimination of the MFA quota regime, developing countries’ manufactured products will find it difficult to access developed countries’ markets with the exception of fish and fish products plus clothing. There are also worrying signals according UNCTAD 1992 report, that due to relatively small price elasticity of demand for tropical products means that the lifeline of most developing countries will not grow as predicted, making it even harder for survival, Cline (1995).

The image and work of WTO is as yet fuzzy in the eyes of the public, meaning that perhaps the body hasn’t been as open and transparent as it purports to be, which partially explains the consistence in protests organized against WTO by a cross-section of people in society from different countries. Workers are up in arms fearing losing their dear jobs; developing governments are restive at the prospect of losing control of their captive markets with no assurance that markets in developed countries will be accessible to them; trade unions mainly in the developed countries, are protesting against efforts geared towards enfeebling their effectiveness by allowing workers free access to work across states which obviously breaks their stranglehold on manpower in any given country; and local businessmen, large and small alike, are wary of the prospects of competing with Transnational corporations with many years of experience, immense talent, world wide network,  plus   innumerable resources.

Yet politician is likewise restive, at least if the recriminations of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, President of Algeria and Omar Gueleh, President of Djibouti are anything to go by Karl (2000). Bouteflika with much exasperation argues, “At the dawn of the 21 st Century, it is with utmost uncertainty, and not without anxiety, that we wonder what part our countries will play in tomorrow’s world, a world founded on the inexorable law of power and subject to the inflexible rules of the market place.” Omar Gueleh isn’t any less pessimistic, “The bush fire sweeping through our world today is called globalization.” These statements depict the state of woeful un-preparedness of the two heads of state for the new era of free markets, which more often than not is shared by many developing countries. Hence WTO is imperceptibly being seen as hell breaking lose for the underdogs, while cozy and rosy   paradise opens up its doors for the powerful. Surely these aren’t calls for a dance party!

One of the fields in which the UN system plays an active role in the pursuit of humanitarian issues through its security council as the authority to give any go-ahead for its activities. Nonetheless this area too hasn’t escaped a barrage of criticisms from a variety of sources. What with the fledgling UN system with its hotchpotch of semi -independent specialized agencies, which groom serious bureaucratic tape and the cause for some eyebrows being raised, becomes justified.

An outcome of such bureaucracy is the delay in disbursements of already pledged aid to disaster victims. This delay is attributed to the regular bureaucratic process through which commodities have to follow, which obviously takes too long to save many lives in disaster-affected areas. Thus, the UN system response capacity is under fire both from the developing countries and developed ones, state agencies as well as Non governmental organizations.

The precise nature of articles that provide guidelines on the operations of specialized agencies means that effective coordination and establishment of priorities is considered difficult to come by. Yet the Economic and social commission ECOSOC that is supposed to coordinate the agencies’ functions is considered woefully wanting thanks to the maze of agencies under its control as well as increases in member states with differing priorities. This isn’t helped by the lack of concrete guidelines concerning central instruments of coordinating relationship agreements between the United Nations and the specialized agencies on one hand, and among the specialized agencies. Lack of coordination isn’t congenial to good performance, which hasn’t eluded the watchful eyes of many critics. It is not surprising; calls have been gaining ground for reforms in the UN system.

 

e. FAO, IFAD, WFP: Are they losing the poverty alleviation battle?

The graphic accounts coming from Sudan indicate that close to 3 million people are in danger of starving to death unless efforts come in time. Whatever the causes of the ‘calamity’, doesn’t this indicate the failure of some of the cherished goals enshrined in the missions of FAO, IFAD and WFP? This is not to mention the 1984-1985 famine in the horn of Africa, drought in much of the Sahel region in late 1980s and early 1990s, and many cases of harvest loss due to vermin, poor storage facilities and poor farming practices.

Moreover, the fact that the poorest countries, including a good number of African countries, are still dominating the importation of foodstuffs draining their already battered finances, shows that in one or the other FAO and IFAD haven’t succeeded in redirecting the countries’ resources from concentrating on cash crop production, which is ever earning lower foreign reserves, to food production which would reduce immense expenditures of their hard-earned dollars. It can thus be asserted that if one of the objectives of these two organizations is ensuring the availability of low cost nourishing food for most of the World’s poor, then the score on the scorecard is far from impressive.

The fact that the terms of trade for agricultural products, the cornerstone of most developing economies, has been nose-diving for long doesn’t augur well for the full realization of the organizations’ goals. Yet this occurred at the time when industrial products went up in line with increased cost of production, which left many developing countries in financial straight jackets, the evidence of which is the massive debt overhang.

The fact that developed countries managed to maintain high subsidies on their agricultural products with the main objective being to out compete products from the developing World is testimony of the contradictions between policies pursued by multilateral organization and national policies. Yet FAO and IFAD being organizations in which both developing and developed countries have membership, shows which part of the World pays the piper and therefore calls tune; and which is inevitably a mere dancer to the tune of those who have the resources to pay the piper. Low international market prices and high domestic prices for agricultural products from the developed world curtails any efforts at reducing the crashing poverty suffered by close to half the World’s population.

Evidence is abound on this. For example Japan enjoys 248 per cent excess in domestic crops prices over international market prices, and 50 per cent for the European community, 50 per cent on livestock products in United States, and 119 per cent in European Community Cline (1995). This suggests that at the time when developing countries were being advised to restructure their economies towards higher productivity in agricultural products, developing countries were instead increasing the subsidies to farmers in their countries. With Japan comprising 20 per cent of the World demand, plus United States and European Union developing policies that were inimical to encouraging poverty eradication through growth channels, no doubt higher productivity achieved through IMF austerity and indebtedness lead to adverse terms of trade for the likely market for excess out put was made inaccessible by high protection tariffs and other forms of discriminations on sanitary grounds.

 

f. United nations High  commission on human rights: Does it allow for violators to unpunished?

The United Nations high commission on human rights (UNHCHR) has been one of the worst performers in the UN system. The body is supposed to help integrating human rights into the thinking of  the united nations system, enhancing  the  effectiveness of serving human rights by  encouraging links among  organizations and institutions in all  countries that work for the  observance of  human rights at the regional, national and international level into the UN system, and promoting access to human rights information and promoting human rights education. The body has been accused of allowing human rights violating nations to cover up their abuses taking advantage of the agency’s weaknesses. Additionally, the agency has been dogged by inadequate funding, which has affected its response and execution of human rights cases. Special emphasis has been on the agency’s dismal performance in Sudan, and Liberia human rights situations.

 

V. Call for reforms: Are they nothing  more than a pipe dream?

 Paradoxically, calls for UN reforms had their origin from two members of the UN secretary council-The United States and United Kingdom. The United States and Britain were under conservative governments with Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher respectively at the helm, pushed for changes in UN bodies especially UNESCO purporting rampant inefficiency as its root cause. Cutbacks on annual contributions were made by the two countries, culminating into the withdrawal, temporarily as it turned out, from membership until reforms to enhance efficiency were instituted.

Yet the almost incapacitation that the United States and British move led lead to,  drove home the message to other members that the United Nations as it stood perhaps relied so unhealthily on fewer shoulders for its good. It should be noted that the call for UNESCO overhaul by the two countries wasn’t regarded in the same light by the developing countries, a fact that arose from the fact that it was the only UN agency lead by somebody from the developing world whose political inclination fell short of the US and UK’s liking. Henceforth, soul searching begun in earnest enkindling the current phase of call for reforms.

Unlike previous episodes, however, calls for changes go far deeper than just improving efficiency to the total restructuring of the UN system. The very structure of the United Nations body needs restructuring to suit the developments of the World. Call for reform at the UN encompass; reinforcing the financial, military and logistic resources of the UN to enable it carry out its assignments successfully, as well as extending the security council permanent membership. Taking cognizance of the fact that the  organ  that  the UN body that  shoulders the responsibility of  executing the peacemaking process , the core function of the UN, is the Security Council, clamors for reforms have been  targeted towards that organ. From 15 members out of which five (US. Russia, UK, France, and China) are permanent  members leaving the rest for other countries outside the permanent five on a rotating two-year basis. The fact that the Security Council is the supreme body of the United Nations with the right to approve or reject any resolution agreed upon by the general assembly constituting all members of the UN.

Additionally each member of the five permanent members has the right to veto any resolution approved by the other four, members plus the rest of the general assembly, which in effect nullifies and invalidates it. The extreme power vested in the five members of the security council  has time and again aroused criticism from other states because of the importance of the decisions made by UN for the World in general and for each member country in particular. Fears expressed, range from Security Council members using the UN to undermine enemy countries in the guise of pursuing UN sanctioned duties to influence peddling.   It isn’t surprising that the pace of calls for reforms reached fever pitch heat by the turn of the century judging from the troubled times that characterized it, which provided room for both critics and proponents alike to make advanced arrangements for the day of reckoning. Most countries on this issue prefer a larger security council banking on the idea that a larger security council will not only be more representative but also difficult to be dominated by either any single power or a few powers. And candidates haven’t been long in identifying themselves with strong arguments backing their respective positions and cause.

 

VI. Expanding the UN  Security Council:  A Glance at the Score card  of  contending bigwigs

A quick glimpse at the prospective candidates for the UN expended Security Council reveals the complexity that just one aspect of the potential reform of the UN has in store. Many countries argue, especially those that regard themselves as befitting a permanent seat at the UN security council that one of the reforms of the UN system should restructure the United nations supreme body, the security council. Comprising of five permanent members and ten rotating members, the council’s powers are vested in its right to consider any resolution passed by the general assembly with the right to approve it or otherwise.

It is such overwhelming powers vested in this UN organ that has made it a target for reform advocated by many countries. The call for reforms in the UN is evident from excerpts of speeches made in the Millennium summit. Gnassingbe Eyadema, President of Togo unequivocally argues,  “ We think it is high time to review the composition of the Security Council so as to admit new permanent members from among the new economic powers which have emerged since the Second World War, along with regional powers from developing countries.” The   list of countries with immense interest and varying degrees of support from other members of the UN in their vying for membership on the extended security council include: Germany, Japan, India and Brazil, African representative plus others with not so good prospects.

 The journey starts with Germany. Germany close to two decades after unification has strong points for membership. These encompass its large economy, European’s largest economy,  boasting world’s second trading nation,  attributes that have  enabled it along with France to set the pace for the united Europe in the footsteps of its own. Additionally, Germany boast of having cutting-edge technology; well-entrenched democracy manifested in its constitution.

However, so are its weaknesses. Embroiling the World into two protracted  World wars in less than a quarter of century a part,  is no strong point on its part; the memories of the holocaust are far from fading despite efforts at appeasement and compensation to  victims of forced labor and persecution; intolerance of sections of its population to foreigners reflected in the rising threat of skinheads, desecration of synagogues, and committing arson against refugees’ hostels, might be strong cases for human rights activists to stand in its  way towards the UN security council seat. Giving Germany a role as protector of World peace isn’t yet acceptable to some members of the Security Council who suffered horrendous onslaughts on their territories as well as populations, and its constitution that limits its military engagements to self-defense still stands in its way as a member of the World community with full-fledged powers and responsibility to serve others in consonance with its capacity. Fortunately for it, the most likely opponent to its inclusion on the UN Security Council is Russia, which as everyone knows is having hardships in both its economy and military.

Thus,  billions of Deutchemarks in aid should  significantly soften the Russian Federation ,while the  commitment of Germans and their government to  pay compensation to   holocaust victims should entice even the vehement opponents to back its cause. . The strong backing from France indicated  by the strong alliance between the two states on European Union issues seems quite an immense boon. Moreover, judging by the way things are going these days, both overt and covert backing from the other 23  members of the European Union can not be ruled out as they will regard this as one way to strengthen European position in the World, while at the same time get out of the shadow of the United States of America.   And as for the issue of the constitutional limitation it can be overcome in as much as the imposers of it,  France, the  United States, and United Kingdom  express no  objections, a  stance likely to be shown if the go-ahead given by the three states on the issue of more Germany role in European defense and emergency situations, an issue that necessitated the redefinition of the role and scope of its military in international affairs is anything to go by.

The case for the rising sun nation, Japan.  Japan has strong points arising from its strong economy-second only to the US; its increase in PDA Public Development Aid  for developing countries since 1989 reaching   $14.5 billion in 1995 before it settled at around $10.6 billion in 1998, Duvallier (2001); the stranglehold on imports from the developing World reflecting the high degree of dependence such states have on Japanese economy; cutting-edge technology; and not as interested in calls for democratization-before-aid as US and Europe. However, the past as well as present may stand in its way. Its occupation and subsequent  inhuman treatment of  Chinese, Koreans and South East Asians during the Second World War still evoke tears from both survivors and their kith and kin. These atrocities range from biological tests on humans in the then Manchuria to a multitude of Asian women who were forced to serve in brothels as ‘comfort’ women almost wherever Japanese soldiers held sway.

Though official apology and reparations on a government to government   level were made in 1953 San Francisco treaty with the Allies, followed by compensations to nations that suffered its occupation. Yet, not a few individuals in both developed and developing world, continue to press for apologies and repayments. Perhaps compensation that was channel via the national governments only mitigated national wounds but didn’t heal the scars suffered individually.  China and the two Koreas seem to be the strongest resistance against Japan’s candidature, a fact that has been shown by the issue   of a history book that purportedly glosses over Japanese occupation of the Korean peninsular have if any thing, stiffened opposition to Japan’s candidature. The opposition has been strengthened by  visits  by Junichi  Koizumi to the Yasukuni shrine , the resting place for  2.5 million  Japanese’s war victims, which includes 14 Class A war criminals. Korea and China consider such visits as tantamount to fueling embers of renewed Japanese militarism, and  insensibility to the suffering Japan’s war effort caused to those who fell under its tutelage during the interwar period and the world  war II.

 The good thing however, is that other nations that once fell victims of its expansionist policy seem to appreciate Japan’s commitment to investment in their economies, huge overseas development assistance, and  resolve to  continued its peaceful policy against its neighbors. The United states , too,  doesn’t seem likely to use its memory  of  1941 Harbor disaster as a stumbling block in Japan’s way. Nonetheless, with cash to boost its economic reforms, such stance may change in the long-term. Moreover, Japan has already begun on its vote catching campaign, evidenced by the joint statement issued by Japan and India to besides enhancing bilateral trade, to jointly pursue their  goals to become members on the UN security council.  Slowly but surely more bucks for the new initiative for African development, south and East Asia, southern pacific nations, Central America, Latin America as well as Caribbean nations,  should swing a lot of support from the developing world  in its favor.

India is our next candidate. Strong points include: long run de-linking of aid from politics, by and large, technical, from politics in the recipients countries; and its capacity to self-sustain its one billion plus population (self-sufficient in food stuffs).  Praised by newly independent countries as an epitome of successful self- reliance, India has opened its doors to many students from developing countries, which at independence lacked even the very basic rudimentary educational institutions to train the bureaucrats, politicians, and technocrats.

 Its emergence as the computer software giant in the 1990s has earned it fame and acclaim from    supporters and critics alike, from  both  developing and developed, because of the remarkable success achieved as its Banglore-based companies have  many  big names on Fortune  500 list of companies on the list of clients.  India through its economic liberalization embarked up on since the early 1990s is eventually enabling it to regain its position as one of the developing economies to reckon with.  . Drawbacks come in form of its dehumanizing caste system that effectively divides its population into “ servants and master” at birth; on- going conflict with Pakistan over Kashmir; less than  cozy  relations with China[2], which is  a permanent member of the security council over border territories with which not less than three wars were waged between the two countries in the past century, means that China is a likely sting in its back; and lacks the abundance of necessary resources to lobby its case through to potential voters. Additionally, India’s entrance into the super power club of nuclear nations implies that other countries with which India has had long lasting icy relations are edgy at what it has achieved so far, and would therefore be pleased to thwart its efforts to make further “ leaps forward”. Perhaps trade might lead the way in thawing the relations between two of the three Asia’s nuclear powers.

Now the turn for the Samba nation, Brazil.  The largest country in Latin America and  having a population of 174 million, makes it the  largest catholic nation in the world. Strong arguments in its favor  encompass largest economy in Latin and possibly central America, which ensures a larger hinterland of influence; noninvolvement in conflicts with neighboring countries; largest population of Catholics in the world; football-frenzy nation, popular carnivals and   samba. Brazil has the largest and most diverse ecological zone in the world  (the amazon). Thus  Brazil might secure support from Latin American countries as well the Iberian peninsular states, because it will  represent not only the interests of  Portuguese and   Spanish speaking peoples the World, but as the largest catholic nation, the interests of the catholic church as well..

Nonetheless, the downside to Brazil’s candidature encompass: her failure to deal with routine street kids strangling; pervasive iniquity between the  landless majority and the  Latifundio-owning wealth minority[3]; and despite boasting a large economy, not enough cash to buy “votes” to make it through.  Poverty continues to affect millions of rural Brazilians despite great strides achieved by the largest economy in Latin America  in economic growth and development. Growth has not been accompanies by measures to reduce inequitable income distribution. 

Brazil has also been on leading environmentalists black list  as a nation that is doing less than enough to control  rampant deforestation of the Amazon, which , unchecked might lead to global warning, and the  attendant problems. Moreover, the weak position of its former colonial master, Portugal, means that there isn’t much hope from that side by way of material support in its bid for the UN seat. Its efforts to bring the Arab states in its fold, in its recent  Latin America-Arab nations summit ,  is seen as an attempt to win their support. Yet the absence of geopolitical heavy weights such as Husni Mubarak of Egypt,  King Fahd of Saudi Arabia, and King Abdullah II of Jordan attests to the nation that a goal is already  doomed before its inception.  Possibly the framework under which the cooperation was mooted, raised strong fears from  The United States, which  for strategic reasons wouldn’t cherish a strong regional power, extending its influence its  conventional sphere of influence.

Africa  has not slept on its laurels either. Africa for a variety of reasons wants to secure a representative on the Security Council.  African countries think it is high time they had representation on the security council to not only ventilate their views and opinions, but also with the power to influence both the direction and intensity of World issues, a permanent seat at the UN security council would do just that, Karl (2000). Africa’s population standing at 700 million with 53 states belonging to the United Nations, according to Africans deserve a seat at the UN body. After all, at the time of the UN formation most African states were not independent meaning that they have never had the chance to determine the members of Security Council, whose influence affects them, directly and otherwise.

The downside to Africa’s candidature is however, overwhelming. Agreement on the main goal would is easy, but it will be quite an intricate affair when it comes to select the representative who will promote the diverse interests of Africans. As has been the case in such situations before most likely the re-enactment of many events where Africans have had to make decisions on who to represent them. The customary pitting of French speaking candidate against an English speaking one isn’t an unlikely possibility, which obviously will reduce the chances of achieving the united voice necessary for such a crucial issue.

The most “distracting” factor for Africa is that it is the only continent that hasn’t made any headway in poverty reduction over the past 30 years. Having a quarter of its population living under abject poverty; her per capita income retrogressing from 1.5 per cent in the 1960s, 1.2 per cent in 1980s and 0.8 per cent in 1990s; having 130 million of its children outside the education system, heavily indebted, and having a good section of its active population suffering the orgies of the HIV-AIDS pandemic; many nations characterized by internecine strife and rampant corruption; it is difficult to countenance a situation when such a continent with a cacophony of unsettled problems of its own, can be given the mandate to help solve the problems of other nations.

The role of the Security Council as is well known is peace keeping, at least that is what it is supposed to do. The frequency of conflicts between the nations of Africa, which sometimes end in skirmishes, doesn’t provide a good starting point in making a tough stand at defending their demand for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council. Skirmishes apart, the increasing tendency for some African leaders to refuse any attempts made by other African governments as well members of the international community in attempts at resolving conflicts shows the degree to which peace making is a virtue that is sometimes shunned by African leaders. Could other nations use such an argument to forestall Africa’s bid for the UN seat?  Could African leaders be making such overtures in anticipation of calls from other stronger contending parties for a withdrawal of its candidature in exchange for increased development assistance? One only hopes so. Nevertheless African politicians have been short of any thing but ambition, and possibly espouse the notion that sometimes it is worth groping in darkness than making no movement at all! The most realistic option however to pursue African seat on the Security Council, is by rallying all their energy behind the African Union.

One wonders whether the very principles on which the United nations system is based, shouldn’t  come in for an overhaul, which can only be accomplished once the format and principles of United nations security council is overhauled, especially permanent membership. The onset of the global era with its emphasis on the viability of  ‘supra-nationalism’ than parochial, even sentimental nationalism is one such building block that should be taken into account.  Regional economic viability has taken over national strategic importance in the kaleidoscope of world politics and economics, which slowly but surely is giving rise to the greater importance of  regional than national power.

The North American free trade area is ever expanding perhaps in what seems to be a belated attempt to reap the benefits that the European Union is enjoying. Quite an irony since benefits enjoyed by a large single United states market, it must be said was one of the driving forces that invoked the 1957 treaty of Rome which was the breaking groundwork for the 25 European Union of 2004.  The 10 member ASEAN(Association of south East Asia Nations is nursing plans to include China, Japan , and Korea), which once accomplished should establish the strongest regional economic grouping the world over. Africa, despite lacking  economic, political ,let alone financial  clout, has already launched its Africa Union, and recently Latin American states have followed the cue, hoping to replicate European Union in spirit and practice.

   It is such background that lays the foundation for an argument for  the formation of a new security council, with not necessarily more members, but a change in who the  members on the council represent.  To prevent the recurrence of cases whereby the UN Security Council seat is used as a carrot and stick mainly for the benefit of a single nation’s economic, political, and military interests, representation should be changed from national t o supranational framework. Expansion of the security council should likewise be done basing on the same principle. Supranational representation should shift the interests , a member represents from those of a single member to those of an entire regional , even geopolitical region. Such a mechanism should increase the power of  the members, reduce arbitrary use of the United nations security council  seat to benefit a single nation, as any use of the powers vested in the seat should be made after consultations with regional members. As to which nations to represent regional groupings, decision should be left to the policy makers of those regions, along with some key guidelines on the criteria that such representatives should fulfill from the UN system revitalization body, once it is in place.

The latest initiative has come from the secretary general in his comprehensive freedom fear, freedom from want,  and freedom to live in dignity UN  reform report (Global solutions, 2005)  . He argues for more transparency and good governance of United Nations agencies has been called for. Proposals have encompassed reforming, improving accountability and transparency of the UN secretariat; the United  nations security council expansion;   establishing early warning systems to reduce the destruction caused by natural disasters; setting up a democracy fund to promote democratic principles;  establishment of a peace building commission and peace building support office to prevent instances where warring nations end up resuming skirmished despite costly intervention by the United nations; and  putting up  a mechanism that  prevents nations to use weapons of mass destruction.

 

VII. Conclusion and the formidable Task ahead

The United Nations system has made fundamental contribution to the social, economic, cultural and even political development of the World.  The United nations has promoted world peace for now 60 years, a fact attested by the lack of  another world war. Through its specialized agencies, the United Nations has been able to extend its long arm of assistance to the needy countries as well as individuals. Technical and financial assistance has enabled the construction of much needed infrastructure, which would have been difficult for cash strapped indebted economies of the “South”.  The latest addition to the list of international organizations, though not formally an Organization, WTO, is seen as cautious step forward for a better world with low frontiers and more trade. Problems however, are still abound. The bureaucratic red tape that characterizes UN activities reduces the effectiveness as well as efficiency of its operations.

The problem of coordinating a cacophony of decentralized specialized agencies is a task too difficult for the Economic and Social Council to undertake. Yet the worst danger comes from the overwhelming dominating position of large powers in determining what should be done and otherwise. Fears that globalization is an avenue to break the resistance of developing countries against forced rules on worker’s conditions as well as opening the economies of the South for all manner of exports from the developed World seems to be sinking in as the effects of the WTO framework become evident. Reforms are deemed necessary both on the specialized agency level as well as at the United Nations administrative and Security Council level. Nonetheless, the performance of the United Nations as has been the case before will rely on the good will of the participating countries, large and small. For without such goodwill, funding will be scanty hampering UN activities, adherence to United Nations resolutions will not take effect unless the parties in question comply with such resolutions, and others ready to come in to force such compliance in case non-compliance is considered detrimental to World peace and security. To add to the much heated debate on the necessity or otherwise, of the expansion of the security council, the addition, this article humbly makes is in form of the following recommendations regarded as pertinent in the election of new members to the security council to ensure its enhanced prowess and impartiality.

            Preferably for any candidate to qualify as a member, old and new, of the expanded UN Security Council seat should indicate:

(a)     Capacity to contribute more funds and manpower to the UN agencies reflecting its ability as a leading power to assist other countries tide over immense problems of poverty, ignorance and disease

(b)     Show strong national economic management credentials, which it can use as the rostrum for “preaching” other countries into emulating, while at the same time enabling it to provide ample funds for aiding the development of the poorest of the poor countries.

(c)     Not bound by legal or constitutional obstacles in its contribution of manpower, material and money. This will enable it not merely to pay lip service towards the establishment and protection of World peace, but also depict its capacity to help other countries without at the same time ruining the domestic economy

(d)     Respect for human rights both domestic and beyond with all its manifestations. This should encompass the right to expression, the right to religion, the right to form organizations, the right to elect and be elected irrespective of race, creed, and disability

(e)     Should possess mature political system not liable to frequent changes and backed by a strong constitution. This is to avoid situations where a country becomes a permanent member of the Security Council with the purpose of strengthening its leverage over its opponents by virtue of having the right to veto.

The veto powers vested in United Nations security membership should be maintained at least to avoid the problem where key decisions are delayed, even abandoned because of the lack of the majority vote. This was one of the factors that spearheaded the failure of the League of Nations.  

On the last note, it should not be over far removed to call for full-fledged restructuring of the United Nations system that should go beyond adding new permanent members on the Security Council and the vested veto power bestowed upon them. Conventional wisdom suggests that a review of the existing members’ positions should be in order, and if need be new ones should take up seats for those members considered no longer able or willing to execute their obligations. Regional representation is an idea that is floated, which should not be dismissed out of hand by those nations that stand to lose most from its implementation: the five current permanent security council members.  After all the World order has changed much since 1945, and one would hope the UN system should reflect such change in the composition of those countries steering ahead the destiny of others. It isn’t at all a tall order, is it?

 Nonetheless, if the challenges to institute reforms at the United Nations were not  formidable enough, came another bolt from the blue: the appointment of Mr. John Bolton a, long time vehement critic of the United Nations as United States ambassador to the United Nations. This adds yet another dimension to the already cacophony of a complex puzzle. Mr. Bolton  in calls for 750 changes to the Kofi Annan reform draft, by  proposing , scrapping of  what have become accepted vital agenda, interalia, the millennium goals , the setting of which was done with the involvement of the  US; deletion from the final draft, the clause  that “urges five members of the security council not to veto action aimed at halting genocide or ethnic cleansing”, the definition of terrorism, and financing development; deletion of Kyoto protocol and International Criminal court from the reform document; calls for educed emphasis on poverty (one of the millennium goals being the commitment of UN members to reduce poverty by a half in 2015), instead urges emphasis to be made on efforts to bolster terrorism, spreading of democracy, and free market values. Moreover, United States through John Bolton, calls for the deletion of the proposal for nations with nuclear arsenals to dismantle them (The Christian Science Monitor, August 29, 2005).

The stakes have never been higher.  The statesmanship of  heads of state and government to meet later this month will be tested as  never before, the commitment  of leaders to causes that are to the benefit of all rather than those of a single party of few parties; above all of course the masterly of negotiators and international law experts to bridge merge the apparently precipitous divide of UN member states to produce a document acceptable to all nations will be a masterpiece in international diplomacy. Considering the importance of UN  system to  world peace, social and economic development of the impoverished section of society, the hopes of many are that the guarantor of all the last resort of all the above succeeds in forging ahead for yet another six decades and more.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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[1] Is currently research student at center for Asia and Pacific Studies, Gadjah Mada University.  Indonesia. Extreme gratitude is extended to the late Professor Dr. Soelistyo for his helpful and thought -provoking comments, which nourished the auuthors’ mind in the course of the research. Any errors, however, entirely remain the responsibility of the author.

[2] Recently China and India signed an agreement to boost their economic, social and cultural ties. The bilateral trade is projected to reach US$20 billion in  2009.

[3] Brazil’s has one of the highest income inequalities in the world, second only to war-battered Sierra Leone.  Forty-five (45) percent of the  population live in poverty; 1 percent of the population controls as much wealth as that controlled by 50 percent of the poorest section of Brazil society;  its black population  that comprises 47 percent , has a likelihood of suffering poverty at twice that for the white population(The Jakarta post ,Friday June 3, 2005

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