CLIVUS TRANSACTUS:
The Naissance
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By Gbujama J. M.
This work was done in relevance to occurrences, which may closely be linked to web political activity. Historically, it would be uncanny and uncommon to consider any political incidents to arise out of a simulated populace as presented in the presence of cyberspace. No doubt, the Internet revolution as exclaimed never sees itself as a possible means of realized belligerence or negating civic activity, as similar to the persecution of the early Christians for instance, or the conflict that arose out of the rise of the printing press in the burgeoning of the modern era. In any case, this work is formal response to incidents, which for record purposes are unworthy of any degree of professional secrecy.
The term Clivus Transactus comes from the Latin term meaning slope or hill that is implicit in both the terms declivity, to incline, and acclivity, to decline. The latter term of course, referring to a transaction, that is, a completion, involvement or dealing.1 Its general implications are that of the idea of gradients, that in all things, success, temperament, health, intelligence, learning, behavior, punishment and particularly justice, there must be first an idea of gradient. Without this basic idea, the theoretical perception of the natural - invalidates all notions of change. Even a dart across open plains must involve some kind of exertion of meteoric pressure.2 This is relevant to the idea of continuance and completion, for one cannot complete that which is believed to have never started. It is the assumption of cultural beginnings, the hypothesis of theories, the supposition of occurrences, the calculation of figures, and statement of classifications. For instance, it was Jean Jacques Rousseau’s contention, that society was the cause of most of the problems of mankind. Whether truthful, from a perspective of gradients, he argued that destruction was the outcome of most attempts at social order or structure. 3 Given this philosophical vector, it is clear that he did not consider himself to be living in a “State of Nature” so to speak. However, Rousseau does make concessions in the statement, "The most ancient of all societies, and the only one that is natural, is the family." Though implicitly contradicting, his views were dependant on notions of gradients. Perhaps his failure was in finding the constant of identity and uniqueness that would define the initiate processes of change in premonition of its social turns. It was only later in life, one of his last accounts, The Solitary Walker, did he begin to examine the self in relation to nature. Given recent elaborations on the development of chieftains in Africa there is often the misrepresentation that a chieftain is at the fore of all African social life. Though such theories of King and Paramount chiefs are reasonably substantiated, there are those polities that are not at all preside by chiefs, in which social life and initial processes dictate the beginning of individuality. That is, processes in which the individual is introduced to social life from not the complex but that which is most basic. In such examples, social status is not necessarily discerned by way of the town amalgam but the natural state. It would have been most interesting to note Rousseau’s opinions after he had experienced his solitary reflections, and thus proceeded to interact with society, instead of the works presented in the reverse. This is the example of the other side of the hill or slope not spoken. Therefore, Clivus Transactus is an awareness of these gradients, how they might lead to further concepts of change, reason, labor; that of intellectual production. It holds to task the difficulty in defining religious outlooks as found in the statement that there is “nothing new under the sun.”4 Clivus Transactus functions with perhaps, our very ideas of useful limitations.
Respectful comment must be made on the state of affairs in capital cites. The paradox of representation in such a polity, is that being the capital, it is caught between a pendulum of a greater representation and that of its own. That is, can cities with such expansive national representation, realistically be inclusive of self-representation? Notwithstanding, in Washington DC for instance, the domestic black politics of struggle symbolized so aptly by the Fredrick Douglass House, gives little solace to the consideration that such is no less in cities like Atlanta, Los Angeles, as well as many other cities elsewhere – and this includes those like Freetown, in Africa. This is compounded by the additional dynamics of African politics within the United States as an ethnographic argument much similar to that of Italian, Anglo, Greek, Scottish, Irish, Welsh, Jewish, Chinese, Indian, South Asian politics and their connecting components, which present a conflicting direction, if not to call it urgency, as relates to inroads in American political association.
Studies conducted by Migration Policy Institute indicate, that the African foreign-born population in the United States is small but growing. According to the US Census Bureau, there were approximately 364,000 African immigrants in 1990, and this population more than doubled to over 881,000 by 2000. The most recent estimates put the number of African foreign born at over 1 million. 5This conservative estimate is almost 20% to 25% of countries like Sierra Leone and Gambia and even a higher percentage compared to Caribbean countries. Further notice is made that this population is 3% of the total immigrant population of the United States. While this meager percentage is indication that there is no mass emigration to the Americas’ on the part of Africa, yet, the general transformation of black politics to that of consumerism6 in the 1990’s created if anything, an economic safeguard in the interpretations of genuineness and pluralism, whereby having a two folds effect; that of both reliving the pressures of radicalism, as well as allowing it to flourish as a means of capitalist advancement. Political scientists argue that the manifestation of American Buddhism in the form of Hare Krishna for instance, is quite different than that of Eastern Buddhism. In this regard, the black politics of Rastafarianism for example, experienced a tremendous relief from the era of Bob Marley and its active connection with political Pan-African movements of that era, to its more commercial urban manifestation of braided vogue and fashioned images of Selassie, Garvey and the Ethiopian flag, music products, textiles and the like; the more marketable representations of Coco De Rock found in the Ivory Coast, Senegal, Gambia and other locations. Indeed, Marley himself did once remark that he played music to prosper. 7This relief of radicalism is further realized in the baton change of civil rights leadership passed on to a Rap culture, the commercialization of Malcolm X, and internationalization of rap, all akin to the symbolic divisions in the pantheon of the heavenly gods of Ancient Greece. Therefore, these alterations are central in understanding the generational carve up of law and order as well as its cynicism towards radicalism and the established and engendered laws of a protective society, such as found in Supreme Marshallism8. Yet, this discussion is little about radical conflicts, than it is about how the cyberspace is affected by this carve-up by not simply academic sources but also those of unapprised ones, and their apprehensive feedback.
The consideration of the Internet as an open court or prison for instance, is without restriction in its exacting brutality instead of performing as that of an appreciative and expedient factor. I certainly, can attest to its mistreatment that has not only once led to aggression but as argued in posted letters, that of guiltless imprisonment. This is not to argue that the Internet is not redemptive, but that there exists a need to agitate against a growing persecution.
To remove myself from this discussion, it must be emphasized that letters posted on these issues are not in any way an attempt to draw attention to the contributor, but an explanation of remarkable incidents that were seemingly before structured, without definition. It is ironic that within the acclaimed pinnacle of applied French and English intellectual theories, the United States of America, that Rousseau’s statement "Man is born free, yet everywhere he is in chains" echoes true to this very day; an argument that there is no actual sophistication to human relationships and that further, his identification is now as fictitious as his commitment to freedom. This ambiguity in personalization is reflected in the ignorance of the law and its failure to make generational transformations. It would not be so assuming to state, that generally, mortals are believed not simply by their actions, but in what and who they believe. Therefore a society for instance that believes in imposition or firearms, believes in turn that institutions are a defensive means of power even despite improper behavior. Such persons will believe, as did Hobbes that the social order is simply a posturing in service of the victor (Princes) in the battle against iniquity, deemed as an inevitable presence of duty bound consciousness.9 For instance the directing office of the U.S. Federal Treasury once argued, that of all the counterfeit monies produced in the United States none can compare to the US currency manufactured in Europe;10 and further caution is made that therefore it takes only but a blink of disbelief to affect the resolve of American prosperity. It is this lack of depth and belief that is much like a blink of higher ideals. Yet this is only a roadwork laid, a cobblestone to the construction of ubiquitous courts, which serve as a funnel to corrupt institutionalism. There remains a tremendous query for instance, why the Internet has not yet reflected the existent needs of Internet banking. In fact, there is basis for a closer examination of developed accommodation in the techniques of present modern affairs that must in some way account for the growth of the Internet as a professional extension. This was the addendum point to the formation of Critical Information Publications, experimentation not only with the improvement of social and legal systems in mind, but the application of that of banking systems in deeming intellectual production as an estimated form of wealth production. Again, inquiry must be made, into the production of intellectual thought as an equalizer to that of produce for instance grown in the fields. The answer to that is in agreement, that certainly, the rewards of an apple grown are clearly seen in the results, whereas intellectual production no matter how complicated resembles each other in significance, as just another addition to a history of written work. The same can be argued of trade skills and constructive building. Yet, of those who have cherished the completed forms of intellectual works, regard it no less, than the construction of a building, weaving of a basket or indeed, the satisfaction of an apple. Therefore, the challenge is to match intellectual production with material production, such as constructive, technological, industrial, and agricultural production, whereby matching citizenship rights with responsible knowledge.11
FOREIGN IMPLICATIONS
Clearly there is a wealth of knowledge on Classical Western thought and as well the applied democratic successes of the United States of America. Perhaps no such complex a system exists from an emigrate naught that can claim to date as far back as the United States’ constitutional works. It is this model that has in many instances provided impetus and argument for the idea of a blend of patriarch systems with that of constitutional nation building theory. Though Jewish religion does historically teach of the guidance of the Torah as a nation-building tool, its appeal as a document formed by mortals is lacking in its inspiration to not only revolutionaries but also that of colonial conformists. To discount, the revolutionary Zionist movement’s use of such scripts to form colonies, was inherent of their professed origins. The formation of many African nations in the 1960’s out of the yoke of colonialism depended greatly on the idealism of American political theory - if on nothing else, despite its actual autocratic divisions. The inspiration of these models in Kwame Nkrumah’s conversion of the Gold Coast to Ghana for instance, greatly influenced (this is not to infer resemblance but spirit) the final product of Greco-Roman persuasion, socialism, with that of local cultural Akan and regional African politics. 12Currently, the Internet can serve in the generation of similar ideals and as a method of projected remuneration, much like the value of contemporary art or the priceless estimation of traditional works. This is in no way to suggest the Internet as a restriction of this process but a means and energy, and initiate facilitator of intellectual combustion. For example, were the internet to exist during the oppressive and restrictive era of apartheid, there is no doubt that it would have been used beyond that of telex machine, which at that time was an officious tool, and applied instead as a creative path for revolutionary thinkers such as Stephen Biko whose literary credentials were lacking, yet possessed a productive skill of originality that was a national wealth in itself. It certainly would have been a worthy theoretic platform besides that of a rhetorical means. This was clearly the role of Johannes Gutenberg’s printing press in the 1400’s, to its radical explosion in the mid 1700’s when French theorists provided substance for its invention, a pattern that continued well into the 1900’s.
This is not to claim that such combustions of intellectual thought have not already occurred on the Internet. As mentioned, Ibrahim Abdullah’s Bush Path to Destruction (1996) is a perfect example of intellectual production that skirted the formalities of the printing press, yet happened to stay true to its ideas, and provided an almost instantaneous supply of opinions that met the demands for explaining the behavior of the Revolutionary United Front, at a time when it was much needed. Abdullah’s contribution did not suffer the cruel delay of post-humus contributions and went straight ahead in providing meaningful theories of debate. While his essay is now available in books, this underscores the productive argument that it would have been a suitable generator of economic production at that time. It is worth the risk to suggest, that Abdullah’s contribution was not only a significant moment in Internet history but that of African and Western history, because of the choosing of an original subject matter that needed personal, expert, as well as professional insight in its developing. Much like Rousseau’s conflict with Rameau, the former in support of emotional and free expression in artistic design, the latter a supporter of the control of the chaos of human thought; as protagonist, Abdullah found his antagonist in author Lemuel Johnson, who was at that time, Sierra Leone and the University of Michigan’s foremost authority on African literature and its classical Shakespearean custom13. Further self experimentations in thought did reveal, that after contributing poetry on the Internet in Krio such as “E Lef to Una” and “The Scientific Footballer”, that it was not less than five years later Sierra Leone developed a most fluent music industry that had never existed during the 20th Century. While these poems unassumingly submitted on the Internet while in the course of stay in California are not of National significance in Sierra Leone, ideologically, it still is an example of intellectual production that self- pleasingly recognized a particular spirit that might have been deemed quite different were it written in English. This fell in column with the large number of Sierra Leonean refugees (Of which I was not an incidental part) and other Africans, from Rwanda and Liberia that flooded into the United States, in the late 20th Century, fleeing from wars.
A brief ponder must be made to explain the role of Sierra Leone politics in world history and why considering Abdullah’s contribution as historically significant and no accident in the making, is not an exaggeration on any part. From the early 1950’s -1960’s Sierra Leone had its ties with nations like Israel and China as a political leader with what Abdullah terms as an unabashed western orientation. Its fallout with the Nationalist Party (Taiwan) was a strategic risk in the direction of world governments of that era, as much was its bold acceptance of the victorious communist Peoples Republic of China (PRC) in the interpretation of mainland domination. Given Sierra Leone’s past with England, China’s struggle was a national crisis the nation sided with, yet refusing to accept communist philosophy in a period when many African nations, like that of Ghana and Guinea accepted those models. This issue was so ardent; it even led to APC political fallout between then foreign minister Desmond Luke and Vice President S.I. Koroma, who was a Taiwanese sympathizer. Moreover, Sierra Leone even hosted place for the visit of Fidel Castro in 1972, while Castro was subject of tremendous controversy in the West. 14Therefore, its boldness and western contacts made Sierra Leone a political focal point in West Africa during that epoch, becoming an intermediary value to communist countries. The epitome of such relations is in the fact that the nation had favorable ties with North Korea when all western relations were non-existent, to the extent of North Korea building Sierra Leone’s City Hall, which currently is a progressive social center, restaurant, and embassy charter. Sierra Leone further granted sanctuary for Arabs during their conflicts with Israel, and inversely offered a much-needed legitimacy to an early nation state like Israel, at the United Nations. Thus Bush Path particularly Part II, was simply a continuum of a generational use of these histories that had been reared in the background and by the mid-1990’s had been converted into a radical history. This was Abdullah’s explanation; the peculiar reasons Sierra Leonean history was turning radical, and was no more conventional. Without any condemnation of the attempts that were made to salvage the country to its current stability, it is safe to claim the Sierra Leone today politically, is simply nothing like it was 50 years ago and that intellectual production on the Internet over the last 15 years played a significant part towards the materializing of political energies.
THEORIES OF LAW
There is the idiom that, “when the upper classes are corrupted, there are no lower classes”. Not speaking of other systems but in the American, it is safe to argue that changes in the law as exist today simply would not have been if not for the judgments of the Warren Court, and its decisions to abate cultural norms despite the opposition. It is this value that is passed down to the lower classes of law, thus affecting through decisions a semblance of hierarchical parity, as much as is sought in the performance of the law. Without part, it is safe to teach that it is this distinction that first brings to comment the question of gradients that, of systems, which are without gradients, often suffer the treatment of the might of the law in minutiae. The issue of access often troubles such systems since law is not only dependant on education but on administrative facility. Persons who find themselves in access often await the incidental occurrences towards conversion and transformations in the same presumption of conflict which formal study of the law provides. Absent of gradient, the application of the law is therefore bound to the incidental, either determined by paramilitary interests or social preference. In spite of that, the law in and of itself cannot depend on its submission on the same scale as military combat, but on that of reason, since a system that fundamentally believes that all men are depraved, “knaves and liars”, will eventually find no just distinctions to apply it. Moreover, the issue of uniqueness is paramount in understanding the variables of legal occurrences, in that all situations are different in nature, thus giving reason its area of existence, granted that combative interests are survived. Frequently, this notion of depravity is often in fraudulent activation, giving fuel in turn to the interests of combative applications. The existence of gradients on the other hand offers a scope of expectance in reproach of a policy mechanics that suppresses the order of incidents in sequence of their original occurrences, such as unsubstantiated delayed imprisonment, awaiting legal defense. These comments are general and not specific to any law since the implied idea that the law is a just element in society, is often misconstrued from the idea of justice. That is, that law by itself is not necessarily just, even though it is now frequently associated with the struggle for equity. On the contrary, usually the elements of law are that of a procreative physiological entity that acts on edicts of power.
This suppression by policy mechanics is basis in understanding the perceptive environment of order, chain and regulation. Notions of dependency on these factors though not absolute, enable classified participation with a tendency of emergent professions that are depended on to be categorical and incontestable. Nevertheless, such mechanics fall short in linking cause with that of its lawful capacity. In the American case for example, in the acquisition of record for Inter-Disciplinary Studies in Law and Society, detainment is considered in this example, to be the study of the law by scholars, which is implicitly, a respectable undertaking. Yet, often there are administrative restrictions to its application and professional participation in line with policy regulation. However, this is not the case with the more mechanical concepts of the same application, such as Inter-State Agreement on Detainers ( IAD ), which is federal suppression of individual freedoms to obtain custody of prisoners or Internet Addiction Disorder (IAD), which is a psychological concept applied by certain social and pre-trial systems. These restrictions are usually placed due to the self-interested regulation of policy mechanics. Therefore, it can be concluded that policy mechanics comes with the assumption of institutionalism even though it may not at all be in any such partnership. It is the mirror image of social life in its imitation of the mechanical, industrial and technological, a befitting causality in compliment of sciences triumph over the chaos of artistic supposition, given to but not subject to the innovative, while ironically in short recollection of the inventive. Such examples of policy mechanics include those engaged in the making and implementation of policy, policing and those employed in administrative bureaus in service of the law.
The fundamental legal question is; how much law is needed? To answer this to its partial conclusions, the law must be examined in accordance with sequence and actual implementations. The response essay entitled U.S. V. J.M. Gbujama is an attempt to deal with this inquiry. It is a focus on the manner in which laws are sequentially broken and essentially used to govern. Certainly, it would not be inappropriate to consider the application of the law in order with issues of severity, whether its breach warrants punishment, and in the case of civil, compensation as considered by the courts. Explicitly, the question of whether there are too many lawyers, lawsuits, arrests, expansion of court jurisdictions and police. An example of this is that even the Federal Bureau of Investigation presently, has created a police unit, with its buildings covered by paramilitary police insignias, as opposed to the more demure black suit and tie. This is compounded by jurisdictional divisions, in which there is a designation of special units of security for every possible divide, even units uniformed for what are now termed as business districts. It would seem as if the Atlanta police were not manning the Coca-Cola plaza in the city of Atlanta, but instead, the Coca-Cola Police. It would not be too assuming to soon herald the coming of a three-dimensional, cyber police.
All of which influence the number of crimes and offenses that find there way into a growing number of court rooms, according to the American Bar Association’s Market Research Department there exist roughly:
1, 200,000 lawyers in the U.S., 800,000 police, 47, 000, Judges, 27,000, state/local adjudicators, 16,000 administrative personnel and 5, 200 mediators, 15
Still, there is the argument within professions that more such facilities are needed, all of which are channeled into the paramilitary imagery and language of socialized arrangements. So far, there is an amendable cynicism towards displacement programs that provide facilities, in co-relation for instance, with the existence of well-ordered systems; and that of the amount of pollute citizenry on the streets. In fact, a word of caution must be made in distinguishing descriptive American terms. The term "shelter" for example, seems a cultural residue from the 1940's or even First World War. Much like the terms "Soup Kitchen", appears a terminological affront. It provokes images of an ongoing conflict of military proportions and that of refuge. Such terms ought to be in use when all the formalities of national domesticity have fallen apart and when a nation is in fortification of an invading presence. Perhaps the term "facility” is more apt, since it connotes a sense of efficiency and sincerity. Whatever term used, the basis of pragmatism should be the preferred reasoning. Inversely, the term "homeless" which really is of war reference is colloquial or vernacular speech, better replaced by the official terms "displacement". This semantic change allows for the addressing of issues of "placement", more so than a characterization of domestic issues and personalities. Notwithstanding, is the argument that the terms "homeless shelter" allude to a place of comfort over any other aspect, much like the term sanctuary is descriptive of a meditative seclusion. In the above, consideration must be given to "provisioning" or "providing" in excess of any attempt to "placate".
In terms of sequence and actual occurrence, the difficulty must be answered regarding restrictive situations that apply to issues of urban imprisonment, when it only takes two laws to determine restriction; that of article VI and XIII in the case of the U.S. Constitution. Much of history teaches that in requiring one law like the golden rule, there became need for ten more, such as the Ten Commandments, which still was insufficient to 40 pages of the US constitution for example, or any common national rulebook. Still, there became need for thousands of codes and records not to speak of works of philosophical writings, historical analysis and social research. So how many laws are needed towards the safeguard of a better society?
Possibly, the answer is with the Mende of Sierra Leone who judge the written law even simpler, in the query: Bibiyae? Bibiyae Lau? When translated this idiom means, "What is your name? Is that your name?” These two questions are somewhat reminiscent of the book of John's contention that in the beginning was the word, placing the interrogation of identity in visual respect of the written word as being the most fundamental value of modern law. It evidences a historical linguistic continuum from pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial adaptations in language befitting real social and clerical conversions towards a fundamental truth; since the search for truth must be placed on a foundational truth. It supports the idea, that there must be a constant of identity or recollection for there to be any formulate theories of law.
THE CHILD STATE
It would be pointless at this stage in the development of human consciousness to discuss origins from a theoretical perspective of remote underdevelopment, a condition which in the stampede and scramble for progress, is a characterization usually reserved for Africans. Clivus Transactus progresses this debate from a collective form of human growth, and in that regard some note must be made about the Child-State in this world.
It is not too doting to claim, that there is no greater a future than that which exists in the child, that the protective role of both the father and mother, is defined as mortals in self perception and the way they raise their children. The trouble with modern society is that it has somehow been able to successfully fool itself that the Child-State is an enemy against its own prosperity. It is not unusual to see grown men and women compete with the Child-State in some manner of struggle for power, integrity and freedom, allowing the chaos of domestic labor to confuse its purpose of protection and nurture. Often such children can become themselves eager for the enticements of adulthood, without foreseeing misleads in the acquisition. In contrast, the best aspect of the Child-State is in the fact that the being is a child, able to tap into a magic that adults have long since forgotten. Considering the concept of the adult minded child, such as Jesus' census temple visit, it must be regarded as really a reference to the curiosity of childhood, symbolic of mankind's ability to query with his body of knowledge almost any problem or issue. Therefore, there are those who argue, such as Rousseau, that the Child-State should be without restriction or rules save but "the heavy yoke of necessity under which every finite being must bow". 15
Others argue that the Child-State should be part of comprehensive activities that program towards a particular method of thinking. This was the case in most post colonial governments in Africa during the 1970's, in which the theories of one party state were all inclusive of children. These methods are aligned with John Locke's "Clean Slate" argument, that the human mind is impressionable and empty at its initial stages. Nevertheless, however right that may be, there are traits that come with every being such as fear, courage, deceit, honesty, needs and wants, that distinguish the being even before any type of instruction. Therefore, it is contended, that the best methods suggested by Clivus, is that of progressive development, between the parents and the child, and the greater society - the rising slope. A concept of gradients, even if not formal, that should be employed until the child's understanding of his place, is in process or developed.
One of the most terrible violations against the Child-State is the obstruction of the learning process. A disturbance in the child’s domestic learning environment that eventually causes a psychological commotion, often misunderstood by the Child-State; in a system in which the Child-State negatively absorbs the general atmosphere of confusion. Perhaps, in all my divided years in education, the only paragraph of value ever read, was one in which a teacher inquired most keenly, the reason all of a sudden the number of cases in autism increased to an almost double percentage as found in most student bodies. Though the answer was not forth coming, it was a mutual query, with my personal conclusions being, that certain societies caused most of the problems in misunderstanding their own cultural merges and personal histories in modern development, every corruption of identity, having its long-term effects. The human being every now and then makes transformations of which he is not aware. Over and over again, when such impasses are reached, this frustration is sensed by the Child-State, to which different methods re-applied, are processed by the Child-State unsuccessfully. Often such communities fail to conclude, that a lack of education is itself a problem, in effect of there being medical side effects to even knowledge, since the human psyche is communally connected. This is evidenced in the philosophical question - can a voter be insane, and his choice sane? Or can upon election, the result be insane, but the voter-ship sane? There is a mutuality that dictates the result as being dependent upon the selection. Therefore, through gradients, a child may be allowed, if undisturbed, to find a constant in his surroundings with which he can communicate his ideas. This is given, that these comments are made in projection of the ideal. It comes with the idea that granted all the errors of beings; slavery, child labor, abuse, even infanticide; that existence has progressed in awareness. Furthermore, there is the stirring idea that the relationship between parent and child is more compelling than it appears, and that what is critical, is that the Child-State must know with certainty the identity of the parent. This is in line with removing all ambiguities early in life and giving the Child-State no approaching periods of uncertainty - a philosophy that teaches certainty formation over doubt formation, whereby building a structure of confidence. Often, an ambiguity over such information promotes what can be termed as a fight with the invisible enemy, in which the Child-State retains hostility towards the uncertainty and ambiguity of existence. Therefore, if anything, it is the primary role of the parents, to form a pillar of knowledge, on which domestic interpretations are built, whether or not the parent remains. This is exemplified in the African belief, of the general sense being, that, "man" is a "house", until entered, is just an empty building. This phrase like the temple body imagery of Christ, educates that the structure of any domestic setting comes from the knowledge of self.
A Research Development Product CIP © 2007
Completed August 2007, Washington D.C.
