In
considering symbolism in the formation of the state and its thought processes,
the most passionate disputes cannot be divorced from such emblems and their
meanings, signs and their sentimental attachments of identity. Indeed, the most
aggressive dispute of American history and its protocol was the furor raised
over the rights towards the American flag and the probability of a desecrating
extension, conflicts almost as deep in infamy as those involving the ill
reputed Nazi Swastika. The middle age sentinels of such symbols, the couriers
and envoys have left over the years more of an associative remain of such
political codes with that of Europe and Asia, and religious military incursions
into Desert Empires, more so than any legacy of interest in the development of
the African state. In fact, such view points have often rested on the extreme,
between that of a diaspora solidarity on the one
hand, balanced by a less than solid organizational direction on the other, and
that of a general diffusion of local cynicism; as result, religious
perspectives of statehood, have often appeared more superior, influential and
of a competitive track, perhaps a consequence of Israel, Judeo-Christian
tribulations; Greece, and Olympian chronicles.
However
in African commence, a brief examination vis–a-vis King David not being a Muslim, not withstanding, is the
Flag of Africa’s Morocco which carries the Islamic Seal of Solomon.
Other African flags that use an Islamic crescent instead, include Tunisia, Algeria,
and Western Sahara, Mauritania and Anjouan.
Of things already known, Marcus Garvey in 1917 created his primary colors of
red, gold, black and green which took forty years (quite biblical in number
considering the Exodus sojourn from Egypt to Canaan) before being adopted by
any African nation, and were accepted de-jure ever since then, by only two
nations, that of Kenya and Malawi; and de-facto, by the adjourned Biafra. The
other inspiration, the Ethiopian colors of red, yellow and green is religiously
contradicting. Even though adopted and associated with Pan-African cultural
revolutions in 16 African nations, some of which were regional Muslim and
ancestral traditionalist encampments; Mali, Senegal, Guinea Bissau, Guinea,
Burkina Faso, for instance, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Sao Tomé and Principe,
Cameroon, Congo, Rwanda, Zimbabwe and Angola (Nationalist Ethiopia); yet
according to The World Encyclopedia of Flags (2004), Alfred Znamierowski claims, The original colors of the flag
denoted Christian virtues.
As
well, quite interesting is the use of stars on African flags in one form or
another, not to narrow such associations with the United States. To what degree this
makes comment on the history of Astronomy, early Arabian science and its
experimentation; religion, tradition and initiate beliefs in African society
are inferable. Nonetheless, such countries include Morocco, Algeria,
Tunisia, and Western Sahara, Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia,
Burkina Faso, Ghana, Togo, Cape Verde (previously of Ethiopian colors),
Sao Tome and Principe, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Burundi, Congo,
Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, Mozambique and Comoros. Even so, there are
other aspects of African flags that indicate unexpected misconceptions and
typical perceptions about African nations. As result of duration, the rule of Muammar Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi,1,one would presume Libya, for instance, to have a leader’s face or
bold symbol; however, Libya
is the only African nation with a plain flag of absolute green, the simplest of
all. As expected, due to a revolutionary history, the struggle of SamoraMachel’s FRELIMO,
Mozambique is the only African nation with a weapon as symbol; a Gun. Kenya and Swaziland on the other hand,
perhaps in Kikuyu and Zulu regional proximity, carry a more tribal delineation
as the only two African nations with a shield. While a symbol of prosperity and
beauty in some ethnic cultures and associated with womanhood, African nations
that display animals, specifically the bird on their flag, include Zimbabwe’s national bird, Zambia’s Eagle, Egypt’s ancient Hawk and Uganda’s one
foot crane. Nevertheless, as discussed in The Nature of Clivusperhaps the most controversial aspects of African flags are the implicit
conflicts founded as result of national norms and formulation. The Liberian
star particularly, according to the WEF, superciliously represents the
shining light of the new republic in the Dark Continent unlike the
counterpart Flag of the American, in which the stars represent simply; a new
constellation. It is also quite fascinating to note that Ivory Coast, the New Somali-land
and Niger, share the
same national colors with the Asian nation of India. Most astounding, are the
recent unheard of East European nations that share flag colors with Sierra
Leone, which are the Ingush peoples, Kabardino-Balkaria (adopted in 1994)
located on the highest peak in Europe, as well as Bashkortostan (adopted in
1992). All these polities share the colors of green, white and blue. Currently,
any official idea of a singular continental symbolism can only be found in the
African Union Summit Flag which previously was the Organization of African
Unity Flag, in similarity with the green and white colors of Nigeria.
Perhaps still procedurally under administrative spirit of divide and rule, it
can be considered, that except for the African Union Summit Flag, there is no
formal national continental flag.
Beyond
issues of freedom and dignity, more internally, a further introspection of
symbolism and image manipulation as impressing on intellectual thought is Kwaw P. Ansah’sLove Brewed in
an African Pot (1980), with a Guess Who's Coming to Dinner (1967)
theme. It is comment on a political dilemma of language as boundary,
indicating among many things, the ethnic struggle to interpret and illustrate,
using the political intuitions from images created, both of the written word
and by the written word; that is to say, not only are words used as a tool of
communication but are also collectively subject to the imaged result itself and
associate suppositions. In accompaniment of the flutter of national flags and
their anthem in the propaganda state, for example, there still remains numerous
academic research work accolades on African films, many of which are tied to
cultural and political development factors, that in capacity, construct the
African film industry from the on-set, as the same besieged path of the
revolutionary intellectual. As enlightened as this may seem, it is arguable
that early African film making was more an acknowledged tool of propaganda.
Even in its attempt to create; seen less as a free market creative venue, or
tool of the intellectual reactionary, but instead, as mechanism in the heavy
handed interests of post-colonial governments. Much of academia’s critical
approach is particularly French in conception, for it is questionable whether
even the liberalized American Film Industry, for instance, was presented in
this regard in the beginning. By every standard, American cinema was also a
canting device. The greatest irony to the embellishment of the African
intellectual writer or politico walking the same road as cinema - is that it is
peculiar that Achebe's earlier work, Things Fall Apart (1958) for
instance, never found its place on the silver screen, especially, The
Passport of Mallam-Ilia (1959), by Cyprian Ekwensi, which is so evidently amenable for screen play
improvisation. Certainly, recent Nigerian films appeal to the broader culture
of video and movie going, more so than any exclusive merge of past literary and
intellectual statements; simply for enjoyment so to speak.
In
spite of this, populist philosophy and rationalizations regarding nationalism
and rouse over its symbols are a provocativemuse, especially placed
within urbanization and its descriptions; justifying, balancing the Islamic
argument that: the blood of a scholar is more valuable than the blood of a
martyr, which is pitted in quandary of wailing sentiments of redemptive
African suffering; capacity academics versus political actors; questioning Arab
secularism or Arabic, whether to be a window of broad based learning or
specific religious instruction. This question is often neutralized by the
concept of modern nationalism; yet also heightened by images of Pan-African
activism. Mindful, this is said from a most aesthetical perspective.
Nevertheless, names like Dauda and Sheku may be more empirical residue, from regional Ancient
Western Sudanese cultural, academic and secularist interests; or chiefly as
ascribed by the ethnic Mende, than current religious
influences per se. This is despite the philosopher-king eras of Jawara and Toure of Pan-Africanist Muslim backgrounds; no more than Dauda, King David was a Muslim, or in respect of Sheku being the Arabic term, for old men.
Furthermore,
past dependence on the symbolism of flags above other means did not come
without reason. As concerns flags and their chronology, Ancient Western Sudan
and historical locals, there is the reoccurring debate from the 1980’s for Sierra Leone to be renamed Songhai;
yet it is with conjectured repercussion that the old way, or new way is kept.
In truth, systemic questions were raised prior to what is now termed the new
system, with the modern anxiety, justifications and academic realizations
in instilling some sense of nationalism often being; better facilities and more
materials. Concerning the modernization of most Islamic Middle Eastern schools,
it is unlikely to envisage the national use of tablets for instance. This is
precisely because learning, more-so than education, is primarily an internal
composition or process, and therefore, there is always the sequential outcome
that some form of peripheral measurement is sought. No doubt, this is in
reference to what for discussion purposes are termed as Sanitary States
in which Karl Marx’s material production is in line with intellectual
production; the internet for instance being in the early 1990’s a promise
of such futuristic dimensions, though notwithstanding, still awaiting
sustenance. Again, as a rule, distinctions must be made between general calls
for supplies and that of specific calls to delve into knowledge
contextual to local needs. It is difficult to believe that basic exercise
books, for example, are unavailable within most polities. The fact is that
valuation is often a contradiction of a troubled economy, since many systems
often cut corners on the marketed value of founded knowledge. The Nigeria novella
phenomenon is an overall product of African reactionary Christian learning,
cutting corners on western knowledge. Perhaps earlier polities like those in
provincial Sierra Leone, for example, lacked comparable political scars deep
enough to triumph above a modest lean towards government pamphlet-ism; though
a post war incorrigible character may be growing. Certainly, editing remains a
primary concern; but that is an arrangement between writers and publishers, not
educators. There is a wariness that fiscal and creative bonds between educators
and writers produce an artificiality, since it is an educators duty in absolute
terms to teach, critique, challenge and impart knowledge; more-so than to be
sponsored to direct others towards requirements. If James Baldwin’s works, for
instance, had been edited in league with the academic bureaucracy, it is
doubtful whether such literature would exist today. Therefore as
standardization is sought in the use of national flags and their merge with
corporate symbolism and those of learning; fundamentally, there is no
apprentice need for children to be fastened down to incomplete analytic roads
and inquiry – what happened to this project? - over
the issue of change. After all, it is still language well taught that often
wields the specialized tongue.
