By John Hamling.
Abstract: The Freudian psychosexual stages of development are used as the basis of a classification system for pathological firesetters. A review of the literature provided a pool of behavioural indicators and treatment strategies for each subgroup. The adoption of a standard classification system will allow the composition of each stage (in terms of age, sex, background, and so on) and the distribution of the firesetting population across stages to be determined, which in turn will help in deciding priorities for the development and implementation of treatment programs.
This paper was prepared after a leisurely review of the literature, over a two-year period, and was first published on the Internet in September, 1995. It may have to be changed as new research results come to hand but, at the time, it was the best classification system I could come up with. The case studies were added in April, 1996.
Between 1987 and 1994 in New South Wales (NSW),
One way of dealing with the problem of firesetting is to look for early warning of anyone likely to engage in such behaviour and intervene. This approach was taken by David Kolko and Alan Kazdin (Kazdin & Kolko, 1986; Kolko & Kazdin, 1986) who proposed a model of firesetting risk factors and then attempted to devise a means of identifying firesetters, or those at risk of becoming firesetters, on the basis of those factors.
Another approach is to place those already identified as firesetters into subgroups and deal with each separately. A number of writers have noted the value of classifying firesetters in this way (Bradford, 1982; Jacobson, 1985; Kolko & Kazdin, 1988, 1991, 1994; Prins, Tennent, & Trick, 1985; Sakheim & Osborn, 1986; Sakheim, Osborn, & Abrams, 1991). One advantage of such a system is that once divided into subgroups a range of treatment programs can be evaluated for each type of firesetter.
Lewis and Yarnell (1951) undertook a major investigation into pathological firesetters and arrived at a number of subgroups. They excluded those who set fires for profit from their classification system and divided the rest into Motivated Firesetters, Pyromaniacs, Volunteer Firemen, Would-Be-Heroes, Vagrants, those with Related Sexual Activity, and Psychotics. Motivated Firesetters included those motivated by revenge, jealousy, and suicidal wishes. These subgroups are basically descriptive and have no theoretical basis. Consequently, there is no clear direction to take when trying to decide on an appropriate form of treatment or punishment for a particular type of firesetter.
Kaufman, Heims, and Reiser (1961) made an indirect contribution to the subgrouping of firesetters in their study of a group of 30 male firesetters. They found that 22 of the boys were either psychotic or borderline psychotic and that they were predominantly fixated at the oral stage of psychosexual development. They concluded that the more usual opinion of pathological firesetting as a phallic-stage phenomenon accompanied by neurotic symptoms may need reconsideration.
Rothstein (1963) examined the Rorschach responses of eight firesetting boys and concluded that they belonged to two distinct subgroups, namely, borderline-psychotic and impulsive-neurotic. Of the five boys in the borderline-psychotic group one was a schizophrenic who had lost touch with reality and presented the most primitive state of ego development. He gave many food associations and showed a longing for affection, nurturance, and security. This suggested he belonged to a separate, more disturbed, psychotic group. The remaining boys in the borderline-psychotic group had weakened ties with reality and their ego integration was tenuous. The three boys in the impulsive-neurotic group were able to employ ego-defence mechanisms to some extent but were driven to aggressive acting out from time to time, particularly in response to their sexual impulses.
Sakheim and Osborn (1986) conducted a study with a group of 20 firesetters and 20 matched controls. They concluded that distinct subgroups of firesetters appeared to exist and suggested that an assessment of ego development might lead to a meaningful subdivision of firesetters along psychodynamic lines. They subsequently (Sakheim et al., 1991) identifed seven subgroups, namely, the curiosity or accidental firesetter, the cry-for-help firesetter, the attention-seeking firesetter, the would-be-hero firesetter, the adolescent seeker of excitement or sexual pleasure, and the psychotic firesetter. These subgroups were reminiscent of those suggested by Lewis and Yarnell (1951), in that they were descriptive, and they did not appear to meet the aim of the earlier suggestion, namely, the identification of subgroups based on ego development.
A review of the literature revealed that most case studies could quite clearly be classified into one of the Freudian psychosexual stages (Freud, 1905/1962) and, therefore, this was selected as the classification system in preference to one based specifically on development of the ego. Some cases were not reported in sufficient detail to permit classification and others exhibited features of more than one stage. This was not surprising as normal human behaviour includes aspects of all stages and regression to earlier stages can occur at any time in response to a number of variables, for example, emotional trauma or intoxication. Similarly, the behaviour of disturbed individuals is likely to reflect aspects of more than one stage.
Individual case histories from the literature were reviewed and features of the subject's firesetting were assigned to one of the subgroups to form a pool of indicators for that stage. The different reporting styles did not allow all features to be assigned with confidence, but there was sufficient discrimination between the resulting pools to highlight the heterogeneity of the population and the types of traits that are associated with the different psychosexual stages.
The attraction of fire to oral-stage firesetters seems to be its subconscious relationship to the warmth and security of maternal care. There is often maternal neglect in the first 18 months of these people's lives (Greenberg, 1966; Kaufman et al., 1961; Nurcombe, 1964; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Specific indicators of oral-stage firesetting are setting fires in areas of the home traditionally associated with maternal chores, for example, the laundry (Greenberg, 1966), the linen closet (Gunderson, 1974), and the kitchen (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970); setting fires to force a move to a new residence, for example, to return to hospital (Geller, 1987) or to live with the natural father (Stewart & Culver, 1982); trying to burn down the family home (Geller, 1987); setting fire to oneself (Geller, 1987; Topp, 1973); and feeling impelled to set fires by an irresistible impulse (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Topp, 1973).
Oral-stage firesetters experience feelings of happiness or well-being from watching a safe fire (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Stekel, 1924a; Wax & Haddox, 1974) but have a fear of naked flames or fires that are out of control (Dalton, Haslett & Daul, 1986; Greenberg, 1966; Wax & Haddox, 1974). They might also exhibit other non-firesetting, oral-stage behaviours like nail-biting, hoarding food, eating to the point of vomiting (Nurcombe, 1964), vomiting when under stress (Macht & Mack, 1968; Wax & Haddox, 1974), and enuresis when under stress (Wax & Haddox, 1974). They sometimes sleep with their mothers into the pre-adolescent years (Kaufman et al., 1961; Macht & Mack, 1968; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970) and the older offenders are often psychotic (Geller, 1987; Gunderson, 1974; Kaufman et al., 1961; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Sexual behaviour is likely to be immature and to include instances of fellatio (Kaufman et al., 1961; Wax & Haddox, 1974).
Case Study 1: A 13 year old male, Andrew. His mother "craved excitement, and said she sometimes had to get out and away from herself for her 'nerves'. She alternated between neglecting the children and over-stimulating them . . . He was afraid to be alone in the dark and slept with his mother . . . At the age of 4, Andrew began setting fires in cellars. Later he set fire to sheds and to mattresses at home . . . Later when bizarre features of his thinking became more apparent, Andrew was diagnosed as borderline psychotic and committed" (Kaufman et al., 1961, p. 128).
The most important indicator of anal-stage firesetting is the emotional impulsivity of the act (Wax & Haddox, 1974). Anal-stage firesetters strike out as a reaction to their emotions and the attack will be aimed at the property of particular people, for example, the parents' belongings, the father's car (Nurcombe, 1964), or the office of the consulting psychiatrist (Geller, 1987). The attack is primarily an act of revenge (Saunders & Awad, 1991; Stekel, 1924a), hatred, anger (Fine & Louie, 1979; Stekel, 1924a; Wax & Haddox, 1974), or jealousy (Nurcombe, 1964).
Anal-stage firesetters have been reported for setting fire to animals (Cox-Jones, Lubetsky, Fultz & Kolko, 1990; Wax & Haddox, 1974) and for being cruel to animals in other ways (Carstens, 1982; Cox-Jones et al., 1990; Schmideberg, 1953; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Other non-firesetting, anal-stage traits are sadism (Nurcombe, 1964; Schmideberg, 1953; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970; Wax & Haddox, 1974), acts of humiliation relating to the anal area (Schmideberg, 1953), masochism, coprophagia (Nurcombe, 1964), encopresis (Cox-Jones et al., 1990; Nurcombe, 1964), defecating as an expression of anger (Nurcombe, 1964), and serious delays in toilet training (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970). Anal-stage firesetters sometimes have temper tantrums (Kaufman et al., 1961) or explosive-rage reactions (Topp, 1973; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), and they can be assaultive towards others (Carstens, 1982; Schmideberg, 1953; Topp, 1973; Wax & Haddox, 1974).
The background of anal-stage firesetters is likely to include parental neglect between the ages of 18 months and 3 years (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Saunders & Awad, 1991; Stewart & Culver, 1982) and often the father is either absent or ineffective (Fine & Louie, 1979; Macht & Mack, 1968; Nurcombe, 1964; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970). Anal-stage sexual behaviour is immature and might include a preoccupation with sodomy (Bourget & Bradford, 1987).
Anal-stage firesetters do not have a psychological compulsion to set fires. They have learnt to use fire as a means to an end but may concurrently use other convenient means to achieve the same end.
Case Study 2: Russell, aged 3 and 1/2 years, "showed grossly destructive and aggressive behaviour, of which fire-setting was only one example . . . He jammed Arnold's (baby brother's) finger in a door hinge, tried to set his hair alight with a match, and finally amputated his forefinger with a razor blade . . . he showed temper tantrums and night terrors, was encopretic, a hair-puller and head banger . . . Mother was . . . histrionic, under-controlled, . . . prone to syncope, mutism, and severe headaches . . . frequently in conflict with an irresponsible, unaffectionate, unfaithful husband, . . . " (Nurcombe, 1964, p. 581).
The major indicators of phallic-stage firesetting are sexual arousal from watching fires (Stürup, 1955), masturbating at the scene of a fire (Bourget & Bradford, 1987; Porter, 1967; Stekel, 1924a), the substitution of firesetting for masturbation (Stekel, 1924a), and a non-specific feeling of relief of tension from lighting fires (Macht & Mack, 1968; Porter, 1967). Phallic-stage firesetters may also be identified by the strong feelings of elation they experience from watching fires (Soothill & Pope, 1973), from watching firefighters at work (Macht & Mack, 1968; Stürup, 1955), from urinating on fires (Wax & Haddox, 1974), or from extinguishing fires with a stream of water (Simmel, 1949). They are capable of feelings of guilt and self-reproach about their actions (Stürup, 1955) and they often exhibit signs of neurosis (Kaufman et al., 1961).
Phallic-stage firesetters are not able to operate sexually at the genital level and frequently have not had any normal heterosexual experiences (Bourget & Bradford, 1987; Simmel, 1949). Consequently, their attacks are sometimes deliberately directed at the property of someone of the opposite sex (Gunderson, 1974) and they might report that they acted in response to an irresistible impulse (Macht & Mack, 1968; Stürup, 1955). Their sexual behaviour in general is likely to be immature and to include behaviours like masturbation, voyeurism (Wax & Haddox, 1974), exhibitionism (Nurcombe, 1964; Wax & Haddox, 1974), transvestism (Nurcombe, 1964) and pedophilia (Bourget & Bradford, 1987; Wax & Haddox, 1974).
Case Study 3: A 56 year old, homosexual pedophile. This man "would usually try to seduce prepubertal boys by using money. If he failed in a seduction he would set a fire in a garbage can. He would then become sexually aroused. He visualised the face of the child in the flames and would masturbate to this illusion until ejaculation occurred . . . He had never been sexually active with adult females . . ." (Bourget & Bradford, 1987, p. 460).
Latency-period firesetters are notable for their lack of remorse (Saunders & Awad, 1991) or guilt (Schmideberg, 1953), and their inability to learn from experience or punishment (Nurcombe, 1964). They frequently set fires out of a need for excitement (Wax & Haddox, 1974) or out of curiosity (Lewis & Yarnell, 1951), but often the motive is not apparent, even to the perpetrators (Carstens, 1982; Kolko, 1983; Soothill & Pope, 1973). They have no fantasies about fire and show no emotional reactions when recounting their firesetting activities (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970).
Latency-period delinquents tend to have a short attention span (Nurcombe, 1964; Vandersdall & Wiener, 1970), to be hyperactive (Nurcombe, 1964; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), destructive (Fine & Louie, 1979; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), and antisocial (Kolko, 1983; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Their activities are often acts of projected anger arising out of frustration or low self-esteem and are primarily attention-seeking devices or cries-for-help. In this respect they are different from the target-specific acts of anger of the anal stage.
In spite of their destructive behaviour pattern, latency-period delinquents can be superficially charming. They may come to the attention of teachers for clowning around in class and they may act out in response to dares from their friends (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970).
Firesetting for profit, firesetting to cover a crime, and playing with matches are included as instances of latency-period firesetting because of the uncaring, thoughtless, or irresponsible nature of the acts. Firesetting for profit includes setting fires to collect insurance and part-time firefighters setting fires to increase their wages.
Like anal-stage firesetters, latency-period firesetters do not have a psychological compulsion to set fires. Firestting is simply another means by which they can achieve the result they are after, for example, chaos, confusion, and excitement. They are potentially the most dangerous of all firesetters as they strike indiscriminately and give no thought to the consequences.
Case Study 4: A 10 year old boy who was referred because of "short attention span, talking, clowning in class . . . and academic underachievement . . . somewhat mercurial . . . at times engaging and verbal and other times quiet and depressed . . . mother described him in rapturous terms as a boy 'full of joy about life and its beauty,' he presented to the school and psychiatrist as a person who 'didn't care' what he did . . . set fire to a pile of leaves next to a barn . . . did not reveal any fantasies about the fire and spoke about it only in descriptive and unemotional terms . . . (mother) spent much time in pleasurable identification with his boisterous, unruly, and dangerous acts" (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970, p. 69).
Genital-stage firesetters have the most highly developed personalities of all the firesetters. Their behaviour is characterised by a desire for action. They set fires for the challenge of extinguishing them (Huff, 1994) or for the excitement of helping the firefighters (Macht & Mack, 1968). Unlike latency-period firesetters their need for excitement is more specifically linked to the act of firefighting. They often have a desire to work as full-time firefighters but are unable to do so because of mental retardation or physical disability (Lewis & Yarnell, 1951).
There is no desire in genital-stage firesetters to injure or to cause unlimited property damage by fire. The size of the intended fire is determined only by the presumed ability of those they admire (or their own presumed ability) to take on the blaze and subdue it. Of course, the vagaries of fire are such that it may accidently get out of control and require more resources to extinguish it than first planned. Huff (1994) observed that the firefighters who set fires were relatively new members of the brigade with an average length of service of under 2 ½ years and he noted that most had not thought of setting fires before joining the fire brigade. He found that those who set fires for the excitement of extinguishing them were predominantly young, were generally immature in nature, and had poorly developed social skills. They were often members of auxiliary fire brigades, or were taking part in programs for apprentice firefighters, and were keen to put their training into practice.
Case Study 5: F.B., a 17 year old male. " . . . parents separated when he was 6 . . . left the orphanage seven years later . . . to live with his father and work in Mr. B.'s (father's) junkyard . . . 'burning old cars and then cutting them up with torches' . . . That year F.B. was allowed to watch; he described considerable excitement as did so. The following year, however, he was allowed to set the fires along with his father and uncle . . . father decided . . . to get a final divorce decree. The mother demanded that the boy spend weekends with her . . . He (F.B.) found this 'uncomfortable' as he didn't 'like women.' . . . wanted to be called Frank, Jr., after his father, but . . . settled on Frank. It was then that a flurry of firesetting began. At first . . . cars . . . on the street, then . . . cars in garages, and finally to garages and warehouses . . . 26 fires . . . in two months . . . he would sometimes turn in the alarm, and he would always stay to watch and help. He was very careful to burn only empty buildings . . . became very friendly with the fire chief and would frequently seek him out during a fire to discuss it over a cup of coffee" (Macht & Mack, 1968, p. 282).
Firesetting is the most dangerous
of all delinquent behaviours as its potential for
creating carnage is greater than any other. For example, between 1949 and 1991
the greatest number of deaths caused by a mass murderer in the
As with the assignment of behavioural indicators of firesetting, the treatment programs described in the literature were examined and assigned to one of the stages. In the case of multicomponent programs, the individual parts were assessed separately. Where the subject of a multicomponent treatment program had been classified into a single firesetting stage, it was assumed that the component of the program having the most effect on a change in firesetting behaviour was the one appropriate to that stage. The decision on appropriateness was based on other single component treatment programs.
To overcome an oral-stage fixation in children attempts must be made to restore or establish a positive relationship with the primary care giver (Dalton et al., 1986). This may involve helping a mother with her nurturing skills or taking steps to place the child in a more caring environment. Dalton et al. (1986) describe the progress they made by making their subject's mother aware of the link between her continuing neglect of the child and his firesetting. She was given assistance in regaining more control of her life and contact with her son became more regular and helpful. However, the real breakthrough, after 2 years of unsuccessful therapy, came when the child was confronted with a fire he could not control. Over the course of four sessions he was shown how he could extinguish the blaze safely.
Cox-Jones et al. (1990) incorporated training sessions for the mother in their multicomponent treatment of a 5 year old firesetter who exhibited features of both oral-stage and anal-stage firesetting. The program was effective in eliminating firesetting behaviour and the change was still apparent at follow-up after one year.
Geller (1987) discussed the situation of four men and two women who were patients in a psychiatric hospital. Five of them exhibited psychotic features, one was mentally retarded, and all seemed to fit the profile for oral-stage firesetting. He suggested that treatment for this type of firesetter might incorporate drug therapy, to ameliorate the psychotic symptoms; and social skills training as a stress management technique.
Bumpass, Brix, and
McGrath, Marshall, and Prior (1979) and Cox-Jones et al. (1990) took a similar approach to the graphing technique. McGrath et al. (1979) used role-playing, modeling, and rehearsal as a means of giving their subject an acceptable alternative to firesetting when he found himself in a stressful situation. Cox-Jones et al. (1990) gave their subject practice at recognising affective states and used role-playing as a means of teaching acceptable ways of expressing anger. Both groups arranged for lessons in fire safety from the fire service to reinforce the change in behaviour but these do not appear to have been crucial to the treatment program.
As the origin of anal-stage firesetting lies in the poor control of emotions it may be necessary to improve the regulation of behaviour. Gunderson (1974) noted the positive behavioural responses to firm control. In a family setting, the parents may need help with their parenting skills and where there is only a mother available, she must be made aware of the important part a father or father substitute plays in controlling a child's behaviour.
Schmideberg (1953) found a "violent thread of sadism" (p. 36) in most of the arsonists she had examined and stressed the importance of treatment prior to release for this type of firesetter. She entertained the notion that a life sentence might be the only acceptable option for firesetters whose crimes have been particulary heinous or whose actions have caused large-scale death and injury.
The successful treatment of one phallic-stage firesetter was reported by Lande (1980). He combined orgasmic reconditioning, to increase the level of sexual arousal to heterosexual stimuli, and covert sensitization, to decrease the level of sexual arousal to fire stimuli. The change in arousal was still effective at follow-up after 9 months.
Bourget and Bradford (1987) approached the problem of phallic-stage firesetting in two male subjects by administering an antiandrogen drug, cyproterone acetate, to reduce the overall levels of sexual arousal. The treatment was augmented in one case by social skills training to help the subject with his heterosexual contacts.
Apart from the possibility of altering hormonal levels by drug therapy, the option of castration remains. This approach has been considered in the past (Stürup, 1955) but it is currently restricted for legal and ethical reasons.
Historically, the treatment of phallic-stage firesetters has been left to psychoanalysts, on the assumption that the normal sexual drive had been transformed in some way. The task for the psychoananlyst was to discover the precise nature of the transformation using techniques like dream analysis (Stekel, 1924b) and to try to restore the person to normality. Using this technique, long term incarceration or hospitalisation may be necessary until a meaningful change takes place.
Because latency-period firesetters
do not feel psychologically compelled to set fires, even though they may get
into the habit of doing so, they can be turned away from their dangerous
pastime quite readily by applying some type of behaviour
modification program.
The composition of a latency-period treatment program will be determined by the peculiarities of each case but for some will be quite straightforward. A simple approach is likely for curiosity firesetters, who have been found to have less complex behavioural problems than other firesetters (Showers & Pickrell, 1987), and children who play with matches, who have been thought of as just starting out on a life of delinquency (Kafry, 1980).
Those who have become established in a delinquent lifestyle are likely to benefit from placement in a big-brother program where they will be able to establish a strong relationship with a father substitute. The rationale behind such a program is that the child needs assistance in developing its self-control mechanisms. It is commonly found that firesetters come from homes where the father is either absent or ineffective (Gruber, Heck, & Mintzer, 1981; Jacobson, 1985; Kolko & Kazdin, 1986, 1994; Showers & Pickrell, 1987). Such a situation adversely affects the development of self-control because the mother is not always able to give the child her full attention and the child develops without proper guidance.
Because genital-stage firesetters tend to be immature rather than disturbed they are prime candidates for participation in fire safety programs. Dittmar (1991) stressed the need for practical training in fire safety. She noted that children are routinely taught about the dangers of knives and medicines but not about the dangers of fire. If left uneducated they are likely to retain childish beliefs about the control of fire and to think of firefighting as little more than an exciting game. In these cases, the firesetters have little idea about how quickly a fire can spread and the harm it can cause to both people and property.
The Melbourne Metropolitan Fire Brigade recently developed the Juvenile Fire Awareness Intervention Program (JFAIP) and the Teenage Advancement Plan (Hunter, 1993). The JFAIP aimed to teach fire safety to firesetters using firefighter-counsellors and psychologists at the Royal Children's Hospital. The Teenage Advancement Plan involved 4 days of work experience at a fire station. Both of these programs are potentially helpful in teaching genital-stage firesetters how to work responsibly with fire.
Future research will be needed to refine the list of indicators for each psychosexual stage and to assess the effects of various treatment programs on each group. In addition it will enable the composition of each group, and the distribution across the stages to be determined. For example, female firesetters seem to be concentrated in the oral and anal stages (Stewart, 1993; Tennent, McQuaid, Loughnane, & Hands, 1971); phallic-stage firesetters seem to make up just 3.5% of the total firesetter population (Hill et al., 1982; Hurley & Monahan, 1969; Lewis & Yarnell, 1951; Rice & Harris, 1991); and anal-stage firesetters seem to make up nearly half (Hill et al., 1982; Lewis & Yarnell, 1951; McKinney & Corral, 1985; O'Sullivan & Kelleher, 1987; Rice & Harris, 1991; Robbins & Robbins, 1967), with revenge being the dominant motive within the stage. The predominance of revenge as the primary motive for firesetting was revealed by Lewis and Yarnell (1951) and this trend has continued to the present day (Bradford, 1982; McKinney & Corral, 1985; Mellott, 1994; Rice & Harris, 1991; Robbins & Robbins, 1967; Sakheim & Osborn, 1986; Saunders & Awad, 1991; Stewart, 1993; Tennent et al., 1971).
Knowledge of the composition of each subgroup will help in the establishment of priorities for fire prevention programs. For example, research into phallic-stage firesetting appears to be of less importance than a program aimed at unemployed latency-period firesetters who have nothing better to do with their time than wreak havoc.
The success of an approach using a specific treatment program for each type of firesetting will depend on early detection and speedy intervention. To achieve this end the various agencies involved with firesetters must communicate and cooperate. The people most likely to come into contact with firesetters are police officers, firefighters, counsellors with government departments (e.g., community services and juvenile justice), school counsellors, and psychologists. Representatives from each of these groups will need to combine their efforts for the best possible result.
Copyright, 1995, J. E. Hamling.
Bourget, D., & Bradford, J. (1987). Fire fetishism, diagnostic and clinical implications: a review of two cases. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 32, 459-462.
Bradford, J. M. W. (1982). Arson: a clinical study. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 27, 188-193.
Bumpass, E. R., Brix, R. J.,
&
Carstens, C. (1982). Application of a work penalty threat in the treatment of a case of juvenile fire setting. Journal of Behaviour Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 13, 159-161.
Cox-Jones, C., Lubetsky, M. J.,
Fultz, S. A., & Kolko, D. J. (1990). Inpatient psychiatric treatment of a young recidivist firesetter. Journal of the
Dittmar, M. J. (1991). Juvenile firesetting: An old problem gets a new look. Fire Engineering, 144(12), pp. 49-59, 62.
Fine, S., & Louie, D. (1979). Juvenile firesetters: Do the agencies help? American Journal of Psychiatry, 136, 433-435.
Freud, S. (1962). Three contributions to the theory of
sex (A. A. Brill, Trans.).
Geller, J. L. (1987). Firesetting in the adult psychiatric population. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 38, 501-506.
Greenberg, H.R. (1966). Pyromania in a woman. Psychoanalytic Quarterly, 35, 256-262.
Gruber, A. R., Heck, D. S. W., & Mintzer, E. (1981). Children who set fires: some background and behavioural characteristics. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51, 484-488.
Gunderson, J. G. (1974). Management of manic states: the problem of firesetting. Psychiatry, 37, 137-146.
Hill, R. W., Langevin, R., Paitich D., Handy, L., Russon, A., and Wilkinson, L. (1982). Is arson an aggressive act or a property offence? A controlled study of psychiatric referrals. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 27, 648-654.
Holmes, R. M. & Holmes, S. T. (1992). Understanding mass murder: a starting point. Federal Probation, 56(1), 53-61.
Huff, T. G. (1994). Focus on: arson. IAFC On Scene, 8(15), 6-7.
Hunter, T. (1993). Juvenile Fire Awareness Intervention Program. Firemark, 5(3), 16-17.
Hurley, W., & Monahan, T. M. (1969). Arson: the criminal and the crime. The British Journal of Criminology, 9, 4-21.
Jacobson, R. R. (1985). The subclassification of child firesetters. Journal of Child Psychology, Psychiatry, and Allied Disciplines, 26, 769-775.
Kafry, D. (1980). Playing with
matches: children and fire. In D. Canter (Ed.), Fires
and Human Behaviour (pp. 47-61).
Kaufman,
Kazdin, A. E., & Kolko, D. J. (1986). Parent psychopathology and family functioning among childhood firesetters. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 14, 315-329.
Kolko, D. J. (1983). Multicomponent parental treatment of firesetting in a six year old boy. Journal of Behaviour Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 14, 349-353.
Kolko, D. J., & Kazdin, A. E. (1986). Prevalence of firesetting and related behaviours among child psychiatric patients. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 56, 628-630.
Kolko, D. J., & Kazdin, A. E. (1988). A conceptualization of firesetting in children and adolescents. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 14, 49-61.
Kolko, D. J., & Kazdin, A. E. (1991). Aggression and psychopathology in matchplaying and firesetting children: a replication and extension. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 20, 191-201.
Kolko, D. J., & Kazdin,
A. E. (1994). Children's descriptions of their firesetting
incidents: characteristics and relationship to recidivism. Journal of the
Lande, S. D. (1980). A combination of orgasmic reconditioning and covert sensitization in the treatment of a fire fetish. Journal of Behaviour Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 11, 291-296.
Lewis, N. D. C., & Yarnell,
H. (1951). Pathological Firesetting
(Pyromania). (Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph No. 82),
McGrath, P., Marshall, P. G., & Prior, K. (1979). A comprehensive treatment program for a firesetting child. Journal of Behaviour Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 10, 69-72.
Macht, L. B., & Mack, J. E. (1968). The firesetter syndrome. Psychiatry, 31, 277-288.
Mellott, K. (1994, July). Arson - the need for professional investigations. Fire and Rescue, pp. 28-29, 31.
NSW Fire Brigades. (1994).
Incendiary and suspicious fires 1987-1993. Operations Research, 2(11),
p. 1.
NSW Fire Brigades. (1995). NSW Fire Brigades
Annual Statistical Report 1993/94.
Nurcombe, B. (1964). Children
who set fires. The Medical Journal of
O'Sullivan, G. H., & Kelleher, M. J. (1987). A study of firesetters in the south-west
of
Porter, G. L. (1967). Fire setting at sea: two cases with similar urological findings. American Journal of Psychiatry, 124, 563-565.
Pretious, T. (1994, Winter). Research initiatives by the arson prevention bureau. Fire Research News,(18), pp.24-25.
Prins, H., Tennent, G., and Trick, K. (1985). Motives for arson (fire raising). Medicine, Science, and the Law, 25, 275-278.
Rice, M. E., & Harris, G. T. (1991). Firesetters admitted to a maximum security psychiatric institution. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 6, 461-475.
Robbins, E., Robbins, L. (1967). Arson - with special reference
to pyromania.
Rothstein, R. (1963). Explorations of ego structures of firesetting children. Archives of General Psychiatry, 9, 246-253.
Sakheim, G. A., & Osborn, E. (1986). A psychological profile of juvenile firesetters in residential treatment: a replication study. Child Welfare, 65, 495-503.
Sakheim, G. A., Osborn, E., & Abrams, D. (1991). Toward a clearer differentiation of high-risk from low-risk firesetters. Child Welfare, 70, 489-503.
Saunders, E. B., & Awad, G. A. (1991) Adolescent female firesetters. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 36, 401-404.
Schmideberg, M. (1953). Pathological firesetters. The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, 44, 30-39.
Showers, J., & Pickrell, E. (1987). Child firesetters: a study of three populations. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 38, 495-500.
Simmel, E. (1949). Incendiarism. In K. R. Eissler (Ed.), Searchlights
on Delinquency (pp. 90-101).
Soothill, K. L., & Pope, P. J. (1973). Arson: a twenty year cohort study. Medicine, Science, and the Law, 13, 127-138.
Stewart, L. A., (1993). Profile of female firesetters - implications for treatment. British Journal of Psychiatry, 163, 248-256.
Stewart, M. A., & Culver, K. W. (1982). Children who set fires: the clinical picture and a follow-up. British Journal of Psychiatry, 140, 357-363.
Stekel,
W. (1924a). Pyromania. In Peculiarities
of Behaviour, Vol. II (pp. 124-181).
Stekel,
W. (1924b). The analysis of a pyromaniac. In Peculiarities of Behaviour, Vol. II
(pp. 182-232).
Stürup, G. K. (1955). The diagnosis and treatment of a pyromaniac. The International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 1, 54-59.
Tennent, T. G., McQuaid, A., Loughnane, T., and Hands, A. J. (1971). Female arsonists. British Journal of Psychiatry, 119, 497-502.
Topp, D.O. (1973). Fire as a symbol and as a weapon of death. Medicine, Science, and the Law, 13, 79-86.
Vandersall, T. A., & Wiener, J. M. (1970). Children who set fires. Archives of General Psychiatry, 22, 63-71.
Wax, D., & Haddox, V. (1974). Enuresis, fire setting, and animal cruelty in male adolescent delinquents: a triad predictive of violent behaviour. The Journal of Psychiatry and Law, 2, 45-71.
Comments can be sent to the author at [email protected].