The Dirty War In Algeria: Who Is Killing Whom?
Fear has become a regular part of the lives of
the Algerian people. The country gained its independence from the French after
fighting wars in the 1950's and '60's that cost two million lives. Now, Algeria
is undergoing a second bloody war between its country's security forces and
Islamic "militants".
An estimated 60,000 people - possibly twice as many - including hundreds of
women and children, have reportedly been killed during conflicts that began
in 1992 when the Algerian military regime cancelled national elections following
the victory of Islamic parties during the first round.
Less than two years ago, on a promise to end the years of violence, Abdelaziz
Bouteflika was elected President of Algeria. He threatened to fight those people
who are spreading violence in the country with "an iron fist." However, his
initial success in reducing aggression was only the temporary result of an amnesty
he offered to "terrorists". Since this past Ramadan, the violence has once again
erupted - spreading fear and worry among the Algerian people.
As the death toll continues to rise, no one is claiming responsibility for the
bloody massacres; however, the Muslim militants are most often blamed. Meanwhile,
there is speculation that the massacres are being prompted by politics and not
religion. One group has even accused the Algerian government of being responsible
for some of the incidents, saying that it benefits from the violence because
the fear it creates distracts the people and encourages them to think about
their social and economic problems rather than about politics.
In addition, some analysts say that the Algerian government has the capability
to combat terrorism and to bring the killers to justice; however, that it has
not done much to resolve the conflict and to protect civilian victims.
International human rights groups have long suspected army involvement in the
violence that began in 1992. Since their admission of this, the Algerian government
has limited human rights monitoring.
And amid their speculations has come the recent publication of the book, The
Dirty War, in France by Habib Souaidia, a former Algerian army officer,
which implicates government forces in these civilian massacres - massacres that
are usually blamed on Islamic militants (otherwise called terrorists) by Algerian
officers.
Souaidia, whose book is the first document to give graphic details of alleged
killings by government forces, writes, "I saw colleagues burn alive a 15-year
old child. I saw soldiers disguising themselves as terrorists and massacre civilians…
I have seen colonels murder suspects in cold blood. I have seen officers torture
Islamists to death. I have seen too many things. I can no longer keep silent,"
added Souaidia. "Everybody thinks it is the terrorists who do the killing, but
the reality is different ...the generals have done the same thing," he said.
In his book, Souaidia, who fled to France, has also accused the U.S. and French
Secret Services of turning a blind eye to the killers to take advantage of the
situation. "They can stay in charge as long as the war continues, as long as
nobody asks, 'Who is killing whom'?" He also said that he would return to testify
if an international commission of inquiry was set up.
Official media have accused Souaidia of being a criminal in order to dismiss
the claims. And, two days after the book was published, the Algerian military
ransacked Souaidia's brother's retail shop and interrogated his relatives and
neighbors.
Italian Judge Ferdinando Imposimato, who investigated the assassination of Pope
John Paul II, prefaced Souaidia's book and confirmed that it is presenting the
truth. "There has always been a hidden center of power in Algeria," Imposimato
writes. "It has acted with extreme cynicism to shape the course of events. It
has locked up society; it has liquidated opponents, within and outside the system,"
he added.
The book, not available in Algeria, and the media covering it in France have
lent weight to human rights groups in Algeria calling for a probe into the killers.
The allegations could complicate relations between Paris and Algeria, who have
recently agreed to work closer together to combat terrorism.
During this delicate time, three French ministers have visited Algeria in order
to normalize relations between the two countries. Hubert Vedrine, French Foreign
Minister, was among the three. He held talks with Algerian President Bouteflika
in a mission to renew dialogue and exchanges. Vedrine told reporters that France
was committed to supporting Algeria's attempts at modernization following its
nine years of conflict.
French critics argue that the French government should distance itself from
Algeria, and condemn the "intellectuals' challenge" as irresponsible government
policy and the worst kind of politics. But French officials claim that, even
if it is not easy, France should stick by its strategy of offering constructive
support and building stronger ties with Algeria.
On the day The Dirty War was published, French and Algerian intellectuals
and writers in Paris called for a review of France's policy towards Algeria,
accusing Paris of ignoring government atrocities in its former colony.
It seems that The Dirty War is not only offering a clear answer for many
of the questions raised concerning the situation in Algeria, but it is also
placing an end to crooked accusations against Islamists in Algeria. Many crimes
have been committed, many children have been killed, and many throats have been
cut under the guise of their "terrorism."
Regardless of whether Souaidia is telling the truth or not, he has succeeded
in bringing the end of the cord to the people; now, it is their turn to pull
it.
And, whether or not the Algerian government agrees to hold an international
inquiry, people will no longer keep silent.
Even if fear can successfully keep mouths closed in Algeria, increased pressure
from Algerian and French intellectuals in France, which is home to a large Algerian
immigrant community, may influence the French government to take a step towards
investigating the conflict. At this moment, the French government, still under
the illusion that Algeria is its colony, is increasingly finding itself obligated
to open its eyes to facts and truth that it has refused to see, and to change
its policy toward Algeria.
Despite Souaidia's allegations, it is still unacceptable to altogether excuse
the Islamic militants in Algeria from responsibility for the country's bloodshed.
Nevertheless, only time will tell how many crimes have actually been committed
falsely under their name, and the extent to which their aggression and unjust
actions have justified others in exaggerating and taking advantage of the situation
to deface Islam.