The Lesbian, Gay, Transgender, Bisexual (LGTB) Movement in Mexico City--or el Distrito Federal--has been taking shape for over twenty-five years. The magnitude of people living in this mega-metropolis city, combined with its rich historical context, and current political activism make it an ideal locality for its emerging LGTB identities and communities. As a researcher I was interested in investigating these LGTB identities and communities, and spent a major portion of my 2003 summer in Mexico City and found myself engulfed by a type of Mexican queerness uniquely different from the queer communities I am a part of within the United States. By the end of my summer I had worked with six different LGTB women's organizations, attended political meetings and events, and socialized in various LGTB spaces, all the while conducting surveys, interviews, and participant observations. For the purpose of my research I felt qualitative, rather than quantitative, data would be most appropriate as I wanted to integrate the actual voices of the participants.
This paper is separated into various subheadings; much of the information overlaps and often these headings blur with one another. Also, the participants here on end--nine total--are only a small pool of the women I worked with altogether. Most of these women were heavily involved in political organizations so their responses come from their own consciousness as political organizers. It was not my intent to write about a general LGTB experience but instead, to capture specific women in a specific moment in time. I will present a glimpse of the data I collected, predominantly responses to basic identity terminology, organizational summaries, governmental politics, religion and sexuality, and sexual politics--all reflective of these self-identified LGTB female participants, in an effort to provide a broad overview of the issues facing these diverse women.
Before getting to the core of my research, and for the sake of explanation, I want to provide a summary on the common terminology used by my participants. This is important given my research was collected primarily in Spanish. As with all translations, meanings can become altered, loosing their cultural specificity when translated into English. This is especially crucial because the Spanish language in and of itself is gendered. For example "the moon" translates to "la luna" which automatically makes the moon "genderly" female. This linguistic gendering provides the backdrop in the ways the research participants articulated their own understandings of gender and sexuality. Given the complexities and contradictions 1 surrounding identity politics and terminology, it is important to understand each persons own self-identifications, their assumptions, and motives for such.
Mujer:2The first question on my questionnaire asked the participants to define what it meant to be a mujer, or woman. The reasoning behind this initial question was to get a sense of how the participants articulated their relationship to a gender identity so that I may determine the relevance and extent of their gender identities. Most had strong standpoints regarding their genders.
Responses varied from definitions of social constructions to essentialist's arguments. One interviewee, Karina Vergara, described a mujer as "a cultural construction."3 Her partner, Maria de Jesus Mancera added, "A social being, a product of the dominant culture."4 Both of these definitions allude to the concept of a "woman" as someone socially constructed, a product of her culture. For Monica "Moniac" a mujer was, "the most marvelous thing in the world,"5 giving women superior, romantic qualities. Other participants defined a mujer as having agency and overturned traditional gender roles. Instead of defining a woman as passive and irrational, Miriam Medina said to be a woman was to, "be a person, with emotional, intellectual, and lively capabilities... Someone active, sensual, intelligent, sensible, productive, and someone who dives into life."6 Juana Guzman Lisea had a similar definition, stating a woman as a "human being, free to exercise her rights and responsibilities, intelligent, non-conformist, independent, sexually liberated, Revolutionary, a true Chingona." 7 Note, this last word has no English equivalent; here it is used as an affirmative label of self-empowerment. Overall, these definitions were broader than the traditional biological and cultural definitions more commonly placed on the term mujer. In my own research I felt self-identifying as a mujer was most important.
De Ambiente:This word refers to an umbrella term for anyone who identifies as lesbian, gay, transgender, or bisexual. "De ambiente," as does the term "queer" in the United States, more generally refers to anyone who is not "buga," or straight. Literally, de ambiente is a spatial term; for the purpose of identity politics, it is re-appropriated into an identity. The term de ambiente, and even buga, then, becomes an "insider's" language; one who is not de ambiente would most likely not know its significance. I understand de ambiente as the Mexican version of the term "queer" but though they seem to hold the same definitions it is important not to use them entirely interchangeably as they each have their own histories where the term "queer" carries western overtones. If anything, "de ambiente" Mexicanans would most associate with "LGTB." Notice that while in the U.S. we say LGBTQ, o LGBTQIA they exclude the last three letters. It is also important to note that not everyone in Mexico's Capital associates with the term "de ambiente" either. Queer Chicana/Latina writer, Juana Maria Rodriguez (2003) describes the term as taking on "a certain bourgeois connotation, a social identity associated more with the milieu of discotheques and discrete private gatherings than with a politicized and visible street presence" (26).
Gay:In relation to women, the term "gay" can be used either as (1) a binary term of lesbiana or (2) a gender-neutral all-inclusive term for women who identify as "gay." Most of the participants agreed with the first relationship. "Gay" was the "G" in LGTB where "Gay" was associated with gay men.
Transgenero, Transsexual, and Transvesti:These communities are incredibly complex and diverse. Though each term has its own definition, many people I spoke with tended to use these interchangeably. When I asked for definitions, most stated that these were individuals whose biological sex did not match their genders, and who attempted to correct this via their outer appearance and/or through surgery.
Bisexual:Generally, it refers to one's attraction towards both sexes and/or genders. Up to now I have been saying "LGTB" instead of "LGBT" as is most popular in the United States. The "B" for bisexuality is stated last because, from my own findings, bisexuality was the least accepted or understood sexuality, surrounded by common myths and stereotypes similar to those in the United States. These included beliefs that all bisexuals are promiscuous, transport sexual diseases, and are not committed or trustworthy. Some of the women in my sample were aware of these myths and attempted to correct them.
Lesbiana, and Lesbica:For the most part, a "lesbiana" is a woman who is sexually attracted to other women. Some define a "lesbiana" as a woman who is attracted only to women. The term "lesbica" was used to refer more generally to women-to-women attractions and/or relationships. Someone "lesbica" can be a lesbiana but can also include being in a lesbiana relationship or partaking in "lesbian behavior." In For the Hard Ones: A Lesbian Phenomenoloy (2002), tatiana de la tierra--a queer Chicana/Latina writer--has a section titled "The Others of US" (23). Here she lists and defines the many ways a woman can be a lesbian. These can include bisexual women, trans-identified women, and so forth.
The numerous organizations for mujeres de ambiente in el Districto Federal demonstrate the growing support as well as the diverse needs and demands of these communities. My limited summer in Mexico only allowed me enough time to work with a small handful of these organizations, one being El Closed de Sor Juana. This organization's name in and of itself, reflects its goals. First, "El Closed" means the closet, in reference to being sexually closeted, or not "out" or public about one's sexuality. Secondly, the historical figure of Sor Juana was a 17th century Catholic nun. Known as the first feminist of Latina America, and believed to be lesbian herself, she has become a cultural icon for LGTB Mexicanas as well as queer Chicanas in the United States. El Closed de Sor Juana served mainly as a support network, allowing the women a space to deal with coming out, homophobia, and self-acceptance issues. El Closed also sponsored various talleres, or workshops, ranging from creative writing and self-reflection, to kickboxing and painting. These allowed the women to do things they enjoyed with women like themselves, i.e., LGTB. Musas de Metal was a similar organization for women recently coming out and learning to accept their identities. I also met the women from La Casa de las Lunas, or the House of Moons, which is a lesbian cultural center serving multiple purposes. In its restaurant/cafe/bar setting, one can also purchase books and art, as well as attend weekly evening socials. The women from LeSVOZ, 8 a lesbic feminist publication, formed another group. Breaking down its title, "Les" represents lesbic or lesbiana, and "Voz" means voice. Therefore, this is a publication promoting the "lesbic voice." This widely circulated publication encompasses issues on politics, health, history, and current events. They have also sponsored transnational erotic poetry contests in the past. Telemanita,9 another organization, was also media-oriented. It is a center that promotes the use of video-making for women who traditionally do not have access to such equipment or training. Its video themes consist of human rights for women, alternative educations, reproductive rights, sexual rights, political rights, ecological rights, and environmental sustainability. It also facilitates queer film screenings in collaboration with LeSVOZ. Finally, Lesbianas en Colectiva, a progressive political group of lesbianas, focused on autonomous work for lesbiana rights specifically. Though based in Mexico, they do collaborative work with international women as well. As previously mentioned, these were only some of the organizations for LGTB women in Mexico. Others included specific groups for lesbic youth, mothers, and elders, to name a few.
The summer of 2003 was also the summer of Mexico's national elections. I was greeted with election propaganda everywhere I turned. In these recent elections some of the political parties made very promising proposals regarding LGTB rights. For my participants, politics form a major part of who they are. By stating that "The personal is political,"10 Juana Guzman Lisea makes it clear that everything within her personal life is innately political. Carolina Moreno ties the political specifically to her sexuality when she says, "For me, being lesbiana is the most political part of my life."11 Given their strong political consciousness, many of my participants did not necessarily approve of the current Mexican government�s handling of LGTB issues; leaving them with the need to visibly demonstrated against the government�s teasing of LGTB rights and benefits.
Of those participants who voted in the recent national elections, most reported voting for the Partido de la Revolucion Democratica (PRD) and Mexico Posible.12 Both of these are political parties in Mexico. Unlike the two-party system in the United States, Mexico has a number of major political parties that fall into different sections of the political spectrum. These two were on the more leftist side and openly addressed and advocated for LGTB rights in their campaigns. Some of my participants believed in the sincerity of these two political parties while others were critical of their motives, calling the campaigns political propaganda trying to win over the LGTB communities.
The lack of faith and trust on behalf of many of my participants towards the government can be explained as a result of the negative experience most of the women have had with previous and current elected officials. Though Alejandra Novoa follows a political ideology, mainly because she feels politics are very important "now that lesbianas are incredibly invisible and discriminated against"13, she did not vote in the past election. She justifies this by saying that "none of [the parties] represent [her] and [feels] they act only for their own benefits."14 Likewise, Karina Vergara understands the repercussions of corrupt politics as they relate to her sexuality and family. She accuses the Mexican legislatures of not protecting her citizenship rights specifically because of her membership within a non-heterosexual family.
In collecting data for this "Governmental Politics" section of my research, I also relied on the documentation--both literal and visual--of Mexico's 1st and 2nd annual Marchas Lesbicas, i.e. Lesbic Marches. The first occurred last year, March 21st of 2003 while the second occurred this year, March the 20th of 2004, less than two months ago.15 Critically analyzing the mission statement of these marches provided me with strong evidence as to the current political climate within the lesbica communities of Mexico City. The organizers were most concerned with issues of representation, visibility, and accountability. A section of their mission statement reads:
With 25 years of experience, lesbianas continue to rely on visibility tactics. The march is, for us, an important expression of visibility, because it seeks to do away with stereotypes and discrimination against lesbianas. The march is a form of coming out of the closet...the loneliness and marginalization in which many lesbianas live...
As lesbians of diverse organizational practices we are creating...a collective project with the common purpose of visibility and the expression of our strength. Even though those of us who go public are several, those of us who are in the closet are even more 16 (COMAL).These portions of the mission statement reflect the strong need for visibility given the homophobia and lesbopobia present within the Mexican nation. It also stresses the significance and marginalization of one who is closeted. Finally, it provokes mainstream culture by proclaiming the huge number of LGTB women in Mexico--both out and closeted. The mission statement continues:
The public manifestation positions us as political actors so that we can demand... So that we can express our critiques of the structures that impose heterosexism, religious fundamentalisms, the neo-liberalism, globalization, capitalism, and consumerism (COMAL).In choosing a march as their public manifestation, these women are choosing a form of activism traditionally used by leftist movements. They are not walking invisibly and quietly down the sidewalks of Mexico City; instead, they are using their voices and bodies to take over the streets. In doing so they are becoming political actors. As such, their demands are also those of leftist politics. They seek to criticize and do away with the institutional structures that continue to perpetuate old oppressions while also creating new forms of oppression.
In relation to the greater LGTB communities, the mission statement had the following to say:
We are critical of the misogamy, commercialism and privatization of the LGTB Pride Marches [of Mexico]. This tendency has clouded the previous political content of our marches and movement, minimizing the critique of the system of obligatory heterosexism, patriarchy, capitalism, and neo-liberalism.
We do not renounce our right to be part of the greater LGTB movement so that we can enrich their marches, but we maintain our own autonomy... our own visibility and existence lesbica, as well as our feminist sisterhoods (COMAL).Here the organizers are looking at the greater LGTB movement they are a part of within Mexico City and examining the issues within it. The LGTB Pride Marches mentioned above occur annually.17 According to the organizers of the Marcha Lesbicas, these LGTB Pride Marches are becoming less political and more commercial. The women are also taking a pledge of alliance to feminism and sisterhood against the sexism occurring within the greater LGTB communities. This is especially important because it calls for the evaluation of male privilege, even by gay males. Finally, the mission statement concludes as follows:
Though the Official Mission Statements of the 1st and 2nd annual Marcha Lesbica provides a lot of vital information regarding the current Lesbic struggle, their rally chants and posters were equally indicative of their sentiments. Some of these went as follows:
(1) Lesbianas United, Will Never Be Defeated!Overall this march was successful in bringing so many lesbic women together. (See Appendix A: Photographs 1-8, pp 29-31). 18 Uniting their voices, they sent a strong message to the Mexican Government regarding their presence. A list a demands, generated by the organizers, will eventually be distributed to the newly elected government officials. These included the equal rights and responsibilities of all Lesbic, LGTB, and underrepresented communities. Through their actions, these women made their own gains, on their own terms and conditions. Likewise, in the United States major current events are shaping the future of Queer Chicanas/Latinas. With the recent up rise of queer visibility in the media, the Massachusetts Supreme Court Decision, and the thousands of couples who have been granted marriage licenses in San Francisco--all within months of each other--many Chicanas/Latinas have become key players in all of this. More importantly, these events seem to be crossing the geographic boundaries of boards as what happens in one country is affecting what can potentially happen in other countries. Following the ideas proposed by the chants of the Marcha Lesbica, political mobilization across national boarders is possible and has great potential.
(2) Vagina with Vagina, Lesbianas in the Struggle!
(3) What do Lesbianas Want? For boarders to be destroyed, For consumerism to be destroyed, And to push feminism forward!
(4) Lesbianas against war, Lesbianas against capitalism, Lesbianas against racism, Against Neo-Liberal Terrorism!
In Mexico I had the opportunity to witness various lesbic social scenes. These ranged from fundraising parties and house get-togethers, to night clubs and bars. In this section I will focus primarily on public social spaces and how each space attempts to cater to a specific type of lesbic clientele--this last term being the key word. Would these spaces exist if not for lesbian consumerism? What are possible repercussions of this consumerism for these women's communities? But also, can there be positive attributes to lesbian consumerism? The following are a select few of the public social spaces available for mujeres LGTB.
Vortex:This non-gender specific night club was the official "hot spot" following Enoe Uranga's, a governmental official, annual report to her LGTB constituents. The physical space of the club was rather "classy"--arrive to valet parking, someone to great you at the door, and waitresses/waiters. On one side of the dance floor are the tables and on the other, the bar. Just above the bar--on the second floor--is the VIP section. Also above the dance floor is a big screen that provides visuals along with the music. Those in attendance were predominantly middle-aged and middle to upper-class. Most of the socializing came about over cocktails while sitting at the tables.
Enigma:This "women-only" space was a combination of dancing and viewing women performers. Its clientele were roughly middle-aged. There was a dance floor at the center also surrounded by tables. One could only sit at these if one purchased alcohol other than beer. Most personalle were male--from the cashier to the waiters and the "pimp." I label this last individual as such because of his role within the club. As previously mentioned, there were women performers--three to be exact. Each of the performers danced, stripped, and participated in a wet t-shirt competition. The goal: to excite the clientele so much they would continue to tip the performers. Here is where the role of the pimp comes in; his job was to walk the women over to those in the audience who were waving the most money. The pimp would decide who the women would lap dance and for how long. He was also the one collecting the tips. Overall, this male "pimp" was calling the shots in this "lesbian" club.
Cabaretito:This name is very well known amongst most de ambiente individuals of Mexico City. Instead of being simply the name of a club, Cabaretito, is the name of a chain of clubs owned by one individual--Tito Vasconcelos. His over 18, nightclub chain--known as Corporative Cabaretito--encompasses Cabaretito Fusion, Cabaretito Neon, and Cabaretito Metal. All three clubs are located within walking distance of one another; paying the cover of any one of these gets you into the other two clubs for free for that night. The first two are co-ed. They feature drag and stripper performances twice a night. The third, Metal, was a "women only" space organized by the lesbic organization, Nueva Generacion de Jovenes Lesbianas.19
Classism, Consumerism, Sexism, and Safe Spaces:The physical spaces described above reveal key issues at stake�these include classims, consumerism, sexism, and the need for safe spaces by and for LGTB women. When it came to classism, each individual attending any of the clubs above knew where they fit and where they did not fit in. One of my participants, when attending the Enoe party with me at Vortex, confessed how uncomfortable she felt in this club and would rather go to Cabaretito. What made her uncomfortable; after all, she was in a LGTB safe space, right? Not necessarily. The atmosphere of Vortex was not one she was familiar with given her working-class socio-economic status. Regardless of being in an LGTB space, her sense of not belonging did not stem from her sexuality but instead, from her class background.
At Enigma, class, consumerism, and male privilege were the most prominent issues. The class issue is evident with the table situation. Already everyone at the club knows who has money and who does not simply by were they are seated--those closest to the stage/dance floor spending the most. In that sense, the physical space of the night club becomes a physical manifestation of the class hierarchy taking place within these clubs. Likewise, the pimp embodies all the characteristics of male privilege. He is a male in a women's space who calls the shoots. Though he is also an employee of the club, as are the female performers, his male privilege puts him above the females.
At Cabaretito all of the issues were still present but in more subtle ways. These clubs catered to the working class LGTB communities. As mentioned above, paying the entrance fee of one got you into the others for free. There locations near each other also facilitated easy access. The performers were never tipped, and were enjoyed by all of the audience equally. The clubs also stayed oven very late. Though providing its clientele with safe spaces to interact with other LGTB individuals, it all comes at a cost. Aside from the entrance fee, selling chelas, or beer, was how these clubs profited. The consumption of alcohol then becomes integrated into the identity of these communities. In regards to women specifically, though Cabaretito Metal is great in that it provides a "women-only" space created by women, for women, it is also playing off of strong consumerism. (See Appendix B: Images, Figure 1, p32). The flyer reads:
They also advertise "culture and fun" all at one place. The image clearly targets a younger lesbic crowd who can choose to identify with the "bad girl" or the "good girl" caricature. It is also worth noting that both of the images are hyper-feminine; in that sense, both feminine women and those attracted to feminine women are drawn to the club by the image, targeting a specific "type" of audience is necessary for successful consumerism.
Though these examples of class, consumerism, and sexism are evident in these social spaces, it is not to say they occur only in social spaces. Instead, I use these specific examples only as such, so that they may give the reader a sense of the complexity surrounding these communities. The descriptions and clientele described above only apply to when I was in attendance at these places; these nightclubs are constantly changing their programs to accommodate their diverse clientele. Either way, consumerism, more than LGTB awareness, seems to be at the forefront of these spaces. This definitely demonstrates the capital power of these LGTB communities; but it is also problematic if these communities are being catered to solely because they prove to be valid sources of profit.
It is no secret Mexico's dominant religion is Catholicism. It is much less of a secret that the current Pope, John Paul the second, disapproves and has publicly come out against same-sex relationships. The heteronormativity and homophobia within the Catholic church has caused mujeres de ambiente to take several routes. Some have altogether deserted religion. Though none of the women I include in this paper are religious in the sense of believing and following any type of organized religion, many have taken from religion only what is positive or have created their own forms of spiritualism.
As to the question of what importance religion plays in her live, Alejandra Novoa said, "Its not important AT ALL." 20 Miriam Medina also practices atheism because she "perceives the religious aspect as very hypocritical and [believes it] does not go with [her] own lifestyle."21 Through their responses, these women are being critical of the hypocrisy and many contradictions within Catholicism.
I was also interested in knowing whether my participants viewed spirituality as different from religion. For the most part they did. They are different, believes Maria de Jesus Mancera, because "religion is an association; spiritualism seeks human integrity, and is individually based."22 Though she identifies herself as Cristiana and this has a major importance in her life, "One thing is God, and another, religion."23 Paulina Martinez Peredo also feels they are different because "religion has a series of rules and ways of thinking that one must abide to as part of that religion; and spiritualism is a separate emotion."24 Because of the constraints within religion, many prefer spiritualism; Mirka Negroni states, "I feel spiritual even though I do not practice a religion."25 Carolina Moreno also includes meditation in her definition of spiritualism. For Juana Guzman Lisea spiritualism is not only within the self, but also includes a connection with nature and the entire world as a whole. These multiple definitions of spirituality leave plenty of room for the individual to establish her own interpretations of it.
Those who choose to reclaim certain parts of religion do so on different levels. The feminist, activist poet Tinoco (1999) discusses God's sex as female. She writes:
And if god is a woman?
And she is also forced to name herself in the masculine pronoun?
We will also have to fight for her
And for every one of the goddesses
Who have been made into virgins, saints, and puras26 (Hacedora, 30).
This last term directly translates to "pure" and is another title for a virgin. By changing God's sex to that of a woman, the poet directly challenges the patriarchal hierarchy and sexism within Catholicism. Similarly, in her other poem, "Madre de dios," or Mother of God, she again discusses the Virgen Maria, or Virgin Mary:
Mother of the worldNot only is she reclaiming the Virgen Maria, she is also speaking against the forced patriarchy that makes up the Catholic Church, which pigeonholes women into such purity roles as virgins, mothers, and caretakers. I want to interject here with a comment on the appropriation of language. Juana Maria Rodriquez, a queer Chicana/Latina, (2003) writes, "for most Latinas/os living in the United States, the appropriation of language of our own uses, forms part of the rituals of survival" (25). Similarly, the same can be said with LGTB women in Mexico, such as the poet Tinoco, who have appropriated language for the sake of their spirituality, and thus, survival. Cultural icons--specifically La Virgen--also become appropriated through the use of art. Within the United States, queer Chicana digital-artist Alma Lopez28 is a prime example of one who, as does Tinoco, appropriates the Virgen.
Of enclosed dreams
Forced harvester of seeds
Dawn without aurora
Solitary evenings,
Woman forced to become...mother27 (31).
Other women reclaimed their religious or spiritual beliefs by participating in their own symbolic unions with their partners. Though current Mexican laws do not legally allow queer couples to get married, this does not stop many couples from rendering their own symbolic unions with close friends and family as witnesses of their love. The Iglesia de la Comunidad Metrapolitana (ICM) in Mexico currently performs religious unions for queer couples. This church was originally founded in 1968 in Los Angeles, California and now has approximately 300 temples in 18 different countries around the world, five of which are in Mexico (Sanchez, 2002, 17). Like the Mexicanas, Queer Chicanas have also been participating in these symbolic unions.
Given the data I collected, I can safely conclude that spiritualism is more easily embraced by LGTB Mexicanas as opposed to religion, which is seen as too rigid and institutionalized. More important is how these women have appropriated spiritualism to satisfy their specific spiritual and emotional needs; this is crucial, given the role of spirituality within our society as a whole.I am also particularly interested in the participant's own discourse on sex. It is a common belief that Mexicanas usually fall into the virgin-whore dichotomy as do Chicanas in the United States. What about Mexicanas de ambiente? Through my conversations with these women I got a strong sense of complexity around their notions of sex. In this section I will explore their thoughts on desire, butch/fem roles, sex toys, and masturbation.
Desire:For myself, sexual desire is that which attracts one to someone else. That attraction, or pull, towards another, needs not be returned for it to constitute desire. Tinoco, in her poem, "Mientras te miro dormir," or "While I Watch You Sleep," details her own desire for another woman. She writes:
I sense your womb of burning hips,
You sleep profoundly smooth.
I try to make my shadow ride,
To be the mount, and to be the rider,
To be a butterfly so that I may breathe between your branches
Of long, dark hair,
Of fleshy lips.
Anxiety of a lover.
A burning secret.
I embody myself onto you
While I watch you sleep29 (27).
Her desire, though not reciprocated, is nonetheless fulfilling as she watches the subject of her desire sleep throughout the night. This piece is especially vivid as the writer describes the contours and depths of the woman's physical features that cause her desire.
My conversations with my participants also addressed another form of desire known to them as their "amor platonico." This term, directly translating to ones "platonic love," mainly relates to an individual who one desires but will never actually be with; most of the time these are famous women who are seen as unreachable. Martha Cuevas, writer for the the lesbic section of Homopolis, an LGTB guide, defines an amor platonic as follows:
You like a woman and seeing her gets you excited, you start to imagine a grand fantasy with her, in both the intellectual and emotional aspects. You create her as the person you have always dreamed of, your ideal woman, you see no flaws in her. The only bad thing is that you see her as unattainable 30 (Lesbopolis, 2004, 18).Karina Vergara describes her amor platonico as follows, "As all of us from my generation, Maria Renee Prudencio...She has a very dominant personality, is very cute, and is also a popular media icon for the lesbianas in my country."31 For her, aside from the physical qualities of Maria Renee Prudencio, the fact that she is also a lesbian icon in Mexico contributes to the characteristics that make up Karina's amor platonico. Alejandra Novoa, looking outside of Mexico, chooses Angelina Jolie. She states:
"Truthfully, I do not have an amor platonico, but if I would it would be Angelina Jolie...I like her, I like her fleshy lips, I like her hair, I like her body, as well as the personalities they have created for her; these are not conventional gender stereotypes but instead, to be a more audacious and liberated woman."32Like Karina's example, Alejandra also goes beyond the physical aspects of Angelina Jolie and describes her unconventional, liberated qualities that make her an amor platonico. So why would it matter who these women see as amores platonicos? These amores platonicos, more than serving an attraction, serve as role models and icons for emerging LGTB women.
Finally, reciprocated desire was also an option for the women. Leticia Mata Martinez who writes under the penname of Gacela wrote a poem titled, "Fluyo en ti," or "I Flow in You." It begins as follows:
What full forest.In her poem, Martinez is describing her desire for her lover as their bodies unite in passionate lovemaking. Martinez, like many of the stories told to me by the mujeres de ambiente, excites in her experiences of reciprocated desire, adding further complexity to notions of desire. Butch/Femme Roles:
I reach your body
And collect the scent
Of your stream
That flows because of my desire.
I close my eyes and
I search
Perhaps the salty taste
Of a hungry sea
Which I have already tasted33(28).
Unlike the strong emphasis in the United States for Butch and Femme roles, these were ostracized by the women in mexico whom I spoke with. Most of the women either identify as neither passive nor dominant, or both. Simply put, Miriam Medina describes her partner and herself as "neutras," or neutral; as does Paulina Martinez Peredo who says, "Niether of the two, since we both participate [mutually within our relationship]."34 Alejandra Novoa elaborates, "Passive, I am not; I like to be creative and that my partner also be. I navigate between both. There are times when I like to be more active, and other times when I am not."[35]35 Novoa understands her role and that of her partner as both of them taking on an active role. For these women, dominant and passive roles were fluid and unfixed, if at all acknowledged. Maria de Jesus Mancera takes it even further by associating these roles with something almost anti-feminist. She states, "I'm a FEMINIST, lesbian. I do not assume roles. I play them all!"36 In other words, for her as a lesbian, feminist, these roles are very limiting because of their narrow definitions and she prefers not to associate with neither. Personally, the realization that not all LGTB women have a shared history with butch/femme roles made me acknowledge my own preconceived assumptions on this topic. By the end of my research I had realized I had been searching for something that was not their, something not specific to my participants.
Sexual Toys and Objects:I also wanted to get a sense of how many LGTB mujeres incorporate objects or toys within their sexual politics and practices. Visiting sex shops, I would ask the receptionist--almost always male--approximately how many women shopped in their stores. Of the shops I asked they all said mainly men entered, and if women did, they were usually accompanied by a male partner. I was told these couples usually bought dildos and vibrators, or lingerie. I was also informed that the few solo women who enter also often bought dildos or vibrators.
Given the above, I was not sure how much my participants would engage in discussions regarding sexual toys and/or objects. However, many of them reported using some type of toy or object during sex. When I asked for specifics, their responses varied from foods and oils, to dildos and vibrators, among other items. Alejandra Novoa also uses eye masks. Monica "Moniac" uses foams, oils, and candles, more sensual items. Paulina Martinez Peredo included "plumas," or feathers, and occasionally pornography in her list of toys. The range of sex toys is wide enough to describe these women as sexually adventurous, open, and willing to experiment the limits of their pleasures, factors contributing to their sexual politics.
Masturbation:Sex needs not always involve others. It can also be between one and oneself, i.e. masturbation. The frequency of masturbating ranged from Monica's three times a week, to Mirka's once a week, to Miriam's once or twice every fifteen days. Monica felt "that it is something normal and delicious."37 Likewise, Miriam describes it as "un placer individual," an individual pleasure, and said she liked pleasing herself and experimenting with new sensations. But even masturbation can be broadened to include others if one so chooses. "Actually, it's an erotic game between my girlfriend and I,"38 explained Carolina Moreno. Masturbating with her partner created a new level of eroticism amongst them. Even simply talking about masturbation and being comfortable with it is something very positive; it spoke to these women�s own familiarity and acceptance of their own bodies, needs and desires.
Overall, the complexity surrounding these women's sexual politics must still be further explored. From what I detailed so far, it would be impossible to generalize or pigeonhole these women given the diversity and complexity of their sexual politics.With this section I explore the popular sexualized images LGTB mujeres were being exposed to. These visual representations are essential in that they affect how these women view themselves--either positively or negatively. Given these public images, women are then left with the option of buying into these, creating their own, or rejecting them altogether. In this section I will discuss several images, the first two done primarily for male audiences, followed by those done for female audiences.
The male gaze, commonly discussed within western feminist circles, can also be applied to certain visual representations of LGTB mujeres in Mexico, specifically those done by males. The publication "Lesbiacion," written and illustrated by Juan Jose, is a collection of short comic strips depicting different situations in which "lesbian" characters engage in sex. These sexual encounters take place in public restrooms, an empty parking lot, at the scene of a crime, and so forth. In Figure 2 I demonstrate the cover of the publication as an example of the illustrations within (See Appendix B: Images, p32). Notice how the women are hyper-sexualized and hyper-feminine "lesbians." These visual stories are meant to appeal to a straight male audience. And the "lesbic" title is meant not to draw women crowds but to draw men's crowds who fantasize over LGTB women. The phallus is integrated countless times throughout this publication. A lot of these "lesbians" have heterosexual husbands or boyfriends. The dildo--also symbolic of the phallus--continues to be represented throughout the publication.
In Figure 3 I provide another cover, this time of �X-ITE Raw #2, a "lesbian" pornographic film (See Appendix B: Images, p32). The same arguments can be applied as above. As with "Lesbiacion," the dildo seems to always be present. Not that lesbic women do not use the dildo, simply that its continuous presence within these straight male representations of "lesbians" alludes to the phallic that these "lesbianas" supposedly do not have but desire. The heterosexual males would like to believe that a woman cannot fully satisfy another women sexually without the use of the phallus.
Regardless of the intended audience for the above images, it is evident that LGTB women, despite the exaggerated images, will also be drawn to them. Does this then become the "female gaze" and what might the implications of such a gaze be? Are women then objectifying other women? If that is the case, then the question becomes, is this women on women objectification equal to that done by men? It is in the sense that it is still objectification but it isn't in the sense that the male privilege is no longer a factor. Instead we might call this a class issue where perhaps the women doing the sex work (such as in the pornography) do so for economic reasons and those who buy it, though they might also be economically of lower or working class, contribute to the capitalism and consumerism of the growing sex industry.
When looking at images done by women, for women I came across the cover of the May through June issue of LeSVoz. (See Appendix B: Images, Figure 4, p33). This image signals LGTB women in a number of ways. Already the obvious title of the magazine grabs a lesbic audience, as does the rainbow background. What about the female subject? She is also sexualized. Notice her short hair cut, her tight shirt, her muscular arms, and most importantly, her gaze. She is returning the gaze to her viewers in a blatant manner, almost as if inviting the viewer to her.
Another image for lesbianas can be seen on the t-shirts produced by the group Lesbianas en Colectiva. (See Appendix B: Images, Figure 5, p33). Though the two women are not returning the gaze, they are showing agency through their acts. They are kissing for the public, a heterosexual public to be exact that most likely does not agree with their actions. The text further reveals their goals; it states:
With that they are asserting their public stance on their sexuality. This organization is not only creating public visibility, they are being politically conscious of the homophobia and lesbophobia existing within mainstream representations of sexuality. Furthermore, the easy production and distribution of these t-shirts helps reach a greater audience.
Through the lesbic gaze, then, LGTB women can re-shape what is more commonly referred to as the male gaze and female-objectification by adding complexity and diversity to the female subjects in their magazines, t-shirts, and all other forms of visual representations of women.I include this final section almost as an afterthought. None of my survey questions touch on this subject; neither do any of my direct conversations with my participants. Nonetheless, my participant observations opened my thoughts to the huge impact cyberspace is having on many of the lesbic communities in Mexico City. Before going into this further I want to stress the issue of access. Not all LGTB women have access to electronic technology such as the internet. That said, this section will only explore those communities that do.
It was through the internet that I found the first websites of LGTB women in Mexico City. It was also through e-mail that I first established a connection with some of the participants in my study; and it is through e-mail that I continue to remain in contact with many of these women. Most of the organizations I worked with also have their own websites, e-mails, and list serves (Many of which are listed as "footnotes").
Taking myself, as researcher, out of the picture, it is also through the internet that LGTB women are creating communities and pushing the boundaries of what communities constitute. What would have originally been done in person, these women are now doing via the internet. There is a faster distribution of information--these include but are not limited to chat rooms for individuals who share the same interests, workshop schedules and event calendars, counseling resources, directories, links to additional websites, and so forth. The list is endless.
But it need not stop there. What further potential can cyberspace serve for LGTB communities? How can cyberspace be used to mobilize communities? Is mobilization already occurring via the internet? Does the internet jeopardize previous forms of communication and community? These are some of the questions I would hope to explore in the future.In writing this paper it was my intent to share with all of you some of my major research findings surrounding the complexity and diversity of LGTB Mexicanas. Given the vast amount of information and potential research data, I could have easily taken my research in a number of directions. I choose to focus on identity terminology, organizational summaries, governmental politics, public spaces and consumerism, religion and spirituality, sexual politics, the gaze, and cyberspace because I felt these were the most prominent issues facing LGTB Mexicanas today. Above all, I hope my work can contribute to the growing transnational movement of LGTB/Queer communities occurring on a multi-national, global scale.
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Quiero agradecer a todas las mujeres quienes prestaron sus palabras para este proyecto:
(I would like to thank all the women who lent their voices to this research project)
Alejandra Novoa, Telemanitas
Carolina Moreno, Lesbianas en Colectiva
Juana Guzman Lisea, Revista LesVoz
Karina Vergara, Casa de la Luna
Maria de Jesus Mancera, Casa de las Lunas
Miriam Medina, Casa de las Lunas
Mirka Negroni, Telemanitas
Monica "Moniac", Casa de las Lunas
Paulina Martinez Peredo, Musas de Metal
I would also like to send a very special thanks to everyone in the Women's Studies Program, particularly to Ellie Hernandez and Rebecca Chapman.
And to Kyrie Lynch for your continued support throughout this project.
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