Essay Title: “There is no relationship more problematic or contentious than that posed by those hundreds of millions of human beings lumped together with the term Third World” (Shiva Niapaul 1985, p.9). Discuss.
Paper Synopsis: This paper sets out to analyse Shiva Niapaul’s comment in as much detail as is permitted given the confines of this essay. It outlines the main issues for both proponents and opponents to the term Third World. Additionally, it examines the history behind the formation of the term and of the emergence of the Third World as a political force.
Moreover the essay engages with the theoretical discourse, which has played a major role in popularising the term Third World. Finally, the essay examines a number of related terms to the term Third World to see if they provide an acceptable alternative to one that is supposedly so problematic and contentious.
Total Word Count: 3453.
The discourse around the term Third
World has produced some quite divergent views. Some regard it as an irrelevant
and obsolete term, which no longer serves any meaningful purpose in today’s
world. Other commentators reject this vehemently; they argue that the term is
both useful and valid. It becomes readily apparent that the term Third World is
indeed, a source of contention. The purpose of this essay is to examine the
debate over this term. It outlines, what some see as the inaccuracies and
imprecisions of the term, however, it will also illustrate the importance of
its continued usage.
The historical origins of the term
Third World, its genesis and how it came to gain such worldwide acceptance, are
examined. From this juncture, the essay focuses on modernisation theory,
dependency theory and world-system theory all of which have featured
prominently throughout the theoretical discourse regarding the Third World.
Additionally, the term is juxtaposed with synonyms that have gained popularity
in recent years. The essay illustrates, to paraphrase Winston Churchill’s
comment on democracy that “it is the worst term apart from all the others”.[1]
Critics of the term Third World, such as
Nigel Harris, argue that it is devoid of any real meaning. Harris believes that
it is essentially defunct and should be done away with altogether. Mark Berger
states, “the idea of a Third World serves primarily to generate both a dubious
homogeneity within its shifting boundaries and an analytically irrelevant
distinction between Third and First Worlds.”[2]
Peter Bauer finds the term patronising and condescending as it presents the
Third World as a “uniform and stagnant mass devoid of distinctive character….
denying those individuals and societies which comprise the Third World of their
identity, character, personality and responsibility.”[3]
Brian Smith highlights the fact that the
Third World has changed almost beyond the point of recognition and that
therefore the term is “increasingly unacceptable to commentators from both
North and South.”[4] According to
Johan Gatting, the term “alludes to third class, third rate and which is only
marginally acceptable in the biblical sense of the last becoming first”.[5]
Rodinson states it even more implicitly “there is no homogenous ‘hungry
universe’ that constitutes the ‘Third World’.”[6]
Despite these
arguments, there are those who still think it important to employ the term
Third World in order to “preserve and convey the values associated with it.”[7]
S.D Muni views the term as being both a ‘sound’ concept and a flexible
resilient category, which implies neither “inferior values nor some lower
numerical order but rather a set of specific characteristics that are unique in
more than one way to the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.”[8]
Paul Harrison takes an evenhanded
approach to the term. He firstly acknowledges its shortcomings. He states:
The ‘First World’ was the Capitalist
West; the ‘Second World’ was the Communist Bloc; the ‘Third World’ defined in
relation to these two, encompassed everything else…. Now the Communist bloc is
neither communist nor a bloc…. The Third World is no longer third and is no
longer a clearly identifiable grouping of nations.[9]
However, he argues that if we stop using or abandon the term Third World
then “there is a risk that we shall weaken our awareness, our concern and our
action.”[10]
These contrasting viewpoints raise a
number of questions: Is it correct to herald the demise of the Third World as a
force in the world today? Should we composing an epitaph or a new epithet for
the Third World?[11] Does the
term Third World have any continued relevance? Or is simply too problematic and
contentious a term to be of any use? Or as Trevor Murtagh inquires, “is it
anachronistic and serves no purpose or will it prove more advantageous to
remain as a form of collective grouping under the banner of a ‘Third World’ in
the international arena?”[12]
Before these questions are addressed a brief look at the history of the how the
term came to gain such popularity in the international arena is required.
Alfred Sauvy, the French demographer
and economic historian, is the one accredited with having coined the term Third
World in ‘Le Nouvel Observature’ in 1952. Sauvy drew a direct comparison
between the exclusion of the Third Estate in French political history and the
exclusion and isolation of the Third World by the First World (Western
Capitalism) and Second World (Eastern Communism). The onset of the Cold War and
the subsequent division of the world in to two armed camps placed pressure on
many nations to declare themselves ideologically for one side or another. The
emergence of a ‘Third Force’ or ‘Third Way’ seemed to offer an alternative to
the two dominant world ideologies.
The
proponents of this world force were drawn primarily from countries that were
emerging on to the world arena as newly independent nations. They shared a
common history in that they had all at one stage or another been former
colonies. Samuel E. Finer states:
The Third World was not just a residual
category of states that were neither liberal-democratic nor
communist-totalitarian. It was a significant grouping in that its members lay
outside the Europe mainly south of the fortieth parallel, were mainly agrarian,
were much poorer than Northern states and had been subjected to colonialism or
deep diplomatic and economic penetration by the West.[13]
It was thought that their shared experiences would unite these
quite disparate countries into a credible force to counter the bipolar world,
which so typified the Cold War era. The ‘world’ that the Third World referred
to consisted of “a hundred states in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Latin
America and the Caribbean. Their combined population of four billion accounted
for 75% of the world’s total population, while its territories covered nearly
70% of the world’s land area.”[14]
The term Third World emerged out of
the academic corridors of the world’s universities to be articulated by
proponents such as Nasser of Egypt, Nehru of India, Tito of Yugoslavia and
Sukarno of Indonesia. When Sukarno was asked, what can we do? he replied, “ We
can inject the voice of reason into world affairs”.[15]
However, they sought to do much more than that. The Bandung conference in
Indonesia in 1955 and the subsequent emergence of the non- aligned movement
(NAM), and later of the Group of 77 (G77) led many to hope that the Third World
could be presented as a force on the world stage.
The hope and aspiration around this
time was encapsulated in Franz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth. Fanon
wrote “for Europe, for ourselves and for humanity, comrades, we must turn over
a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, we must set foot a new man”.[16]
Through NAM and G77 the Third World “gradually established a collective
identity and emerged as a significant political force in the global arena”.[17]
These two groups sought to redress what they saw as the inequalities inherent
in the global capitalist system. This system had by and large been established
by the US and UK at the Bretton Woods conference in 1944 which founded the
major world institutions that came to dominant the rest of the twentieth
century. These included the IMF, World Bank, GATT and the UN.
Third World countries
viewed these institutions with suspicion, as they believed that they operated
merely to reinforce Western, and in particular US global hegemony. NAM and G77
scored some notable successes however by and large they were short-lived.[18]
The 1980’s, with its economic crises, saw the fragile political alliances
within the Third World fragment and evaporate. This, coupled with the demise of
the Soviet Union, prompted some to talk of the end of the Third World while
others like Francis Fukuyama wrote of ‘The End of History’[19]
In tandem
with the many real political developments was the emergence of a Third World
discourse. The Third World was seen as poor, underdeveloped, and backward.
There was a feeling among many in the West that these countries needed to catch
up. This could best be achieved through industrialisation and economic growth.
This idea was encapsulated in modernisation theory. This theory maintained that
if countries followed a Western path of development then all their woes,
socially, economically and politically would be taken care of.[20]
Martinussen points out that “in the
literature of the 1950’s and 1960’s there was a tendency to look at developing
countries as so fundamentally similar that it was deemed reasonable to
generalise about them as one type of society”.[21]
Unfortunately, modernisation theory,
in practice, did not succeed in dramatically improving the lot of those in the
Third World. In fact, it has been accused of doing the exact opposite. The
South Commission stated that “uncritical imitation of the Western models led to
a failure to benefit from the South’s reserves…. it led more generally to
greater inequalities, unplanned and usually chaotic urbanisation…. increased
import demand, combined with lagging export capacity and much environmental
damage.”[22]
The failure of modernisation theory
led theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank, Theotorio Dos Santos and F.H.Cardoso
to challenge many of the assumptions associated with modernisation theory.[23]
Frank’s theory of the development of underdevelopment states, “countries with
the closet links to the industrialised countries were proportionally least
developed.”[24] The
dependency theorists argued that the “underdevelopment present in Third World
societies was not an original state but was something, which had been created
as a condition of development…the influence of the theory therefore helped to
popularise the term Third World.”[25]
However, dependency theory was found
to be inadequate on a number of fronts. It failed to account for the rapid and
successful development in the newly industrialised countries (NIC’s) in
Southeast Asia. This fatally undermined a theory that“ provided the basis not
simply for unity among Third World states but for the very idea of the Third
World itself.”[26] It has also
been criticised for emphasising external economic forces to the detriment of
other factors such as the role of politics within developing nations.[27]
Nevertheless, dependency theory provided a useful conceptual framework from
which other theorists, like Samir Amin and more importantly Immanuel Wallerstein,
were able to draw on and develop.
Wallerstein’s world-system theory
emphasises the role a country plays within the capitalist world system. Berger
states, “Wallerstein’s project rests on the assumption that a particular
country’s internal development may only be ‘understood’ with reference to the
position it plays in the modern world system as a whole.”[28]
Wallerstein developed Frank’s ideas on the metropolis and satellite to come up
with the concepts of core, periphery, semi-periphery and external.[29]
World system theory also highlights the importance of history.[30]
Wallerstein’s thesis would seem to confound those who say that the term Third
World is defunct given the collapse of the former Communist Bloc. If one was to
go along with his theory then the framework within which the Third World
operates predates the 20th Century by some four to five hundred
years.
Perhaps, it is the
combination of the elements of history and peripherality, which make the term
Third World as viable today as it was fifty years ago. It links back to Sauvy’s
original meaning of countries being outside the great power blocs. Clapham
argues that what distinguishes the Third World is its peripherality, “economic
peripherality has meant separation from and subordination to the dominant
industrial economies which have developed especially in North America and
Europe…it ties the economy to the global system”.[31]
Naturally there exist critics of this thesis. Anthony Giddens
argues that the Third World societies are not a world apart but are very much
connected to the industrial societies. He maintains that this is set to
continue as globalisation accelerates into the next century strengthening the
economic ties between nations.[32]
Berger makes an interesting point when he states:
For any of those concerned with economic
development, a relatively homogenous ‘Third World’ continues to exist and this
‘Third World’ is still evaluated in terms of its ability or lack of ability to
advance towards a degree and type of economic development similar to the first
world.[33]
Following on from the
importance of the economic debate is the idea of the Third World being a
homogenised group of poor nations. It is argued that the Third World no longer
constitutes such homogeneity. Shiva Naipaul states:
The idea of a ‘Third World’, despite its
congenial simplicity, is too shadowy to be of any use… all poverty may look
alike from a comfortable armchair, may seem susceptible to the same remedies,
nothing could be further from the truth.[34]
It is also argued that the term
Third World ignores or obscures the huge diversity in wealth both between and
within such countries. Meier writes, “to talk of poverty ridden people in Least
Developed Countries (LDC’s) might act as a form of mystification deflecting
attention away from internal stratification: poor countries do not exist
entirely of poor people, great disparities exist”.[35]It
must be acknowledged that even the poorest countries have its share of
millionaires comparable in many ways to those living in the West.
The existence of elites, within Third World
countries, is often cited as an example of where the term Third World fails to
adequately convey the reality within Third World societies. The presence of
such elites challenges the assumption that all peoples within the Third World
are universally poor. Berger states, “elites in the Third World societies often
appear to have more in common with Western elites than with their own
dispossessed masses.”[36]
One example would be Brazil where the richest 20% earns 64.2% of the national
income and the income ratio of the top to the lowest fifth if the population
was 26 to 1.[37] Such
statistics lead some to denounce the term Third World “ as mystification
designed to conceal dependency and exploitation, as well as a device allowing
rulers of Third world countries to present a common interest between themselves
and the masses to disguise their own interests with metropolitan interests.[38]
The growing disparity among states,
such as Bangladesh and the NIC’s, has further undermined the term Third World.
Nigel Harris argues that “the NIC’s and the majority of the low income
countries had as little in common with each other as each had with the more
developed countries”.[39]Cammack
argues that the “varying trajectories of different counties and regions within
the Third World over the last fifty year…have called into question the
usefulness of the blanket term ‘Third World’ to cover developing nations, if
they are assumed to be uniformly poor and underdeveloped.”[40]
The World Bank distinguishes between rich, the middle poor and the poorest
countries referring to them as Least Developed Countries (LDC’s), prompting
some to say that we now have to contend with a Fourth World.
Yet, there are those
who counter this by saying that the problems, which characterised those
countries within the Third World during the post-war period, are to be found
today. One of these problems is the debt issue. All through the 1980s right up
to present day this diverse but seemingly cohesive band of countries are as “
locked into a vicious circle of mounting debt, falling export values, pressure
to export to earn foreign capital and dependence on foreign aid and loans, as
they were in the decades following political independence”.[41]
In 1990 Third World debt stood at approximately $1.3 trillion equivalent to 44%
of its total GNP. Brazil owes $155 billion, Mexico $197 billion and Argentina
$57 billion.[42] Linked to
this is Bauer’s argument that the only thing the Third World has in common is
that they request and receive aid, he writes, “the Third World is the creation
of foreign aid: without foreign aid there is no Third World”.[43]
Peter Worsley maintains that the Third World is the world of poor countries and
that “their poverty was the outcome of a more fundamental identity: that they
had all been colonised.”[44]
Those at loggerheads
with the term Third World point to the internal contradictions and conflicts
within this diverse group of countries. The evidence of deep division within
the Third World significantly reduces the credibility of any notions of
solidarity.[45] State interests among Third World countries
are increasingly regional orientated, often without regard for the common good.
Some examples would include the Central American Common Market and most
particularly the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC),
which “was doing more damage to the economies of poor countries than the
developed.”[46]
Furthermore, the emergence of a
strongly anti-communist group of Asian states such as: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore,
Thailand and the Philippines brought an end to the Third World as a coherent
voting block in the UN. In 1979, the more industrialised countries of the Third
World vetoed a code of conduct for multinational corporations that the less
industrialised Third World States wanted.[47]
The range of internecine conflicts is another
example where this idea of Third World solidarity breaks down. The conflict
between China and Vietnam was of particular significance as the Maoist
interpretation was one that placed China at the heart of the Third World. In
fact the preamble of the 1975 constitution forbids China from ever becoming a
superpower. Conflicts in Africa and Latin America has resulted in a huge loss
of life some estimates put it as high as 25 million.
A number of terms have entered the lexicon in
an attempt to encapsulate exactly what it is we are talking about when we refer
to the Third World. Theses synonyms include North/South, rich and poor
countries, developing states, LDC’S, the Underdeveloped World, and Core and
Periphery. However, they are as
contentious and problematic as the term Third World. Simpson astutely observes:
The situation has been further complicated by
the current usage of the terms North and South. To anyone with any degree of
geographical fastidiousness they are terms, which can only be regretted when
India and China are located in the South and Australia and New Zealand in the
North
He goes on, “the American political scientist Bruce Russett has
likened the search for an all purpose region to that of an alchemist trying to
find a universal solvent[48]
Another writer noted that terms like
‘Low Income Countries’ and ‘Least Developed Countries’ are cold, clinical and
euphemistic, which carry little more than a descriptive, statistical meaning.[49]
Christopher Clapham with a touch of English humour no doubt states, “I have
chosen to use the term ‘Third World’ not because of its meaning, but because of
its meaninglessness. Its alternatives all carry conceptual overtones which are
even more misleading, in that they imply positive elements of commonality
rather than a simply negative residual category.”[50]Moreover,
Clapham indicates that terms such as ‘developed’, ‘underdeveloped’ and
‘developing’, have led to “conceptual confusion and misleading generalisation.”[51]
As we have seen through the course
of the essay the term Third World is both contentious and problematic. Shiva
Naipaul wrote that the Third World is a “form of bloodless universality that
robs individuals and societies of their particularity.”[52]
However, analytical, the term Third World allows an awareness of a group of
states that do share a common identity in terms of their history under colonial
rule. Hadjor noted, “we cannot change the history which produced the Third
World; and we cannot change the Third World without some awareness of this
history. That is the strength of this term.”[53]
Shiva Naipaul’s comment, in relation
to the term Third World, is symbolic of the extent to which many commentators
find it both inaccurate and irrelevant. Nevertheless, it must be realised that
hardly any field of study arrives at straightforward, all encompassing
phraseology that satisfies everybody. Kofi Buenor Hadjor, in writing of the
vocabulary of the Third World, describes it in terms of a battlefield of
conflicting meaning. Moreover, he states, “we have been unable to enter this
battlefield without beginning to use a term whose history and present are
problematic and conflictive- the term Third World.”[54]
The term as we have seen is not
perfect, it has its flaws, however, it still retains an importance that far
outweighs any other term to date. The term Third World remains a powerful
symbol of common purpose and of a shared historical legacy, which should not be
readily dismissed as out of date or irrelevant. What distinguishes what you see
in Cairo from what you see in Lisbon is their history. The Third World states
are all haunted by the same historical legacy, which is the basic reason why we
should continue to distinguish between the Third World and the rest of the
globe. [55]
Instead of doing away with the term altogether perhaps we should
‘reconceptualise’ it so as to take into consideration the economic, social,
political and cultural diversity that is such a feature of the Third World. .
[1] Howard Handelman, The challenge of Third World development 2nd edn (London: Prentice-Hall International, 2000), 2.
[2] Mark T Berger, “The End of the Third World” Third World Quarterly, vol.15, issue 2 (1994), 257-275.
[3] Peter T. Bauer, Equality in the Third World and Economic Delusion (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1981), 83-84.
[4] Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 24.
[5] [The] South
Commission, The Challenge to the South (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1990), 76.
[6] Maxime Rodinson, Islam and Capitalism (Allen Lane, 1974) cited in B.C.Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), 28.
[7] Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 30.
[8] Samir. D. Muni, “The Third World: concept and controversy,” Third World Quarterly vol. 1, no.3 (1979), 128.
[9] Paul Harrison, Inside the third world: the anatomy of poverty 3rd edn (London: Penguin, 1993), 12-13.
[10] Ibid., 12-13.
[11] Anthony McGrew, The Third World in the New Global Order ch.13 cited in Tim Allen and Alan Thomas (Eds.) Poverty and Development in the 1990s (Oxford University Press 1992), 260.
[12] Trevor Murtagh, “Third World: Outmoded concept or valid term?” University of Limerick, Political and Economic Review (May, 1999) Available: http//: www.ul.ie/~govsoc/ulper/1997/Articles/Murtagh.htm. Accessed 19/12/2002.
[13] Samuel E. Finer, Almonds concept of the political system, a textual critique, Government and Opposition vol. 5, no.1. (1977) cited in Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 20.
[14] World Development Report, Investing in Health (New York: Oxford University Press for the World Bank, 1993), 238-239.
[15] Nigel Harris, The end of the Third World: Newly Industrializing Countries and the Decline of an Ideology (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), 11.
[16] Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (Harmonsworth: Penguin, 1961), C. Farrington (tr.) 255.
[17] Anthony McGrew, The Third World in the New Global Order ch. 13 cited in Tim Allen and Alan Thomas (Eds.) Poverty and Development in the 1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 257.
[18] For example the revisions to the GATT regime, the creation of UNCTAD, the establishment of the Generalized System of Preferences in 1970, the UN Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO).
[19] Fukuyama believed that the “collapse of state socialism and the failure of delinking, which some dependency theorists advocated, provided a clear answer that there was no longer any viable alternative route to development other than that of liberal capitalism” Francis Fukuyama, The End of History The Public Interest (Summer, 1989), 63.
[20] “The process of development consisted…. of moving from traditional society, which was taken as the polar opposite of the modern type, through a series of stages of development derived essentially from the history of Europe, North America and Japan” cited in J. Toye, Dilemmas of Development: Reflections on the counter Revolution in Development Theory and Policy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 11. For more on modernisation theory I recommend Mark T. Berger’s “The End Of the Third World” Third World Quarterly vol.15, issue 2 (1994) and John Martinussen, Society, State, and Market: A Guide to Competing Theories of Development (London: Zed Books, 1997).
[21] John Martinussen, Society, State, and Market: A Guide to Competing Theories of Development (London: Zed Books, 1997), 11.
[22] [The] South Commission Facing the Challenge- Responses to the Report of the South Commission (London: Zed Books, 1993), 6-7.
[23] The dependency theorists believed in the historical legacy of colonialism. They viewed “underdevelopment not as a pristine condition of low productivity and poverty but an historical condition of blocked, distorted and dependent development” J.Toye, Dilemmas of Development: Reflections on the counter Revolution in Development Theory and Policy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 12.
[24] John Martinussen, Society, State, and Market: A Guide to Competing Theories of Development (London: Zed Books, 1997), 89-90.
[25] Edward S. Simpson, The developing world: an introduction 2nd edn (New York: Longman Scientific & Technical, 1994), 9.
[26] Stephen D. Krasner, Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberalism (University of California Press: Berkley, 1985), 88.
[27] “…. the members of the two schools (modernisation and dependency) were often distracted from learning what was actually happening within around their regimes. With their teleological biases, they tended to begin with the script half written. The old paradigms were ideologies as much as they were modes of analysis. They tended towards monopolistic claims of truth for their own world view” cited in James Manor (ed.), Rethinking Third World Politics (London: Longman, 1991), 2.
[28] Mark T. Berger, “The End of the Third World” Third World Quarterly, vol.15, issue .2 (1994), 257-275.
[29] Wallerstein saw the core as comprised the industrialised countries of North America and Western Europe, the periphery were countries like Third World countries, agrarian based, export orientated, the semi-periphery was comprised of countries like Spain and Portugal who not core countries but who still played an important although lesser role in the capitalist world system. The external consisted of the Eastern bloc and the USSR.
[30] Wallerstein saw the establishment of the capitalist world economy stretching back some 500 years. Within this system the core countries exploited the countries on the periphery for centuries keeping them in a position of economic and political weakness.
[31] Christopher Clapham, Third world politics: an introduction (London: Routledge, 1988), 3-4.
[32] Anthony. Giddens, Sociology 2nd edn (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), 534.
[33] Mark T Berger, “The End of the Third World” Third World Quarterly, vol.15, issue 2 (1994), 257-275.
[34] Shiva Naipaul, ‘A Thousand Million Men’ The Spectator, May 18th, 1985, 9-11.
[35] Gerald Meier, Leading Issues in Economic Development 3rd edn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), cited in Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 28.
[36] Mark T Berger, “The End of the Third World” Third World Quarterly, vol.15, issue 2 (1994), 267-268.
[37] Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), p.31.
[38] Smith Ibid., 29.
[39] Nigel Harris, The end of the Third World: Newly Industrializing Countries and the Decline of an Ideology (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), 144.
[40] Paul A.Cammack and David Pool, Third world politics: a comparative introduction (Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1988), 6.
[41] Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 31.
[42] A Bayliss and N.J. Renegger (eds.), Dilemmas of world politics: International issues in a changing world (New York: Clarendon Press, 1992), 125.
[43] Peter T. Bauer, Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1981), 87.
[44] Peter Worsley, The Third World (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1967), 102.
[45] Brian C. Smith, Understanding third world politics: theories of political change and development (London: Macmillan, 1996), 26.
[46] Ibid., 26.
[47] Ibid., 28.
[48] Edward S.Simpson, The developing world: an introduction 2nd edn (New York: Longman Scientific & Technical; 1994), 2.
[49] Kofi Buenor Hadjor, Dictionary of Third World terms (London: Penguin Books, 1993), 10-11.
[50] Christopher Clapham, Third world politics: an introduction (London: Routledge, 1988), 2.
[51] Ibid., 2.
[52] Shiva Naipaul, “A Thousand Million Men” The Spectator, May 18th, 1985.
[53] Kofi Buenor Hadjor, Dictionary of Third World terms (London: Penguin Books, 1993), 10.
[54] Ibid., 2.
[55] Ibid., 9.