Augustine*s
Teachings on Church and State
Dr. In-Sub Ahn
1. General Background
By
the end of the third century Christianity had become the most important single
religion through the whole Roman empire, even before Constantine accepted
Christianity as the religion of his empire. In the great Christian centers of
Rome, the churches had developed, associating with the growing importance of
their Christian communities. The Church in Carthage has grown too, as one of
the important Latin communities.
Among
the provincials of the Mediterranean world, the people in the countryside of
North Africa and Egypt accepted Christianity eagerly. It is important to notice
the character of these churches, which were different from other settled urban
communities. Despite the Great Persecution by Diocletian in 303, Christianity
spread. As a whole, the country people of North Africa were suffering from
heavy burdens, to support the wealth and the luxury of the Roman empire.
However, they were isolated from the profits of the empire.[1]
It
is very important for us to attend to the fact that the Roman emperor always
wanted to keep the unity of the empire. It would be one of the most important
reasons, why the emperor supported Catholicism. Indeed, the Roman Church has
grown, with a close relationship to the Roman empire.
2. Components of Augustine*s
Teachings
If
we want to understand what were Augustine*s ideas on church and state, we first
have to examine his progressive stages of thought during his whole life. In my
opinion, he never tried to summarize his teachings on church and state in a
book, as Calvin did in his Institutes.
I think, when he faced various problems at each phase of his life, he developed
his ideas in writing, trying to solve the given troubles. His thought can be
evaluated as an open system. His idea at one stage, sometimes, even seemed
contradictory to his idea at a different stage. Thus, it would not be
recommendable for me to define what were Augustine*s thoughts on church and
state with a definite word.
2.1. North Africa
Augustine
was born in 354 in the Numidian provincial town of Thagaste in North Africa. At
the time of St. Augustine, Thagaste was one of the typical decaying Roman towns
of fourth-century North Africa. Latin-speaking citizens inhabited a few large
town houses. They were the landowners who possessed great estates outside the city.
Beyond the town walls there were the peasants who lived a very different life.[2]
Thagaste,
where Augustine was born, was one of the centers of Libyan or proto-Berber
culture. The name of his mother, Monica, was a Berber name derived from the
Libyan deity Mon worshipped in the neighbouring town of Thibilis. Moreover, we
notice Augustine*s tendency to follow Berber tradition in attaching more
importance to a near relationship to a brother than to a son. In addition, when
he named his own son, &Adeodatus*, we find that it is only a Berber usage to
name their children in connection of the worship of Adeodatus, Iatanball.[3]
Augustine*s
mother Monica had been brought up in a Christian family.[4]
She clung to traditional practices in the African church. The inner life of
Augustine is dominated by his mother Monica.[5]
Under his mother*s influence he regarded the church as a strong woman. At the
same time, from his father Augustine drew his Roman and African patriotism.[6]
Therefore, we understand that Augustine may have been of Berber extraction.
Augustine was impressed by the Berber background, throughout his whole life.[7]
However,
his descent would be a combination ; neither purely Roman nor purely African,
because in his time Berbers, Phoenicians, and Romans had lived together for
centuries. In addition, he had grown up in circumstances dominated by the Latin
language.[8]
Even though Augustine himself was a son of poorer parents, he had a close
relation with the Latin-speaking upper classes of Roman Africa.[9]
Therefore,
I can conclude that Augustine was a civilized African in Late Rome. The
environment in which he had grown up had an important influence on him.
Especially, I argue that his native background permeated into much of
Augustine*s political and religious thought.[10]
From Thagaste he moved to Madaura in the North of Numidia for study, and to
Carthage. We have to pay attention to his period in Carthage because he
experienced two conversions. The one was to philosophy and the other was to the
Manichaean interpretation of Christianity which we will examine next.
2.2. Influence of Manichaeism
Generally we can see the phenomenon that the Gnostics
fade out at the time of the Great Persecution, and Manichaeism occupied
their place.[11] Since the 4th century
Manichees appeared as the threat to Catholic
Christianity both in the East and in the West. Throughout the whole Roman Empire Manichaeism grew enormously and quickly.[12] Their ascetic ideals penetrated all classes, especially in Coptic regions
and in North Africa.[13] Their missionaries gathered hearers (auditores), most of all in intellectual circles. Augustine was one of them. He admired their asceticism and mysterious nature,
especially occultism. However,
first of all, he expected
that he could find the answer to the problem
of evil in Mani*s teachings.[14]
In this section, we will examine
the close relation
and similarities between
Manichaeism and Augustine. Moreover, at the end of this
section, we will consider the fact that the origin of this gnostic religion
had a Jewish-Christian background.
Indeed Augustine
was under the influence of Manichaeism from his nineteenth to his twenty-eighth year. These years were certainly
an important period in which he developed
his thought in his life. Thus, we have to notice his period in Manichaeism from 373 to 382.[15] In 382 Augustine met a famous Manichaean, Faustus,
in Carthago. Although
Augustine was disappointed, we can find that Augustine
still made a deep contact
with some Manichees
in Rome in the next year.[16] In 384, Manichaeans even played a role as his mediators
with Rome*s city-prefect Symmachus, so that Augustine could take a job at Milan as state professor
of rhetoric.[17] Thus, we can certainly
say that even at the end of 384 Augustine
still had a close relationship with Manichaeans for a number of years and these years are, of course,
significant in one*s development.[18]
Augustine
was so ardent a Manichee[19]
that he introduced many to that Gnostic religion ; for example, his benefactor Romanianus, a childhood
friend who died young, his friends Alypius,
Nebridius, Honoratus, Fortunatus, Profuturus and another
Fortunatus.[20]
It is clear that his knowledge of Manichaeism was very deep.[21]
Indeed, the African Church Father was impressed by this gnostic
religion, not only negatively when he opposed
it, but also positively. Augustine*s theology reflects his Manichaean years in many points. One of them is his view on the communion
of the saved. For him, it was a worldwide
mystical body of the elect, which had no political
or cultural boundary,
and it was the earthly
counterpart of Christ who pervaded
the universe.[22]
Especially, Augustine
was thoroughly familiar
with the Manichaean doctrine of the two kingdoms.
Moreover, his writings
contain many similarities with it. The Manichaeans emphasize
the antithesis between
the heavenly kingdom
and the earthly city. The opponent
of the heavenly kingdom is the internally divided kingdom of darkness which became
the kingdom of this world (kosmos). The city is even called a city of demons.[23] In Augustine, the City of God and the City of the earth were entirely
antithetic too.[24]
The world history is the history
of the two kingdoms for Manichaeism. They were divided
in the beginning (initium), intermingled in the middle time (medium), and separated again in the end
(finis).[25] When we read Augustine*s De Civitate Dei, it is surprising that we meet the analogy
to this. For Augustine, the history of the world was also the history
of the two cities (civitates). In addition, it is composed
of an origin (exortus), a progress (procursus) and a destined
end (debiti fines). It is, also, notable that the main part of his De Civitate
Dei was made of three parts in four
books, according to these three
parts.[26]
Thus, as we have seen, the similarities between
the thoughts of the Manichaeists and Augustine are evident. Then we have to ask if Manichaeism is fundamental to Augustine*s thoughts,
especially concerning the teachings on Church and State.
According to J. van Oort, however, we go to an entirely
new stage through
the discovery of the Cologne Mani-Codex. It was discovered and published in 1970.[27] Through this it is very certain
that Mani*s roots were in a
Jewish-Christian baptist sect. Many typically Jewish and Christian ideas are to
be found in his religion.
According
to the Mani-Codex the Manichaeans
washed themselves everyday. They also washed their food. They not only denoted
their religion as the law (nomos),
but they also emphasized the keeping of the sabbath and the ancestral traditions.
These are surely of the Jewish religion. Moreover, we can find Christian
elements in the codex. These Baptists referred to the commandments of the
Saviour, and Mani spoke about the testimonies from the Gospel.[28]
Augustine,
however, found that Manichaeism was unsatisfactory to him on the issue of evil
which was fundamental to him. Augustine, finally, felt that this religion had two
basic errors. Manichaeism depicted God as a divisible, corporeal substance.
Moreover, that religion regarded evil as an independent reality. For these two
reasons, he rejected Manichaean philosophy.[29]
In short, Augustine*s teachings, especially his thoughts
of the two cities, which contain the fundamental ideas on Church and State in Augustine, have a surprising resemblance to the Manichaean two kingdoms. However,
Mani grew up in a Jewish-Christian environment. Therefore we can conclude that Mani and Augustine were ultimately influenced by the same Jewish-Christian tradition.
Now it is time to examine
the influence of the
Jewish-Christian tradition on Augustine.
2.3. Influence of Jewish-Christian
Tradition
In
the first century A.D. Jews were already living in several locations in North
Africa, mainly along the coast. Especially after the fall of Jerusalem in 70,
and certainly after the revolt of the Jews in Egypt and Cyrene under Trajan
(115), their numbers in Africa increased considerably.[30]
In
Carthage, the Christian Church was born in the synagogue. Jewish influence in North
Africa not only preceded Christianity, but spread and even outlasted the
Christian Church there. All this explains why the character of African
Christianity was dissenting in many ways. Jewish exclusiveness joined with
Semitic-Punic and Berber particularism, and thus a movement like Donatism,
constantly in protest against Rome and its empire, can be more clearly
understood. It is also against the backdrop of this Jewish and Jewish-Christian
ferment that Augustine*s doctrine and imagery of the two cities can be
explained.[31]
Cyprian
and Tertullian were also an important source of Augustine. Cyprian held a
pessimistic view of this world in general, and of the idolatrous Roman Empire
with its persecutions in particular. World (saeculum)
and devil meant for him virtually the same. On the one hand in Cyprian*s
negative references to the world and worldly things, and on the other hand in
his emphasis on the believer*s state of being an alien, we can discern much
similarity with Augustine.[32]
Moreover,
Cyprian*s thought on the Church was significant to Augustine. There is no
salvation outside the Catholic Church. When Cyprian taught that no one can have
God for one*s Father unless one has the church for one*s Mother, Augustine
followed him. Augustine used Cyprian*s conception of the unity of the Church,
believing that Cyprian was his party.[33]
Thus, for Augustine those who separated from the Catholic Church committed a
sacrilege against God.
Just
as Cyprian shows in all this a considerable kinship with Augustine*s doctrine
of the two cities, so does his illustrious predecessor Tertullian.[34]
The demons are the magistrates of this world and the pagan state - Rome - is
identical with demonic power. Hence it is not surprising that he described the
Christian as an alien.[35]
Augustine
received a Christian education that had a lasting influence upon him, in
addition to a thorough classical schooling. He grew up in the tradition of the
Church of Africa. The possible implications of this fact will certainly have to
be considered in this investigation into the origins of his doctrine of the two
cities.
However,
Augustine was not instantly converted to the Catholic Christian belief which he
later professed. He was carried away by a strongly Neoplatonic Christianity. He
praised the Platonists for delivering him from the errors of Manichaeism. As he
said, (Neo) Platonism set him on the path to Christianity by their teaching
that God was a fully spiritual, transcendent, and inconceivable being, and that
evil was only a privation of goodness without independent substance.[36]
Platonism provided Augustine with a rational answer to many questions, and
therefore it was a great source of spiritual liberation.[37]
In
the autumn of 384 Augustine arrived in Milan a disillusioned man. Once again he
became a catechumen in the Catholic Church from 384 to 386. As a catechumen he
heard the sermons of Ambrose and they impressed him. He also became acquainted
with Neoplatonic writings in which God was pictured as a spiritual Being and
evil as having non-being. According to S. Ozment, Augustine was heir to both
Platonic and Christian traditions of thought and is commonly viewed as their
most perfect union.[38]
Thus, for Augustine, only the immaterial could affect the immaterial. An
invisible and eternal soul could only be moved by invisible and eternal
universals. This presupposition lay behind Augustine*s theory of the sacraments
of the church. In the autumn of 386, he came to Cassiciacum, and in 387
together with Adeodatus and his friend Alypius he was baptized by Ambrose.[39]
The
influence of Ambrose on Augustine was great.[40]
His going to the imperial capital and his getting acquainted with its Catholic
bishop had been of great consequence to him. Mainly through Simplicianus in
Milan he discovered a Neoplatonism that was interpreted in a Christian manner
in the circle round Ambrose.[41]
However,
in his later years Augustine became more and more critical of that philosophy
in De Civitate Dei. At first he
praised the Platonists,[42]
but after Book X this praise gradually diminished. Augustine condemns the
Neoplatonic doctrine.[43]
Finally he described that the philosophers were inhabitants of the ungodly
city,[44]
and will perish with the demons. He writes,
※And it is absolutely certain
that those philosophers in the impious city who have said that the gods are
their friends have fallen into the power of the wicked demons to whom that
whole city is subjected, and in whose company it will suffer eternal
punishment.§[45]
Ultimately
Augustine even explains that a Christian has to be an anti-Platonist.[46]
Nevertheless,
it is important for us to notice that Neoplatonism indeed exerted great
influence on both Augustine*s conversion and his later theologizing. Especially
Augustine would learn from it his conception of the universality and the unity
of the Holy Church. However, while Platonists saw a distinction between two
worlds, whereby the material world is a representation of the immaterial one
and the two are thus related to each other in a positive way, for Augustine the
central issue was the absolute antithesis between two civitates.[47]
From
391, the year in which Augustine became a presbyter at Hippo Regius, a steady
increase in his knowledge of Scripture and Church doctrine can be discerned. It
was in these years that he became profoundly acquainted with Donatism and with
African theology in general.[48]
For
Augustine, especially, Ambrose*s influence was great, not only during the years
in Milan, but afterwards as well. The believer*s state of being an alien was
strongly emphasized by Ambrose. Ambrose admonished them to live in this earthly
city, the world, as a sojourner, because their city was the heavenly Jerusalem.
This is a close parallel with Augustine*s idea of the two cities. Augustine*s
concept and Ambrose*s reference to two sectae
was represented by Cain and Abel : two groups of people opposing each other
and engaged in a struggle. But for Ambrose they represented above all an
antithesis within the soul of man.[49]
Besides
Ambrose, it is certain that Augustine was familiar with the main work of
Lactantius, who was born in Africa. Augustine quoted his writings in De Civitate Dei. Moreover, from the
context, it appears that he expected his readers to be acquainted with it.[50]
Lactantius mentioned Cyprian, Tertullian, and Minucius Felix. His elaborate
antithesis of good and evil, light and darkness, God and devil, the two ways
and the two warring spirits influenced the future church father.[51]
As
we have seen above, Augustine was able to learn a great deal from predecessors
in his doctrine of the two cities from the Western Christian tradition, in
particular from the Christian tradition in Africa. Therefore, Augustine*s
thought on the two cities echoes Christian tradition prior to Augustine.
2.4
Relation to Donatism
Since
A.D. 311 the Donatist Church was established as one of the major Churches in
the West. Donatism had a Bible-inspired way of life in a world threatened by
what it regarded as a false Christianity and idolatry.[52]
It is notable that the Donatist and Catholic Churches remained divided in North
Africa until both were swept away by Islam. They were two societies,
fundamentally different in religious and social viewpoints. The two Churches
represent opposite tendencies in early Christian thought. Thus, we have to
consider, firstly, that they are two opposed attitudes to society rather than
of &heresy* versus &truth*. They differed not only in their distinctive dogma,
but also in their relationships to the world.[53]
Under the African tradition, the Donatists preserved the North African
conception on church and state.[54]
These
different attitudes of the two churches can be partly explained by the
geographical, socio-economic, and religious conditions of North Africa in those
days. In North Africa the High Plain (including southern Numidia, Mauretanis,
and part of Byzacena) was isolated from Rome, in contrast to Carthage.[55]
The worship of Saturn in the countryside prevailed among the lower classes of
North Africans, who were mainly Berbers. They admired martyrdom. In the third
century most of them converted from their traditional religion to Christianity.
Then the people in Numidia were under hard pressure of high taxation to support
the urban communities of North Africa. Thus, their discontent with Rome and the
official religion of the empire went to the maximum.[56]
It is surprising to notice that the regions of the Donatist movement coincided
with it.[57]
Through the fourth century, the Donatist Church expanded in the whole of North
Africa.[58]
Augustine
himself was born and brought up a Berber background.[59]
But he took no opportunity to contact the movement in his young period.[60]
However, when we examine Augustine*s teachings further, it is not hard for us
to find that Augustine echoes his native elements just as the Donatists.
Augustine wanted to live within his own boundaries securely, and we can find
these ideas only in the Donatist viewpoint that inspired Gildo and Optatus of
Thamugadi during their rebellion of 397-8.[61]
Augustine*s ideal was otium liberale,
which means the simple enjoyment of the fruits of a rural domain, instead of
safeguarding of the city state.[62]
He rebuked Maximus of Madauros because he lacked a sympathy and understanding
for his native country. Later, as a mature thinker he rejected the Roman Empire
as a political ideal.[63]
In his De Civitate Dei, he seems to
be almost equal with the previous African Christian apologists, when he argues
that Rome*s rise came from injustice ; from unjust wars, aggressions and
robberies.[64]
Especially in Augustine*s attitude towards the cult of the martyrs we can find
his development of thought. As he grew older, he shows the viewpoints of the
original Berber. At first, he forbade the feast for the martyrs in the church
and he was a rationalist on miracles, reproaching the Donatists. However,
later, in his De Civitate Dei, he
writes many stories of the blind receiving back their sight, and other wonders.[65]
When he respects martyrs such as the deacon Nabor, it is hard to distinguish
him from the fringes of Roman Africa.[66]
Thus, we find the fact that, throughout his life, Augustine*s background as a
Berber always remained an influential source on his thinking.
When
we think about two great North African theologians, Tertullian and Cyprian, we
can understand the possible connection between Augustine and the Donatists.
According to W.H.C. Frend, Tertullian can be evaluated as the ※forerunner and
father of the Donatist Church,§ in the fact that he emphasized the Church of
the Spirit instead of the organized Church. The Donatists regarded Cyprian as a
perfect bishop for his attitudes to martyrdom and asceticism. At the same time
Augustine also firmly believed that Cyprian is surely on his side, especially
concerning ecclesiology.[67]
Augustine,
especially, learned his thoughts on eschatology and the two cites from
Tyconius, who was a Donatist. Tyconius understood the Church*s holiness as
eschatological. The Church is in a permanent tension between what is here and
now and the eschatological reality. Augustine was taught by Tyconius that in
any given society on earth both &cities* must have their members. The saints
should stay in the world, but flee from it like monks. At the Last Day the
separation would take place, and then the Church would come into her own.[68]
Tyconius did not join the Catholic Church, even though he was excommunicated by
Parmenian in 385, but neither did he oppose the Donatists. When Augustine
criticized Donatism, he used the sociological inseparability of the two opposed
societies.[69]
However, we can conclude that in Augustine*s thoughts on the two cities,
Augustine echoes the idea of two antithetical civitates in Tyconius* commentary.[70]
With
Tertullian, Cyprian, and the Donatists, Augustine regarded the Church as God*s
holy people.[71]
As we have seen, Augustine indeed shared many viewpoints with the Donatists.
However, Augustine strongly criticized and opposed them. On this problem I
would like to propose three reasons. Firstly, it is connected with his personal
circumstances. He was isolated from the Donatist movement. Secondly, it came
from Augustine*s conceptions of the Sacrament and of the Church. Thirdly, it is
connected with the political situation, which I will examine in the next
section.
Augustine
was born in the Roman town of Thagaste in the middle of the fourth century. His
friends were the latinized minority who had economic advantages. The place he
worked was in the center of the limited Romanized city at the sea side and the
valley where the Catholic church was strong. He could speak little Punic and no
Libyan. Moreover, he was deeply involved with Manichaeism. He was, in fact,
isolated from the peasants who followed the Donatists, even though his thoughts
echo the typical North African tradition. He regards the Donatists even as a
&heresy*.[72]
Therefore, we can conclude that, limited by all these conditions, Augustine
could not understand the religious ideas and backgrounds of the Donatists.
Augustine,
moreover, believes that the Sacrament really works within the Catholic Church.
There was no salvation outside the Church. Thus he could not accept the
separation from the universal Church and the Sacrament. Thus he opposed
Donatism.
In
addition, we have to consider the political environment to grasp Augustine*s
teachings and his attitude to the relationship between church and state.
2.5. Development of
Politico-Religious Situation in North Africa
In
the fourth century, Africa was one of the most famous export places for the
olive.[73]
Even though the villages were rich, the towns in the countryside suffered from
the heavy taxation to support the declining Rome. Thus the people in the towns
chose Donatism instead of Catholicism, the religion of the Roman empire.[74]
It is well understandable that when the Numidians opposed the new bishop of
Carthage namely Caesilian, Caesilian appealed to the emperor Constantine, and
Caesilian was able to gain the support from the secular authority. The
Donatists kept the African tradition of hostility against the world symbolized
by Rome, while the opposite party allied itself to the secular power.[75]
Through the fourth century the Donatists became the majority in North Africa,
especially in Numidia and Carthage.[76]
In these places the public officials, the land owners, and the Catholics were
regarded as the representation of the Roman empire.
A
Donatist bishop of Carthage, Parmenian, led his church successfully during his
time from A.D. 369 to 391. In the end of his time, the Donatist church entered
a golden age. Under his episcopacy the Donatists enjoyed peace, even though a
few persecutions followed after the revolt of Firmus. We see a reduction of the
members of the Catholic Church in North Africa in these days.[77]
In
386, Gildo was nominated as Comes Africae
by the Emperor Theodosius. Optatus was elected as bishop of Thamugadi. It was
one of the most important Donatist bishoprics of south Numidia. Gildo revolted
against the Emperor Honorius, as Gildo and Optatus formed an alliance in
Numidia. Under their rule from A.D. 386 to 398, we can see the possibility of
the establishment of non-Roman and native power in Africa. Donatism gave a
motivation to this political movement. Gildo was a real political leader of
North Africa in this period. There was little hope of Imperial help for the
Catholic Church. However, from A.D. 392 to 397 we cannot find any religious
coercion by the Donatists upon the neighboring Catholics.[78]
However, Gildo*s revolt against the Roman Empire failed in 398, and the
Donatists lost their power.
Augustine
became bishop of Hippo in 395, when Catholicism was in the minority in Africa.
He had to work and advocate among the majority Donatists. It is important to
consider his position with respect to the State in this period and its change
before and after the Donatists* command. He started with a request for
discussion with the Donatists, calling them ※brothers.§ However, he ended with
an appeal to the Roman Emperor, even referring to them as ※heresy§ since the
failure of Gildo*s revolt and the following fourth Council of Carthage in 399.[79]
After the defeat of Gildo,
Catholicism increased in number in Africa. In 405 the edict of unity put the
non-Catholic Christians outside of the guardianship of the law. Finally, at the
Conference of Carthage in 411 the commissioner of the Roman Emperor made a
decision against the Donatists. All the rights of the Donatists and their
possessions were given to the Catholics. Only capital punishment was
prohibited. The Catholic Church seemed to win entirely in North Africa.[80]
Concerning Augustine*s thought
on church and state, it is also very necessary for us to consider the whole
situation of the late Roman empire. After the emperor Theodosius* death (A.D.
395), the power of Rome became weakened. The Empire was divided into East and
West. The Roman society seemed to be in serious unrest because of revolts
inside and increasing invasions of the Vandals outside since AD. 406. When
Augustine began to write De Civitate Dei
in AD. 411, the Christian Rome was taken by Alaric in AD. 410. For Augustine
and his contemporaries, the circumstances of the state seemed terrible. The
church, at that time, was the only stable institution in the whole West. Thus,
Augustine came to expect more of the church than of the state, emphasizing the
unity of the church, at this later stage.
Roman Catholicism in North
Africa, indeed, disappeared because of the Vandals just after the death of
Augustine. Donatists, however, remained until the seventh century in Numidia,[81]
not converting to Catholicism. Augustinian rhetoric and imperial legislation
destroyed the Donatist Church. However, it meant the ultimate destruction of
Christian and Roman North Africa.[82]
Therefore, it is evident that Christianity of North Africa survived as long as
the Donatist church could maintain itself.
3. Augustine*s Teachings
3.1 Idea of the Two Cities : Jerusalem
and Babylon
Augustine
developed no detailed, systematic theory of the proper relationship between
Church and State. However, his De
Civitate Dei provides the foundation of his analysis of that relationship.[83]
The concept civitas corresponds with
the Greek concept polis. Thus, we
bear in mind that both cities are ruled by a prince. While all civitates are linked to their particular
cult of gods, the civitas Dei is tied
to the true God. Only the worship of this God can create the true
civitas-community.[84]
In this section, I would like to examine the meaning of the two cities in
Augustine, especially in his De Civitate
Dei, and this will be an essential prelude for researching Augustine*s
teaching on church and state.
3.1.1. Antithesis
The
idea of the two opposed cities, duae
civitates, is a central theme in Augustine*s thinking throughout the whole
of De Civitate Dei.[85] For Augustine, even though the two cities
are interwoven in this saeculum,[86] they
are radically antithetic, as shown by the analogy of the contrast between
Jerusalem and Babylon.[87]
In
Augustine*s thought the earthly city originated from the rebellion of the
angels against God.[88]
In addition there was, too, a beginning of the two cities among men. The one
follows God*s will, while the other desires to live according to the flesh.[89]
We can easily find the difference between the two cities with its names. I
would like to show this point through his De
Civitate Dei.[90]
civitas
Dei (city of God)
civitas diaboli
(city of the devil)
civitas
caelestis (heavenly city)
civitas terrena (earthly
city)
civitas
aeterna (eternal city)
civitas temporalis
(temporal city)
civitas
piorum (city of the
believers)
civitas impiorum (city of
the wicked)
civitas
immortalis (immortal city) civitas
mortalis (mortal city)
civitas
sancta (holy city)
civitas iniqua (wicked
city)
Moreover,
when Augustine uses these names, their characteristics also imply the
antithesis.[91]
supernatural
birth
natural birth
eternity
temporality
everlastingness
transitoriness
humility
pride
obedience
disobedience
love
of God
love of self
worship
of the true God
worship of
idols
living
according to the Spirit
living according to the flesh
Augustine
calls Rome Babylon in De Civitate Dei.[92]
In his Confessions, we also find the
same meaning. Here he called the eternal city, Jerusalem, his native city and
mother.[93]
But he was wandering in the streets of Babylon.[94]
In Augustine, the earthly city is mentioned as the city of the unbelievers(civitas infidelium), the city of this
world (civitas huius saeculi)[95],
the wicked city (impia civitas)[96],
the wicked city and the unfaithful people (impia
civitas et populus infidelium)[97],
the city of mortals (civitas mortalium)[98],
the demon-worshipping city (daemonicola
civitas)[99],
the city of the devil (civitas diaboli).[100]
The
city of the devil, which apocalyptically means Rome in Augustine, persecutes
the city of God.[101]
Indeed, throughout all time, the members of these two cities are in opposition.
From the beginning of the world to the end of time the wicked indeed persecute
and harass the pilgrims to heaven.[102]
Thus, in Augustine the two antithetic cities are Jerusalem and Babylon.[103]
The people in the city of God and in the city of the earth are antithetic
through the whole history until the last judgement. We can find nothing which
the two cities have in common.[104]
3.1.2. The Meaning of the Two Cities
The
opposed two cities, which are respectively ruled by Christ and by Satan, will
be separated on the Day of Judgement. However, the cities continue in this
earth, because they are intermingled in this earth, namely in saeculum.[105]
For
Augustine the City of God and the earthly city are ultimately eschatological
entities. He considers the City of God as an ecclesia.[106]
The congregation is already the kingdom of God. However, it has not yet reached
its fulfillment.[107]
Thus the historical congregation is the city of God on this earth, a sojourner
at present until the last day. The earthly City, which is considered as the
earthly state, especially Rome, in Augustine, persecutes the City of God now.[108]
On
this earth the City of God sojourns as an alien. I think this identification is
a fundamental part of Augustine*s theory on church and state, even though he
showed a inconsistent attitude to the state, depending on his situation. In De Civitate Dei he uses these words,
namely peregrinari[109],
peregrinus[110],
and peregrinatio[111]
very frequently. We also find the same meaning in his Confessions.[112]
However,
it is not true to say that these meanings of Augustine imply an absolute
rejection of earthly life. We have to remember that, for Augustine, the two
cities are intermingled in this saeculum.
In the eschaton they will be separated and the absolute contrast will be
entirely shown.[113]
Thus the citizens of the City of God also participate in the works of this
world. They ※use§ the earthly peace (pax
terrena). But they aim to ※enjoy§ the eternal peace of God (pax aeterna Dei) in the heavenly city.[114]
According to Augustine in De Civitate
Dei, the pagan Rome and the Christian one are not essentially different in
that they both are used for the earthly peace alone. The City of God on this
earth is now peregrinating under persecution. The citizens of the civitas Dei are suffering from public
harshness or hypocrisy by the earthly city. But the Church will triumph over
them with endurance.[115]
3.2. Church and State
According
to our research, the antithesis of the City of God and the earthly city is
absolutely evident in Augustine*s thoughts. The two cities are interwoven in
this saeculum. However, they will
eventually be separated in the end. For him, the characteristics of the two
cities are essentially distinctive. Thus, if we follow Augustine*s theory,
Church and State had to be distinguished in this world. The Roman empire, which
was Babylon in Augustine, should not make any coercion to the Church, which was
Jerusalem, and the Church should not either, because they are absolutely
antithetic. In this saeculum the
church and the state go parallel to the last day. The identification of the
members of the City of God was important to him. Even though they live in this
world, they are not citizens of this world but sojourners.
In
fact, the essence of the relation between Church and State in Augustine was the
problem of the coercion of schismatics by the State.[116]
Donatists* political development forced upon Augustine considerations about
coercion. The grave question was, how far it is permissible to use the power of
the state for the establishment of Christian unity.[117]
He gradually showed approval of state pressure, depending on the political
situation.[118]
As
we have already seen, the Donatist dispute was a matter of the Church*s
attitude to the world, rather than of dogma. During the time of Parmenian, who
was the Donatist bishop of Carthage from A.D. 369 to 391, the Donatists reached
a highpoint in North Africa. Especially under the revolt of Gildo from 386 to
398, Gildo and the Donatists became the real leaders in Africa.[119]
Augustine became a Roman Catholic bishop of Hippo in 395, and he was making a
disputation with the Donatists. There was no possibility of help from the
empire for Augustine. In these days, Augustine argues that the Church
must deal with them only by argument
and persuasion and not by threats of state coercion.[120]
Augustine showed a similar attitude to the political power with Optatus, who
became an ally of Gildo. Like Optatus, Augustine appealed to the Donatists as
※brethren, fellow believers in Christ, listening to the same Gospel, singing
the same Psalms, intoning the same Alleluia, responding with the same &Amen*.§[121]
However,
Gildo*s revolt against the Roman Empire failed in 398. The situation was
entirely changed. Augustine changed his attitude to the State too. After the
fourth Council in Carthage in 399 he openly mentioned the Donatists as
※heresy.§[122]
He argued that the Church had the right
to ask the political authorities for protection against
the ※heresy,§ namely
the Donatist sect.
At last he even insisted
that the Church
had a duty as well as a right to ask the State to punish them.
Now, Christian kings
had an obligation to use their power
to protect and support the Catholic Church
against Donatism according to Augustine.[123] The Donatists began to suffer
from persecutions by the secular authorities.
This
attitude of Augustine to the State seems
to be different from his thought of the two separated cities.
How can we understand this inconsistency in Augustine*s thought
on church and state?
According
to R.A. Markus, Augustine*s appeal to the Roman secular authority was not in
the context of his theory of Church and State. Markus argues that it has to be
understood as a ※disciplina§ in his
ecclesiology. However, I think that this cannot be a full explanation of the
fact that Augustine called the Donatists ※brethren,§ sharing in the common faith.[124]
If we follow
J. van Oort, in Augustine the Christian imperium has
a meaning in connection with the suppression of heresy. For J. van Oort, if a Christian becomes an emperor,
he is called upon to devote his power to the dissemination of the true religion.[125] But this argument seems
to be inconsistent with Augustiine*s
essential thought of
the independence of church and state. Thus,
they are not enough to account for Augustine*s changed
attitude.
4
Conclusion
We
have thus arrived at the conclusion of this chapter. Augustine, indeed, aimed
to write no systematic book concerning church and state. His thought was
developed through a series of responses in the given situations of his whole
life. Therefore, I argue that Augustine*s idea and its development ought to be
examined in connection with the North African ideas, the political situations,
and various elements which influenced him through his whole life.
Behind
Augustine*s thoughts on church and state, there was a North African background
which emphasized the antithesis of the two. Following Tertullian and Cyprian,
he held a negative attitude to the state or the world. I also found this
thought in the Donatists which Augustine shared. Augustine*s idea of the
separation of church and state was also reinforced by his impression in his
youth from Manichaeism which had a Jewish-background.
Nevertheless,
I think that Neo-Platonism, Ambrose, and the tradition of the Western church
strongly influenced him after his conversion. In my opinion, in the relation of
church and state they had an impact upon Augustine in two ways.
Firstly,
Ambrose taught Augustine a thought of immaterial reality, a non-spatial,
nontangible way of being, proper to God and the soul, which was a revolutionary
idea to Augustine. This was a thought reflected by the Neo-Platonic element.
The church was the body of Christ. The union with Christ was the union with
Christ and his people. Thus for Augustine the unity with church and the unity
with the Sacraments were the most important concept. The division of this unity
meant the tearing apart of the body of Christ. It was heretic and demonic for
him. Augustine believed that the Sacraments really work within the traditional
Catholic church, so that, in his thinking, the dissenters should return to the
unity of the church, even by the coercion of the state. Because he felt that
there was little possibility to make the Donatists turn back, he accepted and
justified that the Roman Law or the legal force of the state should press them.
Augustine conceived that the Emperor had a right to intervene to solve the
division of the African church, and as a Christian the emperor had the duty to
practise it, but he rejected capital punishment.
Ambrose,
an influential councillor of the emperor, linked the Western church to the
Roman empire. It was this attitude that, secondly, made a strong impression on
him. Ambrose*s aim was to bind Rome to orthodox Christianity against paganism,
Judaism, and Arianism. Thus for Ambrose the state was a gift of God. The
emperor was a supporter of the church. What Augustine learned from Ambrose was
that the emperor is within the church.[126]
As
a whole, I think Augustine*s ecclesiology, rooted in the North African
circumstances, developed in the direction of the universal and one church by
the influence from the early Catholicism of Ambrose. However, there still was a
North African element, namely the antithesis of church and state, in mind.
Moreover, when he saw the chaos of the late Roman empire, he seemed to expect
little of the state. Thus, he did not teach so strong a concept of theocracy as
Calvin did later on. I think, Augustine*s idea did not go so far as the Middle
Ages went, although his ideas were used by the people of the Middle Ages.
[1])
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity (London,
1984), 421-38, 488-491.
[2])
W.H.C. Frend, ※A note on the Berber Background in the Life of Augustine§, in: Religion Popular and Unpopular in the Early
Christian Centuries (London, 1976), Ch. XIV. 188-191.
[3])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church
(Oxford, 1971), 230.
[4])
Augustine, Confessions, IX.ix.19.
[5])
P.R.A. Brown, Augustine of Hippo
(London, 1967), 29.
[6])
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity, 659-68.
[7])
J.J. O*Meara, The Young Augustine: An
introduction to the Confessions of St. Augustine (London and New York,
1954/1980), 20-32. ; J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A Study into
Augustine*s City of God and the Sources of his Doctrine of the Two Cities
(Leiden, 1991), 18-21. ; W.H.C. Frend,
The Donatist Church, 230. However, we don*t have any information that
Monica*s husband was a Berber too. See J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 19 and note 8.
[8])
J. van, Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A
Study into Augustine*s City of God and the Sources of his Doctrine of the Two
Cities, 20-1.
[9])
Conf., VI.xiv. and VI.vii and xi. ;
W.H.C. Frend, ※A Note on the Berber Background in the Life of Augustine§, Ch.
XIV. 190. and note 2.
[10])
See W.H.C. Frend, Donatist Church, 231.
[11])
W.H.C. Frend, ※The Gnostic-Manichaean Tradition in Roman North Africa§, in: Religion Popular and Unpopular in the Early
Christian Centuries (London, 1976), Ch. XII. 13-5.
[12])
P.R.A. Brown, ※The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire§, in: Religion and Society in the Age of Saint
Augustine (London, 1972), 94-118. Especially the government forced the
Manichaean centers to be scattered. Thus, this religion was able to spread all
over the Empire.
[13])
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity, 554-557.
[14])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and babylon, 34-6.
[15])
Conf., IV.i.1. ※Per idem tempus annorum novem, ab
undevicensimo anno aetatis meae usque ad duodetricensimum, seducebamur et
seducebamus ...§ See also J. van Oort, Jerusalem
and Babylon, 42-3, 199. ; W.H.C. Frend, The
Rise of Christianity, 659-68.
[16])
Conf.,
V.vi.10. f. ; V.x.18. and 19.
[17]) Conf., V.xiii.23.
[18])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 43.
[19])
Conf., III.vi.11.
[20])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem, 44. ; W.H.C. Frend, ※Manichaeism in the Struggle between Saint
Augustine and Petilian of Constantine§, in: Religion
Popular and Unpopular in the Early Christian Centuries, Ch. XIII. 861-865.
[21])
Conf.,
V.iii.6. ; V.vii.12. ; V.vii.13.
[22])
W.H.C. Frend, The rise of Christianity, 659-68.
[23])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 351.
[24])
For the contrast between the two cities, see 3.3.1.1 ※Antithesis§ of this
thesis.
[25])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 93-94, 224.
154)
Augustine, De Civitate Dei, X, 32. ※Deinceps
itaque, ut in primo libro polliciti sumus, de duarum civitatum, quas in hoc
saeculo perplexas diximus invicemque permixtas, exortu et procursu et debitis
finibus quod dicendum arbitror, quantum divinitus adiuvabor expediam.§
; DCD, XI, 1. ※Nunc vero quid a me
iam expectetur agnoscens meique non inmemor debiti de duarum civitatum, terrenae
scilicet et caelestis, quas in hoc interim saeculo perplexas quodam
modo diximus invicemque permixtas, exortu et excursu et debitis finibus,
quantum valuero, disputare eius ipsius domini et regis nostri ubique
opitulatione fretus adgrediar, primumque dicam, quem ad modum exordia duarum
istarum civitatum in angelorum diversitate praecesserint.§
[27])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
209. According to J. van Oort, this work can be dated from the fourth or the
fifth century. Even though it was written in Greek, it was originally written
in East Aramaic.
[28])
Ibid., 228, 230-231.
[29])
Conf., V.x.18.
[30])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
365-67.
[31])
Ibid., 368-71.
[32])
Ibid., 294-5.
[33])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
125-40.
[34])
W.H.C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution
in the Early Church (Oxford, 1965), 373.
[35])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
295-99.
[36])
S. Ozment, The Age of Reformation
1250-1550: An intellectual and religious history of Late Medieval and
Reformation Europe (New Haven and London, 1980), 45.
[37])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
50, 52-3.
[38])
S. Ozment, The Age of Reformation
1250-1550, 44.
[39])
Ibid., 25-31, 48.
[40])
Conf., V.xiii.23.
[41])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
50.
[42])
De Civitate Dei ( = DCD ), VIII.5. ;
VIII.9. ; X.I. etc.
[43])
DCD, XII.21. ; XIII.16-18. ;
XXII.25-28.
[44])
DCD, XVIII.41. ; XIX.9.
[45])
DCD, XIX.9 : ※...cum illos quidem
philosophos in impia civitate, qui deos sibi amicos esse dixerunt, in daemones
malignos incidisse certissimum est, quibus tota ipsa civitas subditur, aeternum
cum eis habitura supplicium.§
[46])
DCD, XXI.7. : ※...cum quibus vel
contra quos agimus...§
[47])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
352.
[48])
Ibid., 55.
[49])
Ibid., 76-79.
[50])
DCD, XVIII.23.
[51])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
284-290.
[52])
W.H.C. Frend, ※Donatus &paene totam Africam decepit*. How?§, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History ( = JEH ) vol.
43 (Cambridge, 1997), 611, 627.
[53])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
315, 326, 332. Cf. P.R.A. Brown, Augustine
of Hippo, 214. ; R.A. Markus, Saeculum:
History and society in the Theology of St. Augustine (London, 1970), 122,
131.
[54])
R.A. Markus, Saeculum: History and
Society in the Theology of St. Augustine, 126, 131, 132.
[55])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
25-31.
[56])
Ibid., 60-86.
[57])
P.R.A. Brown, Augustine of Hippo,
220. ; W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
76-86.
[58])
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity,
653-57. ; W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist
Church, 87-111.
[59])
See 3.2.1 ※North Africa§ of this
thesis, and W.H.C. Frend, ※A Note on the Berber Background in the Life of
Augustine§, in: Religion Popular and
Unpopular in the Early Christian Centuries, Ch. XIV. ; W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church, 230.
[60])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
233-34. ; W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of
Christianity, 653-557.
[61])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
231.
[62])
Conf., vi.10.
[63])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
231.
[64])
DCD, iv.3. Cf. J.N. Figgis, The Political ideas of St. Augustine
(Longmans, 1921), 53. and N.H. Baynes, The
Political Ideas of the De Civitate Dei, (London, 1936).
[65])
DCD, xxii.8, 9.
[66])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church, 232-33.
[67])
Ibid., 112-140.
[68])
Ibid., 193-217.
[69])
M. Roukanen, Theology of Social Life in
Augustine*s De civitate Dei (Göttingen, 1993), 83.
[70])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
254-74, 363.
[71])
R.A. Markus, Saeculum: History and
Society in the Theology of St. Augustine, 117-118, 120.
[72])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
233-34. 236-7. ; W.H.C. Frend, The Rise
of Christianity, 653-57.
[73])
W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity,
571-572.
[74])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church,
32-47.
[75])
Ibid., 141-168.
[76])
W.H.C. Frend, ※Donatus &paene totam Africam decepit*. How?§, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History ( = JEH ) vol.
43 (Cambridge, 1997), 611.
[77])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church, 193-207.
[78])
Ibid., 208-226. According to Frend,
if their alliance had succeeded, there would have been a great possibility of
an allegiance of African Provinces against the Emperor Honorius.
[79])
Ibid., 275-289.
[80])
Ibid., 275-89.
[81])
Ibid., 290-314.
[82])
W.H.C. Frend, ※Donatus &paene totam Africam decepit*. How?§, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History ( = JEH )
vol. 43, 627.
[83])
H.A. Deane, The Political and Social
Ideas of St. Augustine (New York and London, 1963), 172, 174.
[84])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
107, 361.
[85])
M. Ruokanen, Theology of Social Life in
Augustine*s De civitate Dei, 77.
[86])
DCD, I.35.
[87])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
361.
[88])
DCD, XI.33.
[89])
DCD, XIV.1 and XV.1.
[90])
See J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
115, and note 521.
[91])
Ibid., 116.
[92])
DCD, XVI.17. ; XVIII.2. ; XVIII.22. ;
XVIII.27. Cf. J. van Oort, Jerusalem and
Babylon, 96-97.
[93])
Conf., IX.xiii.37. ; X.xxxv.56. ;
XII.xvi.23. ; XIII.ix.10.
[94])
Conf., II.iii.8.
[95])
DCD., XVIII.1.
[96])
DCD., XVIII.41 and 51. ; XX.11.
[97])
DCD., XX.9.
[98])
DCD., XVIII.2.
[99])
DCD., XVIII.2.
[100])
DCD., XVII.16. and 20.
[101])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
129.
[102])
H.A. Deane, The Political and Social
Ideas of St. Augustine (New York and London, 1963), 31-2.
[103])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
18.
[104])
Ibid., 116.
[105])
DCD., I.35.
[106])
For example, ※... civitas Dei quae est sancta ecclesia ... ※ (VIII.24.) ; ※...
civitatem Dei, hoc est eius ecclesiam ...§ (XIII.16.) ; ※... civitas Dei, hoc
est ecclesiae ...§ (XV.26.) ; ※...ad Christum et eius ecclesiam quae civitas
Dei est ...§ (XVI.2.) etc. Cf. J. van Oort, Jerusalem
and Babylon, 227 and note 593.
[107])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
124-27.
[108])
Ibid., 129-131.
[109])
It can be translated as ※to sojourn abroad, to be absent, to be an alien, to
wander, to peregrinate.§ See J. van Oort, 131. ff. Especially J. van Oort gives
abundant examples of these words in its context in his Peregrinatio: een onderzoek naar Augustine*s civitatesleer en zijn
gedachten over de vreemdelingschap van de Christen in zijn geschrift De
Civitate Dei (Houten(U), 1978), 59-7. and also his Jerusalem and Babylon, 132-38.
[110])
It means ※alien, foreign§ as an adjective, and ※alien, foreigner, non-citizen§
an a noun.
[111])
The meaning of this word is ※journey or stay abroad, status of being an alien,
pilgrimage§.
[112])
Conf., XII.xvi.23.
[113])
R.A. Markus, saeculum: History and
Society in the Theology, 71. 158.
[114])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon, 142-150.
[115])
DCD, XVIII.53 and XIX.4.
[116])
H.A. Deane, The Political and Social
Ideas of St. Augustine, 174.
[117]) For Augustine, outside the
unity of the one Catholic Church, there are no acts of love and no true peace.
F.W. Dillistone, ※The Anti-Donatist Writings§, in: A Companion to the Study of St. Augustine (Ed.) R.W. Battenhouse
(Grand Rapids, 1955/1979), 186.
[118]) G.G. Willis, Saint Augustine and the Donatist Controversy
(London, 1950), 127-135.
[119])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church, 193-226.
[120])
H.A. Deane, The Political and Social
Ideas of St. Augustine, 214-15.
[121])
W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church.,
239-40.
[122])
Ibid., 240-41.
[123])
H.A. Deane, The Political and Social
Ideas of St. Augustine, 214-16.
[124])
R.A. Markus, Saeculum: History and
Society in the Theology of St. Augustine, 133-53.
[125])
J. van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon,
154-63. See, especially, 160.
[126])
W. Walker, A History of the Christian
Church (New York, 41985), 159-160.