The constituent one, in discriminatory form, determined in the transitory article 17 that " the governors' first popular election in the departments of The Amazon, Guaviare, Guainía, Vaupés and Vichada " were done " at the longest in 1997 ". The reasons you upset they were checked, compared with the tremendous importance that seemed to have all the others. The intendencies and police stations did not have the necessary infrastructure to realize the elections, but they did not also have her(it) to realize native, and neither the Antióquia or Cundinamarca's rural zones have her(it). In fact the southeast still(yet) does not have the aptitude to register the electoral results for senate and chamber(camera), but it looks like not to matter for them. If the problem had been only this, also the election would have been retarded in San Andrés and Decision.
From the capital there is had the idea (in much succeeded) of that(that) San Andrés is a site(place) chévere*, where everything the one that can is going to spend(pass) his(its,her) vacations and enjoys the landscape and the hotels. The new departments, on the other hand, there is thought that they are dominated by the guerrilla warfare; a truth by half(?half) that has his(its) origin in the inefficiency and the disinterestedness of the condition(state).
Postergar* the capacity of election of these territories not only was an electoral maneuver, but also it(he,she) excluded political elements that the political class considers to be dangerous or " serious threat for the national safety ", without mattering that some of them were pacifists. Still(yet) if they were pro-guerrilla, it is the same thing that if he(she) was denying the vote to the inhabitants of the hillsides of Bogota, Cali or Medellin because there has been demonstrated that in these places there are popular militias. As if the elections were a prize to the communities that have not "contaminated" with the guerrilla presence, and as if this presence could be determined by the communities themselves! It(he,she) is common to punish to civil unarmed(disarmed), to the most defenseless victim of the conflict, for something that is a responsibility of the leaders, of those who handle the economy and of the same bodies of "safety".
The elections in the southeast were done in 1994, three years after the promulgation of the constitution. In the intermediate years the governors were designated by the president and the great letter says nothing on asking to the communities his(its) opinion, one does not speak not at least(even) about a little meeting. As if it(he) was small, in the transitory article 39, it(he,she) gives him(her) to the presidency the faculty(power) of " to send decrees strongly of law that they assure the due organization and functioning of the new departments " for 3 months. And it(he,she) adds that " the government will be able to suppress the national institutions in charge of the administration of the former intendencies and police stations and to assign to the territorial entities the national goods that in the opinion of the government should belong(concern) to them ". That is to say, everything was left in hands of the presidency; it was possible to eliminate institutions that the inhabitants always had considered to be charitable or perpetuate the unnecessary corrupt and/or. In fact there is no sufficient information since(as,like) to take a decision to cabalidad*. The normal thing had been to replace the lacking information by that it(he,she) was giving the community of alive(vivacious) voice in meetings, but ¿ it(he,she) consulted to the community?
As rare(strange) thing, in the National Constituent Assembly there had no an alone native person of the " national territories ". The guerrillas were coming almost all(all) from the Andean zone and only they took a direct representative as a pure chance. When Marcos Chalita replaced Francisco Maturana by the M-19, the base of the movement exclaimed that " finally there had one of theirs ". Months afterwards(later), the disbandment of the M, letters of the mother of Pizarro and declarations of the re-inserted ones would put in evidence the distrust towards his(its,her) own(proper) leaders. Two natives who managed to divided(departed) arm his(its) seat, Francisco Rojas Birry and Lorenzo Muelas, of It(he,she) Hit and Cauca respectively, only they knew the national southeast after closed the ANC. They went(were) to give there as part(report) of his(its) political work. Some of them in the Guainía told me that did meetings, spoke with the people, and this way and quite(everything) nobody noticed them. They remained very a little time in Inírida and his(its,her) speeches were not differentiating very much of those of the traditional politicians. In fact, some months later Millstones only it(he,she) obtained support for national circumscription in the Cauca and Red Birry it was chosen as councilman, but in Bogota.
It(he,she) is not of surprising that there is certain foreign, "white" air, in the small thing that speaks the Constitution on another half of the nation. The constituent one did not do the most minimal notch to him(her) to the concentration of the power, the well versed forms (" decrees strongly of law ") and his(its) corresponding disdain towards so dispersed population. It(he,she) passed for the side of the poorest and, like always, scarcely if it(he,she) looked at them.