“God Wills It”: The Medieval
Renaissance Through Consecrated Warfare
by: Giovanni JRC
In
1095, in Clermont France,
Pope Urban II (1088-1099) delivered a sermon that encouraged many to take up arms
for the purpose of recapturing the Holy Land for
Christendom. “God Wills It!” cheered the
crowd thus marking the beginning of the war, as the Pope finished his oration. Within a year, Europe undertook
its centuries long combat against Muslims in a holy war that the Catholic
Church sanctioned, if not demanded. The
question is; what did God will exactly? Indeed,
if the Christian God willed anything, he would have perhaps meant
Christianity’s departure from the Middle Ages. For throughout this period, science and
philosophy in Medieval Europe was quite antiquated due to their lack of access
to classical works. Granted, there were
some writings by philosophers such as Plato and others, but most of these texts
were incomplete and fragmented. This,
along with illiteracy which was prevalent throughout the general populace due
to poverty during this period, contributed to Medieval Europe’s lack of
progressive knowledge especially in science and philosophy. However, as the Crusades ensued, trade
between once rival nations became widespread as these formerly warring fiefdoms
found a new common enemy, the Muslims.
Due to this, the lower class established innovative sources of acquiring
wealth and thus, the Medieval economy advanced. Some gained a new level of material comfort
and cultivated interests in classical philosophy and
new forms of sciences. As the
Crusades progressed, although the Christian army’s purpose was to subjugate the
expanding Muslims, they were instead able to gain access to new and
rediscovered forms of knowledge through the Muslims and making advanced science
and philosophy available to the growing number of Christian intellectuals.
In
this paper, a brief discussion of the Crusades, especially in Spain,
will be presented because the cultural exchange that ensued played a large role
in bringing about a significant influx of Greek and Islamic scientific texts during
the late Middle Ages of Europe.
Furthermore, when crusaders captured Toledo
in 1105, both classical Greek writings and Muslim scientific documents like
those of Avicenna’s, Geber’s,
and al-Kwharizmi’s became available
and hence used to expand the antiquated bodies of knowledge already in
Christian Europe. As a result, the advancement
of medicine ensued, the practice of Alchemy became more prevalent, and new
forms of mathematics surfaced. Thus, this
paper will illustrate the impact of Muslim scientists as their works were used
to bring about an expansion of scientific knowledge during the High Middle Ages
called the Medieval Renaissance. This
expansion resulted in the foundation of universities and the emphasis on
learning, all a consequence of the Crusades.
The Crusades: A Brief
Discussion of its Origin
In
634, the city of Jerusalem fell to
Muslim expansionists as they endeavored to unite, by conquest, neighboring
nations under one religious banner.
Despite this, European Christians were nonetheless still given
permission to make pilgrimages to significant sites in Jerusalem. However, in 1070, Seljuk Turks ended this
policy as they aggressively expanded into Syria and Palestine.2 In order to protect their interests in
Jerusalem, the Roman Church called upon Christian nobles to take up arms
against the Muslims who were expanding their territories and at the same time
harassing pilgrims and Eastern ChristiansOne popular
story recounting the alleged depravity of the Seljuks
as they held Jerusalem was that of Peter the Hermit (see Figure B).3
continued towards Jerusalem. However, along the way, he claimed that he
was intercepted by Muslims who stripped and beat him. With nowhere to go, and despite his assertions
of having been beaten to near death, Peter found his way to Rome
and into the confidence of Pope Urban II.4 When all this was happening, the
Byzantine Emperor named Alexius sent a message to the pope seeking his aid
against these expanding Muslims. Thus, the
Pope responded to both Peter’s and Alexius’ appeals by declaring a Holy War.5 On
November 27, 1095, the pope delivered a sermon in Clermont France that would
alter the course of Europe completely (See Figure C).6 He challenged knights in the name of God to
march eastward in order to liberate the tomb of Christ from Muslim rule.7 As a result, many of the nobles 
eagerly
took the crusaders oath as people around them shouted “Dieu
le Veult! (God Wills It).8” Unbeknownst to these crusaders, however, the
result of their endeavors would not be the permanent taking of Jerusalem but
their exposure to new forms of sciences that produced the Medieval Renaissance.
One
of the first men to pledge his life to the cause was Adhemar
of Monteil, the bishop of Le Puy. Eventually, Urban appointed him as his
representative in France and Adhemar became the first
to lead armies of mostly French noblemen.9 In addition, Peter the Hermit and
Walter Sans-Auvoir, a German knight errant also known
as Walter the Penniless, organized a mostly peasant militia who were eager to
reap spiritual rewards and the rich rewards from the conquest; namely plundering
rich lands. Although greed may have
motivated the peasantry (who could only travel for free as part of some nobleman’s
entourage), it cannot be the nobles’ motivation since crusading was quite
expensive and they often had to pay for their own way. Consequently, many of the nobles had to sell
their property just to finance their endeavors.10 Because of this, it is necessary to
examine the only other influential institution during this time that may have
swayed popular opinion, the Holy Roman Church.
The church employed a variety of interesting incentives in order to
attract men to take up 
arms for the sake of the cross. Perhaps one of the earliest, if not the
first, forms of propaganda, the church used visual aids such as drawings of
Jesus being struck by the prophet Muhammad.
Another was a picture of a Saracen horse urinating on the Messiah’s tomb. Lastly, depictions Muslims worshipping idols
in the Holy Sepulcher (see Figure D).11 These illustrations, supplied
by the church, were used to incite anger and resentment against the Muslims.12 Furthermore,
the church suspended debts and promised spiritual rewards in the next life. St. Bernard of Clairvaux
makes this evident in his sermon as he states:
…O man of war, at last you have a cause for
which you can fight without endangering your soul; a cause in which to win is
glorious and for which to die is but gain.
Are you a shrewd businessman quick to see the profits of this
world? If you are, I can offer you a bargain
which you cannot afford to miss. Take
the sign of the cross. At once you will
have indulgence for all the sins in which you confess with a contrite heart.13
Hence,
through the above examples, it is made clear that the Roman Church, above all
other motivations, encouraged the conquest against the Muslims. This resulted in the exposure of Christian
Europe to the new forms of sciences that enhanced university learning and the
advancements in the Medieval Renaissance.
The
Crusades ensued in 1096, with the Christian occupation of Jerusalem in 1102
marking the pinnacle of the first crusades.14 The Second Crusade, from 1107 to 1149, was
the lowest point in the history of these campaigns for here; despite their
progress in the Iberian Peninsula, the Christian armies suffered numerous
defeats against the Byzantine Empire.15 Furthermore, the fall of Jerusalem and the
loss of almost the entirety of Palestine to Saladin’s
army in 1187, prompted the sanctioning of a third crusade which lasted until
1192. Later Crusades followed such as
the Children’s Crusade, the Shepherd’s Crusade, and the fourth and the fifth
Crusades, which resulted in the taking of Greece. None of these other Crusades were as
successful as the first one however.16 Eventually, the campaigns ended in 1270
with the eight Crusades under King Louis IX.
Among
these numerous assaults against the Muslims, one of the more significant of
these endeavors was not in the Middle East, but in the Iberian
Peninsula during the Second Crusades. Here, the Christian crusaders gained access
to the libraries in Toledo which held immense stores of knowledge specifically
works of Muslim scientists and classic Greek literature. Through this, secular writings became
available thus fueling the growing desire for knowledge in Europe. This
eventually led to the Medieval Renaissance of the thirteenth to the fifteenth century
which will be discussed in the next sections.
Muslim Spain Prior to the Crusades
Prior
to the fall of Spain
to Christian Crusaders in 1492, the Iberian Peninsula was
known as Al-Andalus.
Once a peripheral province in the vast extent of the Islamic Empire, it
was initially overlooked by the Muslims of the East.18 The reason for this was by the eight century,
Islamic territory extended to the former Persian Empire, Byzantium, and the
former Germanic successor states of the Roman Empire in North Africa and Spain.19 Eventually, Al-Andalus
or “land of the Vandals” as it was called by the Muslims, became a center for learning as vast libraries
which housed Arabic translations of classical Greek works and Muslim scientific
manuscripts were built. Through this,
Muslim science advanced which would later be an influential catalyst in the
progress of the Medieval Renaissance in Christian Europe.
Toledo
fell to the Arab Muslims in 711 as the battle of Guadalete
concluded and the Visigoths abandoned the city.
Through their retreat, they relinquished control of Gothic Spain. Led by Abd Al-Rahmani, the first Caliph of Al-Andalus
and the founder of the Unayyad Dynasty, he and the
Visigoth prince named Theodomir entered a formal
contract to allow the conquered people religious autonomy. This kept the Muslims from interfering with
their subjects’ religious ceremonies and desecrating their churches. In return, the conquered Christians and Jews
agreed to pay an annual tribute called ahl at-kitab or ahl adh-dhimma.20 Through
this, they were allowed to continue worshipping in the manner they saw fit. The early Muslims’ tolerance can be attributed
to their once held notion that Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, were from the
same religious family, collectively called “peoples of the book.21” Thus, Toledo became quite prosperous since
diversity was encouraged and Jews, Muslims and even Christians were able to
work together. Such prosperity was
evident in the great edifices and irrigation systems built in Toledo
that had no equal during this time in Europe.22 J. Cleugh,
author of Spain in the Modern World,
emphasized Toledo’s diversity as he
noted, “The society had become too sophisticated to be fanatical. Christians and Moslems, with Jews as their
intermediaries and interpreters, lived side by side.23” Such
tolerance propagated a good environment for advancement thus resulting in the
development of the Muslim sciences which would later be used in the onset of
the Medieval Renaissance.
In
fact, such cooperation became even more apparent as they combined their various
skills in building Toledo’s structures. One example is that of the mosque in Cordoba
(see Figure F).24 
Here, Christian craftsmen trained in Constantinople,
worked with Muslim artisans to decorate the interior of the Mosque with various
designs and colors.25
Another manifestation of this multicultural
collaboration in Toledo was during the various endeavors to translate classical Greek
manuscripts into the Arabic language.26 These books were present in Toledo since, prior to the Visigoth incursion, the
Roman ruling class in Spain collected Greek writings and housed them in
personal libraries. Because of the special
interest Muslim thinkers had in Greek science and philosophy, many Muslim
Caliphs sponsored “Houses of Learning” for the translation and study of these
Greek writings.27 Consequently,
Hunayn ibn Ishaq (808-873), the leading cipher in Toledo, established a
school of translation in the city, thus making all of Greek science and most of
the philosophical writings available in the Arabic language by the tenth century.28 As a result of such efforts, contemporary
Muslim thinkers consulted classical works by Aristotle, Plato and others, enhancing
their own already existing scientific knowledge. This is evident because interspersed with the
translated Greek writings were Muslim books of learning which predated the
translations of the Greek works.29
This demonstrates that Muslim sciences were not copied directly from
Greek works but were already in existence prior to the availability of the Greek
writings.
It
is evident that during this time, tolerance for various religious beliefs in Toledo
was quite pervasive. As a result, Al-Andalus became a center for learning and discovery. Through the collaborative efforts of many in
translating classical texts, these books became available to Moslem scholars
who sought to further their understanding of science and philosophy. Upon the eventual fall of Al-Andalus to the Crusades, the rest of Christian Europe was
able to discover new forms of sciences and rediscover lost teachings in Greek
philosophy. This resulted in the
expansion of knowledge in the Medieval Renaissance.
The Fall of Al-Andalus
to the Crusaders
Despite
being held by the Muslims for close to three hundred years, large portions of the
Iberian Peninsula eventually fell to the Crusaders by
the 1100s.31 Moreover, as the Christian conquerors entered Toledo
in 1105, the city’s cultural advancements greatly impressed them. As an example, they visited many of the
hospitals where physicians consulted writings of the famous second century physician
Galen or the renowned Muslim doctor Ibn Sina (who will be further discussed in this paper). Since Toledo was a “repository of Greek
writings translated in Muslim, 32” Archbishop Raymund
of Toledo followed the lead of his Muslim predecessors and created his own
“Translation Center.” This time, the purpose was to translate all of the Arabic
manuscripts present (both of Greek and Muslim origin) into Latin.33 The
reasons which motivated Archbishop Raymund’s
aspiration to translate these writings is a matter of speculation since it was
never expressed. Raymund’s
motivation may be, like many scholars of the church, to study foreign
philosophy in order to combat their teachings.
Or, he may have been like some priestly scholars who were great admirers
of the classics. Thus, since Arabic
commentaries on the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle were present,34 along with the scientific treatises, Raymund of Toledo may have sought to read and understand
these manuscripts to further his personal interests.
By
1130, Raymund’s center, which lasted until 1256,
employed Jewish, Christian, Latin, Greek, and Slavic scholars, including Archdeacon
Domingo Gundisalvo, and Juan Avendeuth. Avendeuth was believed
to be Abraham Ibn-Daud, writer of The Sublime Faith.35 The center soon attracted renowned thinkers
from all over Europe such as Robert Chester, Adelard
of Bath, and David Morley from England; John of Brescia,
Plato of Tivoli, and Gerard of Cremona (who
eventually used Al-Khwarizmi’s writings as basis for
his own research) from Northern Italy.
Furthermore, in the thirteenth century, Hermanus
Alemanus, and Michael Scot made contributions prior
to the closing of the center.36
The
diversity of scholars illustrated Christian Europe’s substantial collaboration. Moreover, it demonstrated the great interest
in these manuscripts for many were willing to travel great distances to examine
these new ways of thinking which would eventually lead to the further
development of the Medieval Renaissance.
This is especially established by Alvaro of Cordoba, writer of Indiculus Luminosus, as
he laments:
My fellow Christians
are of and of reading Arab poems and novels; they study the writings of Arab
theologians and philosophers not to challenge them but to gain a grounding in elegant Arab diction. Where does one find today who knows how to
read Latin commentaries on our sacred text? Who studies the Gospels, the
prophets, and the Apostles? Alas! All the young Christians of recognized talent
know only the Arab language and its literature.37
These
intellectuals in Toledo gained
access to new ways of thinking and were able to incorporate these works into
their own writings. Adelard
of Bath, for example, eventually wrote his Questiones Naturales as a summary of ideas he
collected from Arab sources. Adelard, who translated al-Khwarizmi’s
Astronomical Tables and Liber Ysagogarum (About Arithmetic) among other writings,
displayed his recognition of the new concepts in botany, optics, meteorology,
acoustics, and the scientific method.38 Furthermore,
he later wrote books such as the Rule of
the Abacus and the Usage of the Astrolabium, which were influenced by al-Kwharizmi’s teachings, which will be discussed later on in
this research.39 Robert
Chester, archdeacon of Pamplona in Northern Spain and another twelfth century
scholarly translator, deciphered books in alchemy such as The Canon of Medicine by Ibn Sina, Kitab al Sab’in (Book of
Seventy) by Jabir40 and Algebra
by al-Kwharizmi41 between the years of 1144 and 1300.
Other
thinkers of this period were also quite influenced by these new forms of ideas
such as Gerard of Cremona who later used the word sinus (sine) as a trigonometric concept
(the word sinus is obviously a
derivation of Ibn Sina’s
name).42 Another person was Vincent De Beauvais, a Dominican friar who wrote his own books on
alchemy around 1256. De Beauvais heavily used al-Razi and
ibn Sina as authorities in
the discipline.43
In addition, one of the more telling pieces of evidence of the
spread and influence of Muslim science, which greatly spurred the Medieval
Renaissance, was that of Friar Alexander de Villa Desi. As a French Minorite,
he taught a new form of Mathematics in Paris
around the year 1240. In his new math,
he often quoted teachings of al-Kwharizmi whom he
spoke of erroneously as an Indian king named Algor. Also, he taught his students the Carmen de Algorismo
(Song of Algorismus):
Hinc
incipit algorismus (Here begins the algorismus)
Haec
algorismus ars praesens dicitur (This new art is
called the algorismus)
in
qua talibus indorum fruimur bis quinque
figuris (in which out of these twice five figures of
the Indians we derive such benefit)
0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 144
De Villa Desi’s example demonstrates the notion that the new forms
of ideas brought about by Islamic scientists (made available through the
Spanish Crusades) had been incorporated into the period’s educational system
and further integrated during the Medieval Renaissance. Yet another example is that of Avicenna’s Canon of
Medicine. Upon its initial
translation, the book eventually ran up to fifteen Latin
editions.45 Furthermore, the Canon was then used by newly established universities throughout Europe,
such as Montpellier and St.
Louis, as a main source of Medical knowledge. Mazrah Shah who was
the author of The General Principles of Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine, quotes “despite its age,
the Canon was used in European
universities until the late 1600’s.46” In addition, the Summa Perfectionis written by Jabir ibn-Hayyan, was also of
great influence to the Medieval Renaissance, especially after its translation
in the fourteenth century. This is
because the book contained early vestiges of the scientific method and it
introduced the “quantal” manipulation of elements
which eventually resulted in the science of Chemistry.47 Thus, Muslim scientific writings became a
staple part of the various universities’ curricula. As a result, new ways of
thinking in the Medieval Renaissance ensued.
Although
it is quite unclear, due to lack of documentation, what specific classical
writings and Muslim works were housed in the great libraries of Toledo. It is apparent that enough of these works
became available to the Christian world. Furthermore, universities, which became
popular during the Medieval Renaissance, were perhaps even copies of Muslim
centers for learning found throughout Spain
and other Islamic territories that became accessible through the Crusades.
The Muslim Scientists
Through
the adoption of their teachings into the mainstream of Christian intellectuals,
as is evidenced by the Christian scholars’ great interest in translating the
texts in Toledo, the influence of
Muslim scientists had been established. Furthermore, this notion is also observable
through the use of these translations in the newly established universities in
the Medieval Renaissance. Thus, it would
be of great advantage to discuss some of these historical scientists and their
more significant works. By doing so, it
is made clear that these innovations became incorporated into Church sponsored
Universities which began during the Medieval Renaissance, as a result of the
Spanish Crusades.
One
of the most important scientists during the tenth and eleventh centuries was Ibn Sina or Avicenna,
which was the Latin translation of his name (See Figure I).49 
Born
in 980 in the village of Afshana (south of current Russia),
he had an established reputation as a very capable physician at the age of
eighteen.50 Nur ibn Mansur,
a Samari ruler during the late tenth century, upon
hearing of Ibn Sina’s
capacity as a physician, summoned him to attend his court. He was later given access to the royal
library enabling him to write his first book at the age of twenty one. Eventually, ibn Sina established a medical practice in Tehran
but when the city was besieged, he had no choice but to take flight and abandon
his livelihood. He ultimately found
himself in Hamadan
where he was made prime minister after curing Amir Shansud-Dawala of colic.51 Upon Amir’s
death, however, Ibn Sina had
to flee to Isfahan
where he was employed by Ala al-Dula, the ruler of the city. Here, he spent his last days as a physician
for in 1036, at the age of 58, he died due to debauchery.52
Amidst
all the fleeing and debauching, Ibn Sina found some time to write numerous volumes of books on
philosophy, mathematics, literature, and even poetry. The most famous of his works was his Canon of Medicine. Eventually translated by Gerard of Cremona, the Canon
consisted of five books. The first book dealt with general principles. The second book presented a list of drugs
arranged alphabetically. The third book
dealt with diseases and the human anatomy.
The fourth book discussed diseases that spread. Lastly, the fifth book listed a collection of
compound medicines.53
Prior
to the fall of Al-Andalus, the church played a
primary role in the management of medicine during the early Medieval Period. Initially, there were concerns whether to
give medical care to the ill for they believed that the sickness may have been
God’s will and was hence for the ailing person’s benefit.54 Even
when the Church began leaning towards the idea that God gave men the ability to
heal themselves, there were still conflicts in determining between the natural
and supernatural causes of ailments.55
Nonetheless,
the basic principle of early medieval medicine was the balance of the four
humors within a person: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. This notion was based on the treatises of
Galen of which, fragmented copies were available to the “pre-crusades” Europe. These four humors were often likened to the
four Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John as well as the four cardinal
directions (North, South, East, and West).56 When
these humors became disproportionate, doctors employed herbs or phlebotomy
(blood-letting). During the early
Medieval Period, men perceived blood-letting as a form of surgery based on the
notion that each part of the body had its “organ of origin.” According to these
physicians, blood drained from a specific organ influenced the healing of specific
part of the body.57 Through this practice, the medieval
doctors believed that they cured a person through expelling toxic humors from specific
parts of one’s anatomy. Often,
complications occurred as a result of this practice due to the further
weakening of sick individuals, the cutting of an artery instead of a vein,
and/or infection (although, if blood-letting was better understood, it would
have been more effective as can be seen today since leeching is used
effectively on burn victims).
Compared
to the ideas in the early medieval medicine listed above, Ibn
Sina’s writings were quite advanced. Especially since he wrote his treatises around
the 1000s, when Christians debated whether or not sickness was God’s medium for
punishment.58
In his Canon, he stated,
“Medicine is the science by which we learn the various states of the human
body, in health, when not in health, the means by which health is likely to be
lost, and when lost is likely to be restored to health. In other words, it is the art whereby health
is conserved and the art whereby it is restored after being lost.”59
Thus,
in a time when men attributed sickness and disease to evil spirits and as
punishment to atrocities committed, Ibn Sina recognized that sickness was merely the departure of
health from the body. He advanced this notion,
arguing that upon instances when the cause of sickness was hidden, it does not
mean it was caused by malignance.
Instead, the disease was not apparent for it was not well understood. In order to remedy this, he asserted that the
symptoms of a healthy body must be completely understood in order to compare it
to the symptoms of a diseased body. As a
consequence, the sickness can therefore be identified. For example, he wrote that, “Now as health
and sickness and their causes are sometimes evident to the senses and sometime
perceived by means of the evidence afforded by the various symptoms, we must in
medicine gain a knowledge of the symptoms of health
and sickness.”60
Eventually,
early vestiges of Christian hospitals called xenodochia, which were often adjacent to
monasteries and priories, became common during the late 1200s.61 This was because the
notion of providing for the welfare of others became prevalent. Thus, medieval medicine further advanced as
universities, such as the Faculty of Medicine in Paris,
began standardizing the practice and combining it with Greek and Muslim
principles. Moreover, in the core of
these improvements was Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine. Although it was
written around the eleventh century, when theological restrictions limited medieval
medicine, the Canon was quite
advanced and was therefore used as a main source of medical knowledge by
European Universities until 1657.62
Another
of these contributing scientists was Abu Jaffar ibn Musa al-Kwharizmi
who was called Algorismus in the Latin translations
of his works (See Figure J).63 According to
Karl Menninger, al-Kwharizmi brought numerals used in India to the court of
Baghdad around 820.64 Moreover, the Caliph Mamun
found this new form of numeric system more efficient than the Roman scheme
employed at the time. Because of this, the royal accountants began using the
new system immediately especially in their bookkeeping.65 Through Mamun’s
patronage, al-Kwharizmi made numerous innovations
with this new form of numerals in the realm of algebra and algorithms, terms
named after him.66 Such advances
can be found in his book called The Book
of Restorations and Equations. Here,
he documented practical applications of mathematics as he demonstrated how to
solve everyday problems through numbers and equations.67 In addition, al-Kwharizmi
developed the concept of zero which enhanced mathematics.68
This improvement made the
determining of “place numbers” easier especially in the accounting of finances
that dealt with hundredths and thousandths.
Al-Kwharizmi states, “when nothing remains,
put down a circle so that the place be not empty, but the circle must occupy
it, so that the number of places will not be diminished when the place is empty
and the second be mistaken for the first.69”
Eventually,
al-Kwharizmi’s book was translated to Latin by John
of Seville and Robert Chester around 1143.70 As a consequence, algebra
became a part of various educational systems, especially in Paris
around the 1200s. Through this, al-Kwharizmi became the chief authority in mathematics for the
next four centuries.71 Through his efforts, he made it
possible to use the little known method of counting used by a handful of
Indians and developed it into the system presently called the Hindu-Arabic
numerals. Furthermore, he expanded, by
using this numeric scheme, the discipline of trigonometry, geometry, and the
appropriately named branch of learning called Algebra.
One of the more controversial of these Muslim
scientists and contributors to the Medieval Renaissance is the man known in
Latin as Geber (See Figure K).72 The controversy stems from the notion
that many question Abu Musa Jabir
ibn-Hayyan’s very existence. The reason behind this was because the
original Muslim writings attributed to him could not be found and the Latin
versions of his works did not surface until the 1300’s. Furthermore, some books in Arabic, credited
to him, were not translated into Latin.
Hence, Paul Krause, a proclaimed expert on this topic, supposed that Jabir did not exist and that the writings attributed to
him, were done by a handful of different people.73 However, many original Greek and Roman
manuscripts have gone missing long before the Jabirian
writings disappeared yet no one seemed to question the existence of these great
Greek and Roman thinkers. It is of
common knowledge that manuscripts do vanish more often than not. This may be due to the careless handling of
the documents, the systematic destruction of texts considered heretical, or
just the passing of time, a misfortune many historians have to contend with.
However,
one cannot blame scholars from considering the uniqueness of Jabir’s works suspect because misrepresentations of
authorship mar the history of alchemy. For example, some manuscripts are signed
by Isis, Moses, Cleopatra, Hermes, and others.74 Nonetheless,
Alchemy became a respectable academic endeavor during the thirteenth century onward. Because of its popularity, the scientists who
worked based on alchemical premises (sublimation and distillations) paved the
way for the legitimate science of Chemistry, a body of knowledge Jabir’s works greatly influenced.75 This notion will be further discussed later,
especially his use and invention of many of the alchemical apparatuses. Thus, through the Crusades, Jabir’s works became available to the Christian scholars
and was extensively used throughout the Medieval Renaissance.
By
the fourteenth century many Christian scholars considered Abu Musa Jabir ibn-Hayyan,
who lived around 760, to be the father of Alchemy. He wrote numerous treatises on astronomy,
medicine, astrology, math, philosophy, and of course alchemy.76 Furthermore, he
assigned specific quantities to specific treatments of substances. This was significant for it deviated from the
normal practice of designating treatments by degrees.77 Thus, in order to assign specific
values to specific treatments, one must carefully measure out specified
quantities of substances. Through this,
one can attest that Jabir was the first to practice
the quantitative aspects of Chemistry and that he standardized his measurements
of substances through standardized equipment.
For example, he stated (on the sublimation of Marchasite):
Let us therefore
collect it by means of its own method of sublimation, which is that a very
solid, earthen vessel, well-cooked, be made to the length of half a man’s
height, but to a width which a hand can enter.
Let a base be made for it which can be separated and attached, similar
to a small dish but of great depth. Let
the area from the mouth of that vessel to its base be measured so that it
equals the measure of one hand’s length with its fingers. From there up to its top, have the interior
of the vessel glazed, with a very thick glaze, and have an alembic with a wide
nose put on top of it; for in such a vessel, this is sublimed.78
Jabir’s most considerable innovation, however, can be found
in his treatise regarding the practical application of alchemy.79 Unlike the rest of the Alchemists, who wrote
solely on the philosophical and magical aspects of the discipline, he
endeavored to create a treatise that dealt exclusively with the theory and
application of the alchemical processes.
His treatise, called Suma Perfectionis was divided into three books. The first book consisted of arguments for and
against the transmutation through alchemy.
The second book described laboratory methods and implements. Lastly, the third book discussed the nature
of metals along with their complex, and theoretical properties.80 It is apparent that Jabir outlined
laboratory experiments regarding subjects, such as the transmutation of metals and
distillation of materials, in its most practical form. Furthermore, he eliminated mystical overtones
extensive in other alchemical documents making it more scientific. Through his works, he had standardized
laboratory testing as well as laboratory implements, as he drew them in his manuscripts81
(See Figure L)82 and even began the use of specific quantities83
when dealing with chemical elements.
Clearly,
as William Newman noted in his translation of Jabir’s
Suma Perfectionis,
Jabir foresaw many of the objections leveled against his
discipline as he tirelessly listed the arguments for and against each nuance of
alchemy. This is evident especially as
one notices the long list of titles for his chapters: General Discourse on the Sophists Denying the Art; Concerning Those
Denying the Art through Supposition in Sulphur;
Universal Discourse on Natural Principles According to the Opinion of the
Ancients; among others.84
Granted, though his theories are thought now to be unsound, Jabir’s writings still showed a “scientific method” of
proving theories in one of its earliest forms.85 Thus, whether Jabir
is fictional or not, the works attributed to him, especially the Suma Perfectionis had advanced the
scientific discipline of Alchemy. Also, as a result of the Crusades in Spain,
his works became available to Christian intellectuals in the Medieval
Renaissance who called him the father of Alchemy.
The Medieval Renaissance
With
the importance of the Translation Center
in Toledo in mind along with the
contributions of Muslim scientists, it is possible to make clear when the
Medieval Renaissance took place and to highlight its importance. It was initially assumed that the High Renaissance
that began around the mid-fourteenth century and lasted until about the
sixteenth century suddenly took place in Europe without
any precursor. Needless to say, many
believed that the enlightenment during this time occurred without any outside influence.87
However, the above notion had been replaced by the concept of a
Medieval Renaissance which took place prior to the acclaimed age of Galileo, DaVinci, and others. In fact, the Medieval Renaissance,
also called the High Middle Ages, essentially contributed to the further
reawakening of the Christian Medieval mind.
This
period occurred around the thirteenth century, almost immediately after the
inception of the translation center in Toledo,
and lasted until 1450, the end of the Medieval Period. As new scientific ideas from the Muslims and
the translated classical writings became more available, interest for
scholastic study spread beyond the church’s academic priests as nobles and lay
people displayed a revived eagerness for learning. For a short time, it even became fashionable
for a ruler like Frederick II to keep scholars of various religions such as
Jews and Moslems in their royal courts to display his desire to acquire
different forms of wisdom.88
As a result, scholars founded universities by the second half of the
twelfth century and thus by the thirteenth century, Europe had about one
hundred of these institutions many of them specializing in at least one new
school of thought.89 As
examples, the University of Paris, which was founded in 1150, became the
premier center for theological studies.
Another was Bologna, which
became known for its law school by the late twelfth century. Salerno
and Montpellier had the best
medical faculty. Lastly, Oxford
was recognized for the study of natural sciences.90 Another noteworthy aspect of the
Medieval Renaissance was the role of the clergy as these universities became the
main centers for learning. This was because
Dominicans and Franciscans were the ones who earned seats in these
institutions. Furthermore, they pushed
for these new forms of sciences and philosophies to be taught. They believed that the European awakening was
burgeoning and that these “tools of reason which were developed by pagan
philosophers91” ought to be used to advance the concerns of the
church. As a result, the Medieval
Renaissance produced great scholars such as Roger Bacon, a Franciscan who
envisioned technological innovations as advanced as aero planes and automobiles,92 the
Dominican Thomas Aquinas who was known as the “Angelic Doctor, 93” Bonaventure, Albertus Magnus, and
the more radical thinkers Sigerus Magnus and William
of Ockham who both sought to separate scientific
knowledge from Faith.94
Conclusion
With
the declaration that “God Wills It,” the war between Christians and Muslims
began under the banner of the Crusades.
What ensued, however, was neither the permanent conquering of Jerusalem
nor the retreat of Islam. Instead, what
became apparent to the Christians of Europe was how extensively Muslim thought
could vastly improve their science and philosophy which the Muslims called
barbaric. Such advancements can be
attributed to the Islamic possession and translation of the classical works they
acquired as they conquered much of the former Roman Empire. Through this, some of their own great
thinkers were able to advance their existing knowledge and thus accomplish
their own collections of great works.
Archbishop
Raymund of Toledo,
upon the fall of Toledo to the
Crusaders, recognized the obvious discrepancy in learning between the
Christians and Muslims. Thus, he began a
translation center dedicated in the enterprise of interpreting these books into
Latin by employing people of different nationalities and religious
upbringings. As a result, through the
writings and influences of Muslim scientists like Ibn
Sina who revolutionized the medical arts, al-Kwharizmi, who altered the course of mathematics by
expanding the use of the Hindu scheme of counting, and Jabir,
who standardized the practical applications of laboratory alchemy, became available
to European intellectuals.
As
a consequence, aspirations for learning and the pursuit of knowledge through
universities became even more enhanced throughout Medieval Christianity, leading
to the Medieval Renaissance of the High Middle Ages (1100 to 1350).
Endnotes:
1 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 79.
2 Allison Edine, The Medieval Crusades
(Website:
http://www1.enloe.wake.k12.nc.us/enloe/CandC/tasacha/crusades.html).
3 Riley-Smith, The
Oxford Illustrated, insert between 148-149.
4 Edine, The Medieval Crusades.
5 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, 2.
6 Riley-Smith, The
Oxford Illustrated, insert between 52-53.
7 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 1.
8 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 1.
9 Edine, The Medieval Crusades.
10 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 54-55.
11 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 44.
12 John Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1999), 88.
13 Gillingham, Richard I, 88.
14 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 2.
15 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 2.
16 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, 2-3.
17 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, insert between 276-277.
18 Gabriele Crespi, The Arabs in Europe (New York: Rizzoli, 1979), 89.
19 Marcia L Colish, Medieval
Foundations of the Western Intellectual Tradition (400-1400) (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1997), 130.
20 Crespi, The Arabs in Europe, 92.
21 Michael Molloy, Experiencing the World’s Religions: Tradition,
Challenge, and
Change (California:
Mayfield Publishing Co., 2002). 290.
22 Jones Burke, The Day the Universe Changed (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1985),38.
23 J. Cleugh, Spain in the Modern World (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf Inc., 1953),71.
24 Mosque
of Cordoba
(Website: http://archnet.org/library/images/one-image.tcl?image_id=12634&collection_id=#).
25 How Muslims of the past dealt with racism
and prejudice [website:
http://www.soundvision.com/Info/racism/muslimhistory.asp].
26 Colish, Medieval Foundations,130.
27
Colish, Medieval
Foundations,131.
28 Colish,
Medieval Foundations, 135.
29 Richard E Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children:
How Christians, Muslims, and Jews
Rediscovered the Ancient Wisdom and
Illuminated the Dark Ages (New
York: Harvest
Inc.,
2003), 4.
30 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, insert between 404-405.
31 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children,12-13.
32 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children,.14.
33 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children,
4.
34 Jones Burke, The Day the Universe Changed (Boston:
Little, Brown and Co., 1985), 42.
35 Rubenstein,
Aristotle’s Children, 19.
36 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children,
19.
37 Crespi, The Arabs in Europe, 97.
38 Alexander Helleman, et.al,
The Timetable of Science, (New
York: Simon and
Schuster,
1988), 74.
39 Helleman, The Timetable of
Science, 74-76.
40 R.P. Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistr. (New York: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1967), 167.
41 Helleman, The Timetable of Science, 75.
42 Helleman, The Timetable of
Science, 75.
43 Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 15-16.
44 Karl Menninger, Number Words and
Number Symbols: A Cultural History of
Numbers (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1969), 412.
45 Mazrah H Shah, The General Principles of Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine (Pakistan:
Naveed Clinic, Karachi, 1966),
iii-introduction.
46 Shah, The General Principles, iii-introduction.
47 F. Sherwood Taylor, The Alchemists (London: Lund Humphries,
1951), 85.
48 Ibn Sina (Website: www.ummah.net/history/scolars/ibn_sina/).
49Ibn Sina (Website: www.ummah.net/history/scolars/ibn_sina/).
50 Dr. Manzur Ahmed, Ibn Sina (Avecinna):
Doctor of Doctors (Website:
www.ummah.net/history/scolars/ibn_sina/).
51 Ahmed, Ibn Sina (Avecinna).
52 Ahmed, Ibn Sina (Avecinna).
53 Ahmed, Ibn Sina (Avecinna).
54 Darrel W Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient
and Medieval
Worlds (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 6.
55 Medieval Medicine, (website: www.intermaggie.com/med/index.php).
56 Medieval Medicine,
(website).
57 M.L. Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine (Cambridge:
Cambridge University
Press,
1993),
165.
58 Suzanne Comte, Everyday Life in the Middle
Ages (Italy: Liber Publishing, 1978),
124.
59 Ibn Sina, The First Book of A Treatise on the Canon of
Medicine. trans. Cameron Gruner,
in A Treatise on the Canon of Medicine of
Avicenna Incorporating a Translation of the First
Book (New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1970), 25.
60 Ibn Sina, A Treatise on the Canon of Medicine, 25.
61 Edward
J Kealy, Medieval
Medicus - A Social History of Anglo-Norman Medicine (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1981), 82.
62 Shah, The General Principles, iii-introduction.
63Al-Kwharizmi (Website: www.peak.org/~jeremy/calculators/alkwarizmi.html).
64 Menninger, Number Words and
Number Symbols, 40-41.
65 Menninger, Number Words and
Number Symbols, .42.
66 Colish, Medieval Foundations, 135.
67 al-Kwharizmi,
quoted in Menninger’s, Number Words and Number Symbols, 411.
68 Colish, Medieval Foundations,
135.
69 Menninger, Number Words and
Number Symbols, 412.
70 Menninger, Number Words and
Number Symbols, 411.
71 Colish, Medieval Foundations,
135.
72 Geber
(Website: www.crystalinks.com/geber.html).
73 F. Sherwood Taylor, The Alchemists (London: Lund Humphries, 1951), 78.
74 Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 102.
75 Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 129.
76 Taylor, The Alchemists, 78-79.
77 Taylor, The Alchemists, 85.
78 William R Newman, The Summa Perfectionis of Pseudo-Geber: A Critical Edition,
Translation and Study (New
York: E.J. Brill, 1991), 694-695.
79 Multhauf, The Origins of Chemistry, 129.
80 Newman, The Summa Perfectionis, 58.
81 Newman, The Summa Perfectionis, 58.
82 Geber
(Website: www.crystalinks.com/geber.html).
83 Taylor, The Alchemists, 85.
84 Newman, The Summa Perfectionis, 633-663.
85 Newman, The Summa Perfectionis, .58.
86 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 239.
87 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 286.
88 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 20.
89 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 161.
90 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 160-161.
91 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 176-177.
92 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 188-189.
93 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 205.
94 Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, 259.
95 Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated, insert between 52-53.
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