Imported
Social Tools: The Links between
Culture, Prison, & Therapy?
On
a fairly regular basis, we hear news of the rising crime rate on Guam. We read
stories about the causes, blaming modernization, substance abuse, and lack of
culture. The Guam Police Department's index of crime reflects a definite incline
in the crime rates on island. And
in order to meet these growing numbers, the prison on Guam has had to expand
physically from a few acres to a few hectors in order to house those who break
the law. Criminologists attribute
this to increase in population, tourism and opportunity.
However, these rapid increments have sparked a concern amongst those in
the social work and mental health fields as well, those who recognize a
correlation between the effects of rapid modernization and socio-economic
changes to the increase in crime. Rather then rehash the old, and play the blame
game in this paper, it is more conducive to my interests and my work, to focus
on the programs which are being used by the Government to correct these rising
crime rates. These programs, offered at the Department of Corrections, funded
partially by GovGuam and partially by the Federal government, are based on
Western styles and techniques of rehabilitation, for example, 12 step program,
anger and stress management, domestic and interpersonal violence classes, etc.
Also, since many of the crimes on Guam have been intertwined with
alcoholism, and drug abuse, the federal government has addressed this issue by
recognizing the need for therapeutic interventions and developed a special unit
called the Residence Substance Abuse Treatment to parallel this surge.
Rather
then focus on lack of culture as being a causation factor in crime, I want to
focus on its absence in the programs used to rehabilitate its prisoners. I have
come to realize that some of the ideas of western models of treatment may be
ineffective when and if they do not adapt to the impact of culture in the
region. The quasi-liberal subject
matter of this evaluation is not meant to invoke idealism, but rather expose the
limitations of this practice.
It may be that one cannot argue against the notion of "social
tools," perhaps such things are integral to a functioning society and the
need for them is inherent in social balance and well being. But one must argue
and question of the source of such "social tools." Furthermore, one
must reevaluate the matrix created when one uses them, particularly imported
"social tools."
The corrective/rehabilitative policies assimilated by local government,
comes in the form of a liberal and inherently good psychosocial trend, however,
one must clarify the difference between appropriation and mimesis. It is the
idea that has merit, but when trends dictate what social tools are required, or
should be used, then the nature of the technique, the discourse becomes limited
in region and culture.
"What
is good rehab for Chicago, is not good rehab for Guam. " admits Venus Leon
Guerrero, an intern for the Department of Corrections. "We can't just bring
rehab from the states over here and expect it to work. It's two different
worlds."
The
rehabilitative effort on Guam is not a bad thing; in fact it is a good first
step. However, certain areas need to be refocused, needs to be reconceptualized
in a cross-cultural context, taking into account, ideas of culture relativity,
cultural differences, contact zones, in forms that rather than dismissing local
and regional facets, with inferiority or disfranchisement, have the ability to
be more adaptive, creative, and culturally sensitive.
There exists, a slight shift, which does show signs of increasing as to
the penal authorities attitude towards offenders. Slow as it is, the Department
of Corrections, and other organizations are putting more and more funding into
programs that attempt to rehabilitate rather then simply to incarcerate. The
overall swing, sways from punishment to reform, yet it is not as simple as such.
My research and work deals primarily with Chamorro men and women
offenders, and I shall use such to uphold and validate my claims, but it must be
noted that the innate ideas of the text, cannot and must not be limited to one
race only.
The history we have of the Chamorro people is typical of a small
territory imperialised by larger forces. Since Guam was "discovered' by
Ferdinand Magellan for Spain in 1521, Guam has been under the authority of three
different World powers. For over two hundred years it was held by Spain, it was
then ceded by the United States after the Spanish American War, and during World
War II, it was occupied by Japanese forces.
The centuries of hegemony and transparent activities under colonial rule
have left Guam with a culture, which most see as either left in rags, or
nonexistent. Though the language still survives, little, if not any customs,
cultural practices, or cultural signifiers remain. Those signifiers, both
linguistic and ritualistic, which do remain are heavily inflected with Spanish
influences and ideas.
The Chamorro society, was once one of inafa'maolek:
…the
important concept for Chamorros is the sharing of the resources…
The Chamorro culture, was once an external system built around the idea
of interdependence. It once had dances, chants, oral histories and narratives.
But centuries of hegemony and colonial oppression have siphoned out, filtered
out the external cultural objects, leaving words, concepts and feelings.
Mamahalao, geftao, inafa'maolek.
These are all words, which hold the place in most cultures filled by
institutions or practices, rituals. The Chamorro culture is one in which
abstract concepts tenuously attempt to hold together an external and tangible
cultural force. The organic,
variable, and spectral nature of the culture leaves many emotions and feelings
stressed, their holder's psychology torn to the point of breaking, attempting to
rectify, deep seated internal tahdong cultural
beliefs, with a contrary external, physical world.
At one point prior to Western contact, the Chamorros had been a proud and
strong race. They made the fastest canoes in the region, they made pottery and
huge latte stones for their homes, and they were strong and healthy. Life on
Guam, was once the typical idyllic paradise.
It operated as a matrilineal society, in which women held most of the
power in a relationship. She owned the land, the kids were her responsibility,
the possessions of the home.
The
Chamorro family was rooted in inafa'maolek in which all people could be
considered as family. When many fish were caught during the course of the day, a
man's family would take what they required and give the remaining catch to those
who wished it. The Chamorro culture was highly collectivist, and the family, the
intermediate family the most important unit. People were not considered to be
separate from their families, but rather a part of the whole. This close
proximity of personage, required the highest respect, and as part of this
reliance on each other, came a deep respect for elders as well as peers. Respect
was integral to the culture, respect for all things, the land, the world, and
the people around you.
Today's culture contrasts with the faded monographs of Micronesian
expeditions and artist's conceptions of the world that once was. The respect,
which was once so important, now fades. The single cultural practice that
persists is dying. The act of manngingi',
which literally translates as "to smell," signifies much more then
mere sniffing. A younger Chamorro person when approached by or upon seeing an
elder, or saina, will bow low to that
person, taking his or her hand, and sniffing the top of the hand to his/her
nose. This simple act, represents the highest form of social respect, in which
the younger person seeing the great wisdom and experience in the elder, attempts
to inhale or breathe in the wisdom and spirit of the elder.
This last ritual, or last remnant of external culture is slowing
evaporating as Guam is faced with its rite of passage into the global economy
and the modern technocratic cultural world. Like most post colonial societies,
it lies at an impasse, resisting in taking the self-determined choice of what
shape it shall retain when it does indeed become assimilated into world culture.
The choice for most post-colonial cultures is easier then Guam's. The bi-polar,
binary opposition of conflicting ideological subject positions is more concrete,
easier to discern. These divisions or choices between modernity and culture,
urban and rural, may be false binaries, or perhaps not even possess a
qualitative difference, but they exist, and conflict over which path to accept
exists. The question becomes, who shall we be? Perhaps we should return to the
old dances, chants and stories (cultures) of our forefathers who lived free
without colonial rule? Or perhaps, we should embrace the gifts our masters have
given us, the trades and machines they left behind, and accept our given
direction in the world (modernity)?
On Guam the issue is much less clear, much less distinct and on the
surface may seem an easier decision, but only to one who is not faced with such
a decision. The Chamorro culture is designed around feelings, emotions, abstract
concepts, it becomes a much harder thing to grip tightly. It seems less hopeful
to return to a culture which
doesn't exist, except in your own mind. It seems less important to revive a
culture which doesn't exist, except
in your own mind. Yet despite the hopelessness, the decision still is not easy,
and not easy to dismiss. The culture, for all its words, lives on as an intense
deep feeling, deep within the self. Whether you see the modern Chamorro as a
hybrid, a mestizo, a lost soul, or an outdated savage, you cannot deny, he is
faced with the same "cultural drive" as Charles Jencks terms it, which
drives all people, of all races and colors, forward (Jencks p.73). Yes the drive
becomes stronger in Chamorros, stronger by its proximity, its closeness, the
contact zone, shared areas it holds in the mind. A type of Lacanian psychosis,
and Kikergaardian dread is formed, when the thing you desire is so close yet so
far.
The Chamorro people, and other races which have suffered from de-culturization,
and now face problems of identity and worth, hold the most unique psychological
place in the post modern world. The essence of the discourses their mind's hold,
in of itself, merely by describing it in a paper such as this, without even
going into details, demands different methods, different techniques, different
approaches.
The unique subject position held by the Chamorro people, and others in
the world, requires extra steps be taken in rehabilitation and therapy. The
first and most important step to this is the acknowledgement of cultural
differences, and that these cultural relativism's hold weight as discursive
episteme. Culture is not merely a word, or an abstract concept, but it is the
largest and most potent form of discourse. In the post-structuralist web/
network of discourse culture holds the most cards and with it the most answers
and chances. Culture must be the most important issue used when developing
social tools. To assume again that
tools are needed perhaps is a much larger issue, one that would require the
entire system of penality and rehabilitation to be under question, and far too
extensive to be addressed in this paper.
However, to a large extent, it is undeniable that in the current
universal mode of understanding penality, prisons exist, and in their most
modern forms, they intend to rehabilitate.
In order for the concept of social tools to be effective, one must first
derive from the culture in which they will be used, the basic approaches and
limitations they will have. In order to create the most successful 'tool' we
must first flesh out as much of societal ills as possible. To fix something, we
must first identify why it is broken, why do they not work in the first place?
What cultural discourses are broken or ignored in these imported tools?
For a fuller scope, and in order to distinguish specific problems, we
must first divide the society into male and female. Men and women, especially on
Guam are affected differently by the changes in environment, and to lump them
together and create a cultural tool that can applied to both, is guilty of the
same crime, as the initial thoughtless introduction.
Men: Men, unlike women, have
actually been afforded more status and opportunities in the modernization of
Guam. They now have equal, if not more control over the children, finances, and
household. Being part of a patriarchal system, it is the man's job to earn the
money for the family, and thus he holds the most power in a relationship.
Men are thus shoved into a new world of seeming, forced independence. The
new world of hard work and capitalism, forces them to adopt Western beliefs,
such as independence. With the conflict of ideologies over Chamorro customs of
interdependence and Western social norms, it is not the place for Chamorro men
anymore to depend so heavily on their families. Unlike American households,
which generally force their kids out into the 'real' world when they hit
eighteen, Chamorro males can live with their parents until their thirties or
forties, without discomfort. However the social climate is not as conducive to
such dependency as it once was.
Despite the socio-economic conditions of the day, with high unemployment
and social ills, this conflict still exists, and pushes many Chamorro males to
the edge. The therapeutic models offered by local agencies, do not take into
account, these ideas of dependence, independence, and interdependence. They
stress independence, they stress starting anew, when released from prison. They
do not take into account ideas of economic stress, or family pressures. The
rehabilitators assume that the world outside prison is a leveled one, in which
anyone has a chance. That anyone, after leaving prison, provided they have the
drive and motivation, can start their lives over. It does not consider the
stigma and label of an ex-con in a small island community.
The assertion of individualism is an indirect way of instilling that to
"be a man, you must be independent."
This also does not take into account the reciprocity of the Chamorro
culture, nor the simple pressures of family and friends. "Starting
over," is an exaggerated misconception of the western model. It only further complicates issues and crisis of the self,
implying that failure to do so, to start anew, somehow suggest a personal
weakness. But in reality, the
kinship ties grow too deep and too strong to merely start over. The idea of
reciprocity also comes into play. It
is a necessary part of the culture, that one must reciprocate actions or deeds.
If upon your release from prison, your friends offered help, despite the therapy
that specifically states not to associate with your old crowd or friends, you
must accept it, and reciprocate it back. The 'fresh start,' approach isn't
applicable to Chamorro culture, in that it denies the existence of a
pre-existing web of interdependence, which ultimately overrides any subsequent
conditioning or rehab.
Women: The changes in culture,
the adaptations and introduction of new discourses and discursive frameworks,
hits women harder then men. The displacement of modern Chamorro women is
primarily due to an hermeneutic conflict caused by their loss of status. Ancient
Chamorro culture, was a matrilineal culture, in which women held high status.
They owned the land, they owned all possessions in the home, they alone had
power over their children. (more). In the unlikely event that a divorce took
place in ancient society, it was only a woman's choice to do so, and if she did,
she took the children, as well as all the possessions in the home, and if her
family chose to, could burn the newly-bachelorized man home.
Unlike many Arabic or Muslim cultures in which women are given the
highest value, and are therefore protected, often too much. The great value of
Chamorro women was a practical one. It an important role of the male to keep his
wife happy and comfortable. For it was she who held all the power.
This has changed drastically over time. Since the colonization of Guam
during the so-called 'Age of Exploration,' the role of women on the island has
diminished greatly. No longer does a woman hold the great status she once did.
No longer are the children solely her area. No longer are the possessions or the
land hers. No longer is her comfort the most important factor in a marriage. The
cultural focus of Guam has shifted from matrilineal to a primarily patriarchal
network.
This shift has not been a quick one, or an immediate one. It has been
slow and drawn out, and has been only increased with the governance of American
authorities. But it must be clarified here, that the conflict, which is at the
center of the female Chamorro subject/self, is not merely do to loss of status
due to this shift, but the conflict which is created between their external
discursive allotments and limitations, and what their cognitive and conscious
and internal cultural drives demand.
The most unique aspect of the Chamorro culture is that it’s
internalized. This point can be debated as to the extent, but it cannot be
denied that the Chamorro culture is primarily an internalized one, based on
words, abstractions, emotions, feelings. There exists little to no external
basis for these feelings, no rituals or institutions, but the culture still
persists and is still strong, in each person who thinks themselves Chamorro.
In contrast to the shape the world around them has taken shape, the
emotional and conscious skeleton by which the Chamorro culture was formed still
exists, and is still quite strong, despite the loss of its external half. Though
the environment around women has lost its matrilineal edge, their thoughts and
emotions are still driven by a culture that is still matrilineal. The
displacement of women is caused when their internal machinations demand they act
in a certain function, and take certain actions but the discursive and cultural
limitations and roles provided for women keep the from doing so.
This conflict primarily surrounds, but is not limited
to their children.
It must be remembered that for all cultures, it is the children, of which
the most identify is created for women, particularly in indigenous cultures. It
is what separates them from men, and it is this life giving aspect, the womb,
which generally places then in high status (Bracher p.87).
The greatest opposition can be found here. The children were once solely
the responsibility of the mothers. No one could take that right away. The fact
that this right, this responsibility is now shared with every concerned citizen,
neighbors, the father and Government agencies, causes a significant stress upon
mothers. A distinction must be drawn here. In older Chamorro times a community
did raise a child, it did indeed take a village to teach a child. However,
education is one thing, welfare, discipline, and ultimate control was another.
Distant relatives, or other family members may of taught the child skills and
beliefs, but would never seek to usurp control or rights over a child.
In today' s world, the Chamorro mother is constantly being usurped by
anyone and everyone. The government can take her children away, the schools
control their education, fathers also have rights. It seems better when one sees
it only in Western terms, but in internal Chamorro cultural terms, it is a
disheartening shift.
The shift creates in Chamorro mothers a bitter state of displacement.
Disharmony, and not knowing ones place in society. Their motivations push them
in one direction, yet the external world paints a slightly different picture.
The most common example of this can be found in the idea of discipline and
subsequently the concept of respect.
The Chamorro elders of today blame rising crime rates and other
unfortunate societal ills on the lack of respect. As mentioned before, respect
is hallmark to the culture. Under the older cultural system a mother and later
on a father was responsible for a child's disciplining, to a further extent
grandparents were also extended this function. Children were taught respect, and
if they acted out or misbehaved, they were moderately spanked, or if the offense
was minimal they were grabbed by their earlobes or sideburns. Respect was
reinforced by the female members of the home, the mother if she was present, or
a grandparents in the mother's absence. Through this, children were conditioned
to be respectful.
With the intervention of Western societies, this behavior model for
respect is no longer possible, as parents are no longer able to discipline their
children in a physical manner. As more and more people are allowed to become
authorities on proper child rearing, the Chamorro mothers are left with less and
less cultural resources. They arrive at an impasse. Their children misbehave,
and they are forced to reconcile a serious mental conflict. Their sensibilities
are Chamorro, which means that they should punish the child, spank him or grab
his ear. However they are limited to doing what their external discourse allows,
sending him to his room, taking away privileges. In a culture sense, this leaves
the mother stunted, and displaced. Forced to cede herself to the societal norms,
she must turn her back on her cultural drives and instincts, thus in essence,
not only turning her back on herself, but her culture as well.
The research used in the creation of this paper reveals that mothers now
sometimes have an uncertainty about their roles as mothers and resort to a
friendship based relationship with their children in order to maintain close
ties. Rather than feeling that they
have the authority to correct their children's unwanted behavior, they are
tormented by their own guilt or failure as mothers, and succumb to a loosely
defined parental role in which "buying cigarettes for my children"
becomes a last attempt at maintaining some form of a bond.
Problems also arise as increasing number of
mothers are being forced by
socio-economic conditions to work. The new capitalist economy, which has been
introduced into Guam, makes life very difficult for women, as many are forced to
work and take care of their children. The difficulty of this is increased as the
extended family is less and less, the family unit of Chamorro society, and the
typical nuclear family is reinforced. Child care in older times was much easier,
as the care of the children, when the mothers were not able to, was often
relegated to grandparents, or older relatives. This option is still available to
Chamorro women, however is becoming increasingly scarce as the society becomes
more and more assimilative with Western beliefs.
Childcare costs are beyond the average family income's capacity and
facilities are not as readily available, a problem of demand versus supply.
This only aggravates an already troublesome family situation.
Another area of concern, similar to the conflict between patriarchal and
matrilineal system, is the clash between differing concepts of time. The
Chamorro way of visualizing time, and the American/Capitalist way of viewing
time.
It is the Chamorro way, and not necessarily the old Chamorro way, to
visualize time in terms of intention. "I will do this when I do this."
This idea is reinforced in the language itself, by the fact that tenses of time,
are created by intentions, rather then linear statements of time (Onedera p.1).
Chamorro life is indicative of the stereotypical island lifestyle in that things
are relatively relaxed. But more important than this is that as things are
generally "relaxed," thus, people plan and intend things primarily in
the short term. This can be seen in any typical Chamorro interaction, in which
one subject desires the other to do something or attend something. Chamorro
people will react, will think in the moment, rather then in the long term. An
example to illustrate this is a common habit of agreeing to participate in some
activity if someone on face-to-face contact requests it "Thus if you are a
typical Chamorro, and someone asks you to go to something, yet you know you have
a prior engagement, or don't want to go; you will still probably say yes,
knowing that it is better to say yes now, make them happy, and then do not show
up, then to hurt their feelings now, by saying no." This is short term
planning, acting in the moment, immediate. .
For example, in ancient Chamorro times, and even up until the previous
century, it was customary that when you returned from the sea with a large
harvest of fish, you would take what your family needed and give the rest to
whoever needed it. Rather then save it for later in case they needed food, or
sell it to obtain more money, which would be long-term analysis. They instead
chose to live in the moment, and offer it to anyone who wanted it in that
instant. It not only reflects the idea of respect, and communal obligation but
also encapsulates the whole perception of time, immediacy, and future.
However, Western lifestyle is now built around long term planning.
American lives are based upon vertical movement. "Work hard and one day,
you will own a house, a car, a lawn. Work hard, and later on in life you can
have all you desire. Constantly attempting to move up in life, constantly
planning for the best possible future and outcome."
Americans think primarily in the long term. It is part of cultural evolution, adaptation and survival
(Peers and Epling p.379). Their movements are guided by the fact that their
lives are linear, and have the potential to last for many years, and that the
best possible, and highest outcome must be created from that time.
Capitalism is a system that requires a long-term visualization of time.
In order to exist in a setting in which a person is treated like a cog in a
machine, that person must derive from his existence, either long-term gains, or
long term increases in status or wealth.
What
has happened here is that the concepts of time have overlapped. On Guam we are
now governed by the conflicting systems. The capitalist environment on Guam
implies that we must take the panopticon with it. Yet the minds of the Chamorros
are still guided by older forms, by slower and more relaxed feelings. The issue
here is not so much economy, but how these conflicting times affect the family
unit, and in particular the women.
In
pre-contact Chamorro language there were no words for 'rape' or 'incest.' Yet
these crimes are increasing slowly on Guam, 30% in the last ten years. According
to the Guam Police Department Crime Index, nearly two hundred cases of rape take
place each year on Guam, though they estimate, twice as many actually take
place, but are never reported. There are no figures available for incest, and
there is a reason for this.
If
one remembers that the remaining aspects of the Chamorro culture are
internalized, then certain aspects are still intact, such as the old concept of
time. There is also the importance of family, respect and help within the
family. The old Chamorro culture was based on strict reciprocity, one action
deserved another. Action was immediately taken, regardless of the long-term
effects or costs.
When
a rape takes place within a family, or incest is committed, a problem arises, in
the differing aspects of temporal planning. In response to this act, the
Chamorro culture demands immediate action. Emmok
is the idea, by which revenge is taken against oneself, or ones family
(Cunningham p. 93). If your wife or your daughter was disgraced sexually, then
it was the responsibility of the family to revenge this act, or reciprocate this
hurt. A theory of the killing of San Vitores, is that he was killed because he
had fathered a child, or had intercourse with Matapang's wife. Matapang had
taken his revenge for the disgrace, and the proof of this was that he brought
along with him his chule'guagua', or
basket carrier with him as a witness, as was required by the customs (Flores
p.2).
Times
have changed, though the feelings have not. Today's world no longer allows the
killing or vengeance of hurt families, and no longer does it allow justice or
even validation. In today's culture, it must be stressed that close-knit
families are the last cultural indications present. Families must survive, even
to the point at which its members are sacrificed.
When
crimes are committed within the family, immediate action can no longer be taken,
for the concept of long term planning comes into play. They are part of a
family, and that is the most important thing, and the family must stay together.
There can be no thoughtless actions of vengeance, justice or validation, the
family must stay together. They cannot take the crime to the authorities for it
would only cause disruptions, and break the family apart. They cannot admonish
the perpetrator, for that would only cause more difficulties. They cannot even
discuss the subject. For the sake of the family, this must be swept under the
rug.
But
where does this leave the women? In silence, alone, without validation, so that
the family can survive. Such pain often stays with Chamorro women their whole
lives. Causes mental distress and displacement. The silence bears down on them,
and they often become confused, seeking an answer to why they were never
validated, or why no action was taken? In this sense, their sensibilities become
mixed, and unsure. They want vengeance under the Chamorro culture, such
reciprocity guards their thinking. Yet since they cannot have this, they seek
validation in terms of individuality. Since the collectivist culture they then
seek validation as an individual but still find none. And this shift in mental
temperament causes more displacement and more isolation. Not only are they
isolated in their silenced, but also their minds. They become cut-off from their
families because of their individualistic attitudes, but are not at harmony in
their new isolated frame of minds.
As
mentioned earlier in this paper, the statistics on child sexual abuse and incest
are not readily found in the archives of our government documents, yet the
pervasiveness of this non-verbal knowing lingers amongst the survivors, the
women, who must somehow make sense of this "family obligation" to
silence, and their own need for acceptance and embracement into the family. The subject of sexual abuse is a sensitive one, not
just in the Chamorro culture, but all cultures.
Yet in the Chamorro culture, discussing private issues in the public
realm is certainly a well-known taboo. Furthermore,
the issue of men and women discussing such matters is still unthinkable.
Yet in the Western mode of therapy, and as assimilated into our
corrective facility, the Domestic Violence and Sexual Abuse Program, a
psycho-education model, is held in a co-ed setting.
Perhaps due to budget restraints, it is not possible to have more than
what is being offered. But if the culture is at all taken into account, that the
total failure of this class would be realized.
In an culture in which it is taboo for men and women, even in close
relations to speak freely about sex, is it fair to assume that they should feel
less apprehensive talking about such a sensitive issue in the presence of
strangers, and those of the opposite sex? Furthermore,
should both these men and women feel it is necessary for them to do so in terms
of their self-help? Such lack of
cultural sensitivity in therapeutic interventions makes it necessary to address
the whole concept of importing social tools.
In
conclusion, the entire idea of rehabilitation implies a need for social
intervention, one which comes disguised in the form of therapy and help to a
population of the already wounded and vulnerable.
This paper perhaps has made an elusive attempt at finding answers to
these issues by merely raising such questions worth study and further research.
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