Contents
Who are we?
History Pages - Plantation to Present Day.
Our Language
Our Religion
The Future
Come by the hills to the land where legends remain, where glories
of old stir the heart and may yet come again,
Where the past has been lost and the future has still to be won,
and the cares of tomorrow must wait till this day is done.
(Gordon Smith)
The Foylish people are the descendants of the
Scottish settlers who settled in north-west Ulster in the early part of the
Seventeenth Century. They came mainly from Ayrshire, Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire
and Galloway, but also from most other parts of Scotland, and settled along the
north coast of the island of Ireland, in parts of the Irish counties of Tir
Chonaill (later Donegal), Coleraine (later Londonderry) and Tyrone. Thousands
of years before their ancestors had arrived in Ulster from Scotland at the end
of the last Ice Age. They settled and became a distinct nation. They built the
Black Pig's Dyke, a fortified border which ran from Newry in the east to
Ballyshannon in the west, along Ulster's southern frontier. The Romans called
these people "Scoti", and the people south of the Black Pig's Dyke
"Hibernae". The people who lived in what is now Scotland were known
as Picti (Picts) or Caledonii and their country was known as Caledonia.
Eventually they moved into east Ulster and became known as Cruithni. In the
third century AD the Cruithni dominated the east of Ulster and the Hibernae
began to threaten from the south. As a result many Scots migrated to Argyll and
Ayrshire & Galloway (part of the Celtic British kingdom of Strathclyde).
The Scots in Ulster had their own kingdom, Dalriada, which after the fourth
century AD had territory on both sides of the Sea of Moyle (North Channel). In
the fifth century AD the Hibernae encroached more and more into Ulster and the
Scots were pushed further and further east. Eventually both the Scots and the
Cruithni (Picts) were pushed out of Ulster altogether as the Gaelic Irish
advanced. A significant factor in the movement into what is now Scotland was
the arrival of Christianity. One of the greatest Christian missionaries of the
western world was St. Calumcille or Calum (known in Latin as Columba). Calum
founded monasteries at Raphoe, and Londonderry before sailing to Iona to begin
his mission to convert the Scots and Picts. So successful was his mission that
the whole of the kingdoms of the Scots and Picts became Christian. In 844 King Kenneth MacAlpine of Dalriada
inherited the Pictish throne and united the Scots and Picts in the Kingdom of
Alba. Over the centuries Alba expanded to include the Nordic territories of
Shetland, Orkney, Sutherland and Caithness, as well as the British kingdom of
Strathclyde and the Lothians, part of the Anglian kingdom of Northumbria. In
1560 the kingdom, now known as Scotland, became Protestant under the leadership
of John Knox. Following the overthrow of Queen Mary, her infant son was placed
on the throne and became King James VI. On the death of Queen Elizabeth I he
inherited the English throne as well. James's accession to the throne and the
Union of the Crowns coincided with the final defeat of the Gaelic Irish
chieftains of Ulster, the O'Neills and the O'Donnells. These chieftains went
into exile in Europe and their lands became vacant. Earlier English monarchs
had used similar defeats and exile of Irish chieftains to bring in loyal
English settlers (for example the Laois-Offaly plantation). King James decided
such a policy could pacify Ulster. The Ulster plantation brought in English and
more importantly Scottish settlers. They changed Ulster from being the most
Gaelic and Roman Catholic part of the island to being the most British and
Protestant part. The English settlers soon became part of the Anglo Irish
establishment but the Scots, now safely back in their old homeland, set about
building a nation. Soon Ulster began to prosper and a new nation was born.
. Our Name
For 400 years, we have been a people without a name.
We have seen ourselves as Scottish, British, Scotch Irish, or even in some
cases Northern Irish, or simply Irish. We are none of these, and we feel that
the term Ulster Scots does not fully explain who we really are. We are no
longer totally Scottish, in the same way that the descendants of the Pilgrim
Fathers are no longer English. There's no doubt that we retain a strongly Scottish
culture, religion and tradition. However, 400 years on the island of Ireland
have meant that we have evolved our own distinctive culture and ethos, which is
no longer exactly the same as that of the Scottish mainland. Therefore we feel
that we need a new name, which reflects our own distinctiveness, and emphasises
that we are not just a part of something bigger, but a distinct nation in our
own right. We chose the name "Foyleland" for our new country, because
the river Foyle and its tributaries flow through the heart of our country, and
are the source of her fertility and beauty. The river provides security,
fertility and permanency, for our people. Security, as in the Great siege of
1689, when the river provided a defence for the besieged city until the gates
could be shut against the invading Jacobites. Fertility, because the river
Foyle is the source of the soil, which makes up our fertile farmland, soil
deposited by her waters during the last Ice Age, waters which also carved out
our great valleys and formed our hills. Permanency, because the Foyle waters
have flowed through our country since the dawn of time, witnessing all the
great events of our history, most of which have been played out on her shores.
We are a people shaped by the river, and her waters flow deep through the soul
of our people. Therefore, we the people of Foyleland are known as
"Foylish" just as the people of England are known as English or the
people of Ireland are known as Irish. May this new name reflect a new beginning
for our people, as a new free nation within the British Isles.
Our Flag
And if you don't respect it, the old red
white and blue, you're not tied down in Foyleland, you know what you can do.
The flag of Foyleland is an early Scottish version of
the Union Jack. It dates from 1603 and was used by King James VI and I, the
monarch who began the Plantation. The colours are the traditional Protestant
colours of red, white and blue. The basic design is the St. Andrew's saltire,
with a cross included. The flag is a symbol of our faith. The colours symbolise
the three Protestant virtues of sacrifice, purity and loyalty. Red stands for sacrifice. The red cross stands for our Protestantism,
and reminds us of the sacrifice of Christ on the Cross. White stands for
purity, reminding us that the Reformation purged Christianity from errors and
returned us to a pure, Biblical faith. White is a reminder to us that our lives
as Protestants must be pure too, rejecting sin, the world and the devil, and
standing foursquare for Gospel purity. Blue stands for loyalty. Our people are
called to display unswerving loyalty to the Gospel, to have a sincere love and
veneration for our Heavenly Father, and a humble and steadfast faith in Jesus
Christ. We are also called to display loyalty to those set in authority over
us, especially Elizabeth our Queen. The St. Andrew's saltire reminds us of the
biblical and apostolic basis of the Protestant religion, and also of our
Scottish Presbyterian heritage. As a whole, our flag is a symbol of unity, the
unity we have in Christ, and as Protestants, bound together in peace, love and
harmony.
History Pages
The Plantation
Following the defeat of the
Irish chieftains in Ulster and their flight into exile the King and his
advisors decided to begin a plantation or colonisation of the lands they
vacated in Ulster. The government in London decided to colonise six of Ulster's
nine counties. The counties of Antrim and Down were excluded from the
plantation, as was Monaghan, which, despite some English or Anglo Irish settlement
remained firmly in the hands of the Irish. English settlers were brought in
through the port of Belfast, and moved westwards into much of Fermanagh, Cavan,
Armagh, and most of south Donegal and south, west and east Tyrone. Although
there were Scottish settlements in most of the plantation areas, the strongest
concentration of Scots west of the Bann, were in the Laggan valley and east of
the Foyle in Strabane district. Strabane district was mainly colonised by the
Scots, and the Laggan valley was given to the Cunningham and Stewart families
from Ayrshire who brought in tenants from those areas. Coleraine County was
given to twelve London companies who brought in English settlers. However, the
number of Scots who came in greatly outnumbered the English in the north-
western part of this territory, around the new city of Londonderry, so that by
the time of the Glorious Revolution, Scots outnumbered English by 20 to 1.
Inishowen was settled by large numbers of Highlanders, and the whole area,
which we now claim as Foyleland took on a distinctively Scottish character in
the first generation after the plantation unlike most of the rest of Ulster,
west of the Bann, where English settlers predominated. This difference in the settlement patterns
was to prove very significant in later years, notably in 1641 and 1688-89.
Now the heretics all go down,
lilliburlero bullen a la. By the pope and St. Patrick the nation's our own,
lilliburlero bullen a la
Lero, lero lilliburlero, lilliburlero
bullen a la, lero lero lero lero, lilliburlero bullen a la.
(Traditional)
There is a tradition
among Irish nationalists that "England's difficulty is Ireland's
opportunity". Time and again throughout history, the Irish used times of
political uncertainty or war in England to try and gain their freedom from
British rule by armed insurrection. One such time was 1641. At that time
England was in the middle of a Civil War between the King and Parliament, and
the country was deeply divided. The Irish rose in rebellion in 1641 under Sir
Phelim O'Neill. Not only did they want freedom from English rule, they also had
the aim of driving all the Planters and Protestants out of the island of
Ireland. Of course this included the Ulster Scots of the Laggan valley and
surrounding districts. In his history of the Laggan, Rev. Alexander Lecky wrote
that during this crisis "there were no braver or more valiant defenders of
the faith to be found in any part of the King's dominions than the Laggan
forces". The Laggan army was formed in the run up to the rebellion. As
soon as the Government heard rumours of an insurrection commissions were sent
to Sir William and Sir Robert Stewart "to raise two regiments, consisting
of officers who were worthy and gallant gentlemen, and two troops of
horses". Though the Laggan forces were small in number, they made up for
it in bravery and gallantry. Not only did they successfully defend their tiny
homeland, but they also saw action far from her borders. Surrounded on all
sides by Irish rebels, the Lagganeers fought off all attacks by the rebels and
ventured far outside their own territory to relieve the castles of
Newtownstewart, Augher, Omagh, Castlederg and Limavady, which were being
besieged by the Irish. They also retook the castle of Strabane, which the Irish
had captured. Sir Phelim O' Neill decided to take advantage of the absence of
the Laggan army from their home. He planned to attack the Laggan itself and
pillage Raphoe castle, but the Lagganeers got word of this impending invasion
and set off in pursuit of the enemy, inflicting a crushing defeat on the Irish
near Castlederg. Later in 1641, they fought off another Irish attack by routing
the Irish forces at Barnesmore gap. In 1642, Sir Phelim, now reinforced by The
MacDonnells of Antrim, plucked up the courage to try once more to invade the
Laggan. He gathered a huge army and marched towards Raphoe. Again the Laggan
forces took the battle to the enemy. The two armies met at Glenmaquin on June
16th 1642, and again the Laggan men were victorious. The Irish lost
many men at the Battle Burn, including Donnell Gorm MacDonnell, an influential
Antrim chieftain. This victory for the Lagganeers ensured that they remained
free and secure during the rest of the rebellion. Sir Phelim never again tried
to invade the Laggan or threaten her people, and the Laggan thanks to the
heroism of her army, was mercifully spared the terrible and barbarous
atrocities inflicted on other places. As Rev. Lecky wrote "Any of the
Lagganeers neighbours who may have meditated deeds of this kind soon found out
that they would have enough to do in preserving their own lives and
possessions, for the Laggan forces let it be seen that any who showed
themselves disaffected towards British rule, if within their reach, would soon
be taught who their masters were, and be made to suffer for their
disloyalty". Following the victory at Glenmaquin, the Lagganeers joined
forces with the garrison of Londonderry, and eventually put down the rebellion
in the Ramelton area, removing another threat to the security of the Laggan,
and the Maiden City. By the end of 1642, the rebellion had fizzled out and
peace returned, but the memory of the Laggan army remained strong long after
they had disbanded, and for generations the name of the Laggan men struck fear
into the hearts of any would be rebel. During the siege of Londonderry in 1689,
a butcher called George Cook gathered fifty-six boys on the shore at the Ferry
Quay. The Irish took them to be Lagganeers and as one contemporary writer wrote
"fears of some sudden destruction coming upon them, put them to so hasty a
flight, that many of their officers left their boots and soldiers their coats
behind them". These warriors who fled the Maiden City so hurriedly, were
MacDonnells, otherwise known as "Lord Antrim's Red Shanks". It's
likely that they had heard stories passed down from their fathers and
grandfathers, of the courage of the Laggan men, and decided that it was better
to run and live to fight another day, rather than face under the walls of the
city of Londonderry the same fate that their fathers had met, that fateful day
in June 1642 by the Battle Burn in the field of Glenmaquin.
Strabane District - Early years of the colony
During the centuries
following the demise of the Gaelic Chieftains, dramatic changes were to occur
throughout Ireland, as the English administration endeavoured to strengthen its
position. Previously both the Danes and the Normans had attempted and largely
failed to defeat the resolve of the Gaelic Chieftains, however, by the
beginning of the seventeenth century the situation looked bleak with the final
defeat of Hugh O'Neill and his O'Donnell allies in the Nine Years War (known
also as the Long Tyrone War) and their subsequent departure to the continent.
James I took the opportunity to enrich his exchequer by confiscating lands and
'planting' English and Scots settlers in this fertile countryside. He also
granted a new hereditary title - the baronetcy - to about 200 selected people
on payment of £1,000 from each and on condition that they each maintained 30
soldiers in Ulster for his support.
As a result, Tyrone was
divided into five precincts. The chief beneficiary in the Strabane precinct was
the Earl of Strabane and the first Earl of Abercorn, who was descended from the
Scottish Earls of Arran. He received 1,000 acres in the vicinity of the town
and 2,000 at Dunnalong. Immediately after his grant in 1611 he began to reshape
the hamlet he found on the banks of the Mourne into a planned town. He built a
castle and around it 80 houses in which he settled 120 families.
At Castlederg Sir John
Davies was granted some 2000 acres stretching from Killeter to Drumquin and
Dromore and was charged with the responsibility of building a fortified house
(the ruins of which can still be seen today) for the defence of the planters.
Sir Claud Hamilton's estate lay mostly to the north-east and east of Strabane,
including the Donemana and Plumbridge areas. By 1622, a four storey castle
without doors and windows and with a nearly complete bawn, plus six houses had
been built at Donemana. Meanwhile Sir J Clapham forfeited his grant of an
estate of 3000 acres at Newtowne/Newtownstewart for failing to comply with the
conditions. Sir W Stewart was to eventually come into it's possession. He
rebuilt the Turlough O'Neill castle together with a new town, which in 1618 had
14 houses and an inn. A parish church was also erected in 1622 to replace the
ruined one at Ardstraw, three miles away. It was dedicated to St. Eugene as
every church at Ardstraw had been since the sixth century.
The vast majority of the
settlers in this part of Tyrone were Scots-for the most part thrifty,
hardworking farmers and craftsmen who soon created civic orders and stamped
their character on the area. In Strabane three water mills were erected and a
church and school-house were founded. In 1612 Strabane was made a parliamentary
borough and sent two MPs to the Irish Parliament. They were James Montgomery
and Daniel Molyneux, Esq. The Charter also provided, amongst other things, the
holding of regular fairs and markets which took place continuously through the
centuries up to the 1940's. Nowadays, the recreation of such events occur on a
bi-annual basis returning to Strabane the flavour of rural life which it had so
often experienced in the past.
The period immediately
after the Flight of The Earls in 1607 was marked largely by relative peace,
however, instability was never far off the horizon. The 1641 rising led by Sir
Phelim O'Neill of Caledon was the next major event to beset the district. After
the capture of Dungannon, Charlemont and Mountjoy, Sir Phelim attacked Strabane
and carried off Lady Strabane, the daughter-in-law of the Earl of Abercorn.
Colonel Sir George Hamilton retook Strabane three days later with an
expeditionary force of Scottish soldiers. In Newtownstewart events followed a
similar pattern. Both Stewart residences at Newtown and Aughentain Manor were
destroyed with the family fleeing to Strabane and then to Londonderry. However
the Stewart brothers mobilized a force of horsemen - the celebrated Laggan
force - and retrieved the situation. At Castlederg, the Davies bawn was
destroyed. The war finally ended in 1652 and from then until the Restoration in
1660 the influence of Cromwell's puritans and the Commonwealth dominated the
area.
The initial years of the
Restoration heralded another period of relative peace. At Castlederg the
Edwards family gained possession of the castle and it's estate. As landlords
they did a great deal for the town despite being seriously in debt themselves.
Sir George Hamilton of Dunnalong who had gone to France in support of the
monarchy had his estates restored to him by an Act of Parliament. His nephew
George Hamilton had also been successful in having the Strabane estates
restored to him. His eldest son Claud was active later in the affairs of
Strabane and was High Sheriff of Tyrone in 1683
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The years which ensued, following the coronation of James II and his attempts to re-establish the Catholic Church however, saw a return to conflict in Ireland in the form of the Williamite Wars. Strabane at first provided protection for Protestant refugees but was later captured by the Jacobite forces loyal to James and became a base for attacks on Maiden City. At Clady, the arch of the bridge nearest the village was blown up by Colonel Beresford in order to halt their advance. James arrived at Strabane in 1688 on his way to the 'Siege of Derry', however his forces were forced to retreat when the siege was broken in July of the following year. Strabane and Newtownstewart were both torched in the retreat. A year later the war ended with the signing of the Treaty Of Limerick in October 1691.
The Glorious Revolution
On the green grassy slopes of the Boyne,
where our forefathers with William did join
To fight for our Glorious deliverance, on
the green grassy slopes of the Boyne
(Traditional)
The victory of 1641- 42 was short lived, and it
wasn't long before the Ulster Scots felt the heavy hand of Anglo-Irish
persecution once more. Following the accession of Charles II to the throne, fresh
attempts were made to force uniformity of religion on the people of the British
Isles. This period was known in Scotland as the "Killing Times" and
many Scots were martyred for holding on to the Protestant faith. Charles II
died in 1865 and was succeeded by his brother, James, who became James II and
VII. James himself was a Roman Catholic, but his daughters, Mary and Anne were
Protestants. As long as they remained first in line to the throne, the
Protestants were prepared to tolerate James's excesses, in the hope that when
he died, things would improve. However, in 1688, James became father to a son,
who immediately became his heir. The boy was Baptised James Francis Stuart, by
a Roman priest, and this ensured a continuation of Romanist rule after James's
death. The Protestant people became alarmed and decided to depose James and
replace him with his daughter Mary, and her husband, William of Orange. The
English parliament invited William to come to London and he landed at Torbay on
November 5th 1688. James fled and William and Mary became joint
monarchs of England. The following weeks saw a period of great uncertainty in
the Kingdom, and on December 18th, the Siege of Londonderry began
(see below). Scotland fell to William soon after, and the Scottish Jacobites
(supporters of James) were finally defeated at the battle of Killiecrankie, on
July 27th 1689. Londonderry was relieved on August 12th
1689 and the following year William's army won the Battle of the Boyne,
securing much of southern Ireland too. The Jacobites were finally defeated at
Aughrim, on July 12th 1691 and James fled to France, never to
return. The Glorious Revolution had secured freedom for all the people of the
British Isles, and, as we will see in the next section, our people played a crucial
part in that historic conflict.
The Siege of Londonderry
We'll fight and not surrender but come
when duty calls,
With heart and hand and sword and shield,
we'll guard old 'derry's walls
(Traditional)
From the moment he became king in 1685 King James II
immediately set about improving conditions for his |Roman catholic subjects, at
the expense of the Planters. In 1687 he granted the city of Londonderry a new
charter, which created a predominantly Irish/Catholic Corporation. The people
didn't worry too much about this as long as Lord Mountjoy's regiment were
garrisoned in the city. Mountjoy was a descendant of Sir William Stewart, who
had commanded the Lagganeers in 1641, and he was staunchly Protestant, as were
his men. However, in November 1688, Mountjoy's regiment was ordered to move to
Dublin, and they left Londonderry on November 23rd. They were to be
replaced by a regiment of Irishmen, known as the redshanks, led by the Earl of
Antrim. The people were uneasy about this but the bishop advised them to accept
the regiment, and not to disobey their lawful king. In the days that followed, dire warnings of a repeat of 1641 were
given to the citizens of Londonderry. By the 18th December, the
Redshanks had reached the Waterside, and some had crossed the river on the
ferry and were approaching Ferryquay gate. Eight or Nine young Apprentices seized
the keys and locked the Ferryquay gate. They were then joined by four more
Apprentices who secured the remaining six gates and seized control of the
magazine. The Earl of Antrim left Limavady with George Phillips to persuade the
citizens of Londonderry to allow the Redshanks into the city. Phillips was
persuaded to become Governor, after sending a message to the Earl of Antrim
that it was unsafe for the Earl to come into the city. At this time Mountjoy
negotiated a pardon for all those who had shut the gates. It was agreed that
two companies of Mountjoy's regiment would be sent to Londonderry, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Lundy and Captain William Stewart. These two
companies were all Protestant. They were admitted into the city. George Phillips
resigned as Governor, and Mountjoy appointed Lundy in his place. On March 12th
Lord Tyrconnell (The Viceroy) proclaimed the people of Londonderry to be rebels
and sends General Richard Hamilton northwards, via Newry, Down and Antrim, to
conquer the city. They reached Coleraine on March 27th. Coleraine was defended, so they spread out
along the Bann and outflanked the Coleraine garrison who retreated to
Londonderry, which now became a place of refuge for people from all over
Ulster. Lundy mismanaged the whole plan of defence, and made woefully
inadequate preparations, including leaving the crossing of the Finn at
Cladyford under defended. The Jacobites crossed the Finn on April 15th
and began marching up through the Finn valley towards Lifford. The same day,
Lundy discouraged the landing of a regiment of 1600 men sent by King William,
by telling them the city was about to fall into enemy hands. By this stage
Lundy had made up his mind to surrender. On April 17th a letter was
received from the Jacobite army, now camped at St. Johnston, asking for talks.
Lundy had another Council of War and decided that the city couldn't hold out.
By this time James had left Dublin and arrived in Omagh on April 14th.
He received a letter from the Duke of Berwick, saying that if James himself
came to the city, the rebels would open the gates, because Colonel Lundy had
promised the Duke that he would surrender. James and his Jacobite army reached
Bishop Gate on April 18th. Lundy had given the order that no shots
were to be fired from the walls during the negotiations. As the Jacobites
advanced to Butcher gate, shots were fired and one of James's entourage was
killed. James withdrew back to St. Johnston. At the same time, Adam Murray's
regiment were coming in from Pennyburn. Lundy ordered him to withdraw, but he
refused, and ordered the defenders to open the Shipquay gate, and admit his
entire force. This was a critical moment for the future of the city. Murray
told Lundy that judging by his recent behaviour he was "either a fool or a
knave". The Council then broke up, and that night Murray and his men
seized the keys and appointed trustworthy guards. Rev. George Walker and Major
Baker were appointed joint Governors. When Baker died in the siege, Colonel
Mitchelburn replaced him as Governor. Lundy escaped, disguised as a private
soldier, and fled to Scotland, from whence he was taken to the Tower of London.
On his release, he joined the Portuguese army. The city's defences were quickly
strengthened and over 1000 women and children were evacuated on the 20th.
Culmore fort surrendered soon after. The Jacobites were stationed at St.
Johnston, Carrigans and Pennyburn. On June 7th three ships, the
Mountjoy, the Phoenix and the Dartmouth, laden with supplies, under the command
of General Percy Kirke arrived within three miles of Culmore. They couldn't
reach the city because the Jacobites had constructed a boom across the river at
Brookhall. It was made of fir timber, lashed with small cables. Kirke remained
idle in Loch Foyle, but sent a force to capture Inch island. On June 30th General Rosen, the
Jacobite commanders announced that if they didn't surrender, all the people
from miles around would be gathered up and brought to the walls, where the
garrison would either have to watch them starve or admit them. If they failed
to surrender the houses and mills would be burnt so that the people would be
left to starve. They did this and 200 people were brought to the walls on July
1st and a further 1000 the next day. The Garrison erected a gallows
and threatened to hang 20 Jacobite prisoners. The Jacobites backed down and
allowed the Protestant people to go home. By this time conditions were becoming
appalling within the city. The people were starving and food ran out on July 27th
10,000 people died of hunger and disease. On Sunday July 28th shots
were fired from the Cathedral and the flag lowered, to signal to Kirke how
desperate the situation had become.
Kirke decided to attempt to reach the city under the protection of the
Dartmouth. The Dartmouth was sent to distract the Jacobites at Culmore fort
while the Mountjoy rammed the boom and ran aground. A longboat called the
Swallow sailed up to the boom and her sailors began to chop at the boom with
axes. The Mountjoy fired her guns and freed herself. Mountjoy and Phoenix
crashed through the boom and arrived at Shipquay gate at 10 pm. Captain
Browning was killed in the approach to the city, but the victory had been won.
The city had been relieved. It was a time of great rejoicing for the starving
people. The Jacobites continued to fire on the city during Monday and Tuesday,
but by Wednesday they began to burn houses outside the walls. The following day
they burnt their own tents, and before daybreak they marched off towards
Lifford and Strabane. The siege was over! The city was free once more, and her
citizens, weak but unbroken could begin to rebuild their lives and their
country. The crimson flag which had flown on the Cathedral tower during those
long 105 days was raised once more, this time amid rejoicing. When the people
of Londonderry had shouted "No Surrender" they had meant it, and now
the whole world knew that. Three hundred and sixteen years on, we still mean
it!!!
Ulster Scots in the 18th
and 19th Centuries
Oor thrissles blossomed fresh an fair,
an' bonnie bloomed oor roses. The whigs cam like a frost in June, an withered
aa oor posies.
Awa whigs awa, awa whigs awa, yer but a
pack o traitor loons, ye'll dae nae guid ava.
Oor sad decay in kirk an' state,
surpasses my descrivin', tha whigs cam ower us for a curse, an we hae done wi
thrivin.
Awa whigs awa, awa whigs awa, yer but a
pack o traitor loons, ye'll dae nae guid ava.
(Robert Burns)
Like the victory of 1641, Ulster Scots success
in the Glorious Revolution was short lived, and following the death of William
of Orange, the community again began to experience difficulties. The government
of Queen Anne was not sympathetic to the Presbyterian religion or the Scots way
of life. An Act of Parliament, passed in the reign of Queen Anne, required all
who held public office to receive the Sacrament of Holy Communion in the
Established Church, and debarred from office everyone who refused. Nine
Aldermen and fourteen burgesses in the city of Londonderry, lost office as a
result, and Ulster Scots found themselves more and more being ruled by an
Anglo-Irish Ascendancy who didn't understand their way of life and had little
desire to. A combination of bad harvests, increasing economic difficulty, and
the feeling that they were second class citizens in their own country led many
Ulster Scots to consider emigration, and in the early part of the eighteenth
century thousands of Ulster Scots crossed the Atlantic, following in the
footsteps of the noted Presbyterian missionary, Francis Makemie, from Ramelton,
who founded the Presbyterian Church in America. Ulster Scots settled in
Pennsylvania, side by side with the Amish community, later moving southward
down the Great Wagon Road, into the Shenandoah Valley and Tennessee. They took
with them their cultural and religious traditions, changing the face of America
and laying the foundations of the democratic, egalitarian traditions, which
emerged after 1776. Foyleland gave
America some of its most notable citizens, including Davy Crockett, whose
father came from Donemana, and whose also had family connections with the Laggan
area on his mother's side. Thomas Mellon, came from the south of Foyleland, and
became a very successful banker, and a hugely influential businessman. His son
Andrew was Secretary of the United States Treasury under three presidents.
President James Knox Polk was descended from Robert Bruce Polk of Lifford and
was Governor of Tennessee before becoming President. Wartime President, Woodrow
Wilson's ancestors came from Strabane. He led America to victory in World War I
and was a key player in the peace talks that followed. The League of nations
was his idea. Ulster Scots flourished in the new conditions in which they found
themselves. Unhindered by Test Acts or landlords, they relished their freedom
and made the most of it. As the century progressed there was a growing
disenchantment with British rule. Eventually things came to a head in 1776,
when America declared independence from Great Britain. Two Ulster Scots from
Foyleland distinguished themselves in this conflict, General Henry Knox from
Londonderry and Richard Montgomery from Donegal. When the war was over, Knox
became America's first secretary of State for War while Montgomery, after years
of heroic service, led an invasion of Canada. He was killed in action on New
Year's Day 1776. The lessons learned from
the victory of the American Revolutionaries and the French Revolution of
1789 was not lost on the Ulster Scots in Ireland, still under the yoke of the
Anglo Irish Ascendancy. This was the time when radical democratic and
libertarian ideas were much in vogue. Ulster Scots were greatly influenced by
Robert Burns, who despised injustice and inequality, and wrote about it with
devastating effectiveness. Burns was the latest manifestation of the freedom
loving Ulster Scot, and his ideas were the same ideals of librerty, and
equality as those of the old Border Rievers and Covenanters centuries before.
To an Ulster Scots population who lacked liberty and were certainly not equal,
these ideals were very appealing and many began to wonder how they could become
a reality. This quest for freedom was to lead many Ulster Scots on a misguided
and ultimately tragic path. Many Ulster Scots believed that their future lay in
joining with the Irish Catholics in a revolution to free the island of Ireland
from British rule and set up a Republican government. The United Irish movement
was founded in the 1780's and eventually led a rebellion in 1798 in County
Antrim. Although some rebellious activity took place in Foyleland, most
notoriously the murder of Rev. William
Hamilton DD at Sharon, near Newtowncunningham on March 2 1797. Hamilton had
been to Londonderry to (the rebels believed) inform on United Irish activity in
the district. He was returning to his parish in North Donegal but the ferry
operator refused to row him across the Swilly owing to bad weather conditions.
He decided to spend the night with the local Rector, Rev. Dr. Waller, at Sharon
Rectory. During the night, the rebels surrounded the house and demanded that
Hamilton be handed over. The Wallers refused, sao the rebels forced their way
in and seized Rev. Hamilton. He caught hold of the banister of the stairs, but
the rebels burned his hands forcing him to let go. He was then taken outside
and murdered. Another minister, Rev. James Porter from Ballindrait did become
involved in the rebellion in County Antrim, and was hanged for his part in the
uprising. Fortunately, most of our ancestors had the good sense to reject this
treasonous plot and remain loyal to the Crown, as they had done in 1641 and
1689.The rebellion was soon at an end and the result was the abolition of the
iniquitous Irish parliament and the Act of Union, which brought increased
security and prosperity, and eventually greater freedom and democracy for the
Ulster Scots people. One side effect of the troubled times of the 1790's was the
foundation of the Orange Order in 1795. This organisation became the backbone
of Ulster Scots society in the 19th century and when the next threat
to freedom occurred later in that century, the Ulster Scots people were well
placed to resist.
Robert Burns
There was a lad was born in Kyle, but
whatna day or whatna style, I doubt it's hardly worth the while, tae be sae
nice wi' Robin. Robin was a rovin boy, rantin rovin, rantin rovin, Robin was a
rovin boy, rantin rovin Robin.
Born in
Alloway, Ayrshire, on January 25th 1759 to William Burness, a poor tenant
farmer, and Agnes Broun, Robert Burns was the eldest of seven. He spent his
youth working his father's farm, but in spite of his poverty he was extremely
well read - at the insistence of his father, who employed a tutor, John Murdoch
for Robert and younger brother Gilbert. At 15 Robert was the principal worker
on the farm and this prompted him to start writing in an attempt to find
"some kind of counterpoise for his circumstances." It was at this
tender age that Burns penned his first verse, "My Handsome Nell",
which was an ode to the other subjects that dominated his life, namely scotch
and women.
When his
father died in 1784, Robert and his brother became partners in the farm.
However, Robert was more interested in the romantic nature of poetry than the
arduous graft of ploughing and, having had some misadventures with the ladies
(resulting in several illegitimate children, including twins to the woman who
would become his wife, Jean Armour), he planned to escape to the safer, sunnier
climes of the West Indies.
However, at
the point of abandoning farming, his first collection "Poems- Chiefly in
the Scottish Dialect - Kilmarnock Edition" (a set of poems essentially
based on a broken love affair), was published and received much critical
acclaim. This, together with pride of parenthood, made him stay in Scotland. He
moved around the country, eventually arriving in Edinburgh, where he mingled in
the illustrious circles of the artists and writers who were agog at the
"Ploughman Poet."
In a matter of
weeks he was transformed from local hero to a national celebrity, fussed over
by the Edinburgh literati of the day, and Jean Armour's father allowed her to
marry him, now that he was no longer a lowly wordsmith. Alas, the trappings of
fame did not bring fortune and he took up a job as an exciseman to supplement
the meagre income. Whilst collecting taxes he continued to write, contributing
songs to the likes of James Johnston's "Scot's Musical Museum" and
George Thomson's "Select Collection of Original Scottish Airs." In
all, more than 400 of Burns' songs are still in existence.
The last years
of Burns' life were devoted to penning great poetic masterpieces such as The
Lea Rig, Tam O'Shanter and a Red, Red Rose. He died aged 37 of heart disease
exacerbated by the hard manual work he undertook when he was young. His death
occurred on the same day as his wife Jean gave birth to his last son, Maxwell.
On the day of
his burial, (July 25th 1796) more than 10,000 people came to watch
and pay their respects. However, his popularity then was nothing compared to
the heights it has reached since.
His fame
spread around the world, and by the middle of the nineteenth century, he was
beloved as far away as Russia, Australia, America and Europe. In Ulster, only
the Bible was more widely read than Burns, and every Ulster Scots house was
guaranteed to have both books.
On the
anniversary of his birth, Scots both at home and abroad celebrate Robert Burns
with a supper, where they address the haggis, the ladies and whisky. A celebration
which would undoubtedly make him proud. Perhaps today, Burns is most famous for
a song he took down from an old man singing, and reworked into the famous song
of parting, beloved and sung by Scots the world over on all occasions, but
especially at Hogmanay - Should auld
acquaintance be forgot, and never brought to mind, should auld acquaintance be
forgot and days of auld lang syne.
When planning
to celebrate the birthday of Robert Burns on January 25 below are some
traditional dishes that you'll need to serve:
HAGGIS
After you have
removed the heart, liver and lungs from the sheep you'll need to parboil them
for a few minutes then pour the water out and get some fresh. Continue boiling
for another half-hour and remove the heart and continue cooking the liver until
it will grate easily. Trim away all skin from heart, cut liver in half (set
back the other half for later).
Mince together
liver, heart and lungs and add a pound of beef suet. Take the other half of
liver and grate. Add chopped onions, some dry toasted oatmeal (cook in oven
until it's a light brown colour). Add two teaspoonfuls of meal and spread the
mince on a board and scatter the meal lightly over it with a generous seasoning
of salt, pepper, a little cayenne and marjoram, well mixed.
Have a clean
sheep's stomach waiting, stuff with meat and about half-pint of beef gravy. You
have to allow the meat room to swell so be sure not to fill the bag too full.
Press out the air with your hands and sew up the bag. When it first swells up
in the pot go ahead and prick it with a large needle to prevent it from
erupting. Let it cook slowly for three hours.
RECIPE FOR
BAGLESS HAGGIS
1/2 lb. Beef
liver
3/4 lb. Lamb
shoulder
2 lamb kidneys
1/4 lb. Beef
suet
1 cup oatmeal
1 cup stock
2 onions,
chopped
Salt &
pepper
*Boil all meat
for about an hour. Let cool and grate liver. Chop up rest of meat & suet.
Toast oatmeal in oven, shaking occasionally. Mix meats, onions, oatmeal and
suet together with a cup of stock in which liver and meats cooked. Add salt and
a generous amount of pepper. Put into greased bowl or small pan. Cover with two
layers of foil and steam on a rack in a pan of boiling water for approximately
2 hours. Serve with neeps and tatties. Serves 6.
NEEPS &
TATTIES
Peel and cut
turnips into quarters. Boil until tender. Add butter and mash well, adding salt
& pepper.
Peel and cut
potatoes into quarters. Boil, cook until tender. Add butter, milk, salt &
pepper and whip until smooth.
With a little
planning ahead anyone can enjoy a Burns Night holiday. One only needs a home or
hotel to gather good friends, an abundance of haggis and neeps to go around the
table, a master of ceremonies, and several bottles of good Scotch to drink.
It'll be a night of sheer enjoyment listening to poems and storytelling along
with lots of good food to eat: a fine way to do honour to a well-remembered
poet of Scotland.
The Home Rule Crisis
Shall we from the Union sever, by the God who made us never,
Wave the flag we love forever, over us and you.
(Traditional)
Ireland was formally united to Great Britain on
January 1st 1800, and the Irish parliament ceased to exist. In the
years that followed, most of the injustices suffered by the Ulster Scots were
removed. For the first time since the Plantation, the people felt secure in
their own country. This was the time when the British Empire was expanding, and
our people felt a genuine pride in the fact that by the end of the century
Britain had an empire on which the sun never set. The industrial Revolution
brought many new industries to the country, but Foyleland remained a
predominantly agricultural society. The city of Londonderry grew rapidly during
the 19th century, and many people from an Irish background moved in
from west Donegal. The potato famine of the 1840's devastated the population
but the Foyleland area suffered less than other parts of the island. One of the
results of the post famine era was a renewed agitation for repeal of the Act of
Union. There were several attempts by the Irish to rebel during the 19th
century, but mercifully, all ended in failure. By the 1870's the Physical Force
movement in Irish nationalism was losing out to the constitutional
nationalists, who began to agitate for "Home Rule" or devolution,
rather than outright independence. As in 1798, there were Protestants and
Ulster Scots who supported this, but the Protestant people of Londonderry and
the Laggan district remained staunchly Unionist. The first two Home Rule Bills
were defeated in parliament, but in 1912 the Liberal government brought forward
a third Home Rule Bill. This was passed in the House of Commons, but rejected
by the Lords. However, because of the Parliament Act of 1911, the Lords could
no longer reject bills outright, but merely delay their implementation. This
meant that Home Rule would become law in 1914, and the Ulster Scots people
would be once more under a hostile Irish parliament. The people of Londonderry
had witnessed large scale immigration of Irish Catholics, and by the end of the
19th century, the city had an Irish majority. The Ulster Scots
people and the Unionist community in general began to fear that "Home
Rule" was "Rome Rule". They decided that Ireland must not have
Home Rule, and they needed to resist it by whatever means necessary. The
Protestant people formed the Ulster Volunteer Force, to resist Home Rule, and
as ever in time of crisis, the men who inhabit the banks of the Foyle were not
found wanting. The campaign against Home Rule was led by Sir Edward Carson, an
Anglo Irish lawyer from Dublin. Carson's Unionism struck a chord with the
Ulster Scots. Hundreds of Thousands of people signed the Solemn League and
Covenant in 1912. Many signed in their own blood. The same year, Carson spoke
at a massive demonstration in Raphoe. Guns were landed at Larne, and the UVF
were armed and made ready to fight. The same year, the Irish landed guns at
Howth, near Dublin. There was a growing threat of civil war between the two
communities. The Home Rule Act was due to become law in 1914. If it did, there
would be conflict. In the end, the Home Rule Act was never enforced, because
other, more sinister events overtook it. On August 1st 1914, a
Serbian terrorist, in Sarajevo, the Bosnian capital, assassinated the Archduke
of Austria. The events of that day were to change the history of the world
forever, and once again the Ulster Scots soldiers displayed their heroism to
the world. This time it was to have tragic and far-reaching consequences.
World War 1 - The Somme
Did they beat the drum slowly, did they
play the fife lowly, did the rifles fire o'er you as they lowered you down,
Did the band play the last post and
chorus, did the pipes play the flowers of the forest?
(Eric Bogle)
The Great Betrayal
Sweet the lintie's note an' lang, liltin' doon the lanely glen,
aye tae me he sings ae sang, will ye no' come back again?
Donegal was to the fore in the original
campaign of resistance to the proposed imposition of Home Rule upon the people
of Ulster. Stewart recalls, that "from Belfast to the shores of Donegal,
recruiting was going on at a rate which exceeded the most sanguine
expectations". A British intelligence report comments, that "there is
a very bitter feeling against Home Rule amongst the great majority of the
Protestants in this county". The loyalist people of Donegal even organised
a plan to ship in their own arms - from the beginning of 1913 Lord Leitrim of
Carrigart, the OC of Donegal UVF, organised a scheme whereby arms would be
purchased in Birmingham before being shipped to Donegal in his steamer the SS
Ganiamore. By 1914 it was estimated that there were 128 rifles and 12,800
rounds of ammunition in the hands of the UVF in the county. Indeed Donegal's
UVF grew to be bigger than that of either Monaghan's or Cavan's, with 10
Unionist clubs holding regular drilling exercises. The Ulster Women's Union met
in Lifford to organise housing for the wounded out of any campaign of
resistance. On the declaration of war in 1914, Donegal's UVF was amalgamated
into the 36th (Ulster) Division as the 109th brigade, sharing this honour with
UVF regiments from Tyrone, Londonderry and Fermanagh - indicative of the close
links Donegal had always enjoyed with her three neighbouring Ulster counties.
In the light of these links, it is hardly surprising that the underlying theme
of Donegal Unionism from 1919/22 is one of betrayal. The major political
question at the time was that of Partition. Owing largely to the success of
Unionism and the UVF in gaining publicity for Ulster's cause, it was generally
accepted that Partition was inevitable. The crucial question became that of the
boundary - options ranged from a 4 county to a 9 county Northern Ireland state.
It was eventually settled that Londonderry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Antrim, Down and
Armagh would constitute the new Northern Ireland. This, of course, meant the
abandonment of the loyalist communities in Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan.
Thus it was that a crucial political drama was acted out within
the Ulster Unionist Council during the months of April and May of 1920; a drama
which split the Unionist cause in two, and which resulted in the breaking of
Ulster's Solemn League and Covenant of 1912. Recognising that they were about
to be "sold down the river" the combined Ulster Unionist Council for
the Three Counties organised themselves to face their brethren. They prepared a
pamphlet opining that "the facts about the Three Counties were as clear as
when the Covenant was first signed, and they have not altered". This
pamphlet went on to point out that, even within a 9 county Ulster Protestants
would have a solid majority of 200,064 and concluded optimistically that they
were "thankful to see such a large number of the delegates from the Six
Counties respect the Covenant they had signed, and are confident that they
represent a large majority of the Unionists of Ulster". Unfortunately for
the Donegal Unionists, their arguments held little sway with a 6 county
community concerned that "Protestants in the three counties are willing to
swamp 820,370 Protestants merely for the satisfaction of knowing they are all
going down to disaster in the same boat".
Thus, despite two meetings, and the
resignations of many six-county members, such as Brig-Gen Ricardo of Sion
Mills, in sympathy with the 3 county unionists, the Combined UCC of Cavan,
Monaghan and Donegal was forced effectively to resign from the UCC after being
decisively outvoted by 301 votes to 80. This prompted the response from the
popular Cavan leader Lord Farnham that "our members look upon themselves
as betrayed and deserted", leading the later unionist commentator,
MacManaway to comment that "the Ulster people gave a bitter consent"
to Partition. Even following the Great Betrayal 6 county unionists continued
however to support at a grassroots level their 3 county brethren. The Rector of
Newtownbutler, speaking at the Fermanagh County Twelfth celebrations in 1920
asserted that "there was an element of cowardice and want of backbone in
the action of the UUC in sacrificing the loyal men of Cavan, Monaghan and
Donegal for which there was no argument whatsoever except the numerical
argument".
"Cast aside without one single sign of recollection or recognition"
Needless to say this whole episode gave
rise to very grave feelings of betrayal amongst the loyalist community in Donegal.
John M. Barkley, a Presbyterian minister recalls visiting a friend's house:
"There on the mantelpiece in the study was a framed copy of the Ulster
Covenant. It had been torn in two and written across it were the words
"The Broken Covenant". It had been written in the minister's own
blood, the betrayal was never forgotten and I saw with my own eyes the anguish
of one of those who had been betrayed"
This feeling of betrayal resonated throughout the community, and in one form or another exists to the present day. Relations between Unionists in Donegal and Londonderry were somewhat soured, although unionists in the latter county were horrified by the persecution of their Donegal brethren in early 1922, with many angry Londonderry Sentinel editorials and news reports demanding action. That said, Donegal Unionists still continued to look, albeit with a tinge of bitterness, to Belfast rather than Dublin - a fact which manifested itself perhaps most openly in the banner depicting Sir Edward Carson which was carried by Newtowncunningham LOL to the Donegal CL celebrations on July 12th 1921.
"They have stood by the Empire - will the Empire
desert them now?"
Thus it was that the Unionist community
in Donegal was left to face the war of independence without the direct help of
the apparatus of the soon-to-be established Northern Ireland state. There can
be little doubt that the Protestant community suffered numerically as a result
of the conflict as can be seen from the following table:
|
|
Change in Towns 1911-26 |
Change in Rural Areas 1911-26 |
|
|
-34.6% |
-21.4% |
|
Roman Catholics |
+7.4% |
-6.8% |
|
Total Population |
-2.8% |
-9.9% |
In general, of the Protestant congregations,
Presbyterians suffered badly. In 1913 their Assembly voted democratically
against Home Rule, by 921 votes to 43, and therefore, in nationalist eyes, they
were seen quite definitely as being in the "enemy camp". Class envy
was also a factor, although in Donegal there was no major class difference
between Protestant and Catholic farmers, with the exception of the Protestant
gentry.
Geographically, Donegal Unionists were
concentrated towards the east of the county. A 1913 British Intelligence report
drew an "imaginary line" between Dunkineely in the South West to
Moville in the North East - east of this line was where Unionists were
strongest, although they did have other strongholds; most notably around Horn
Head, Carrigart and Kilmacrennan.
Thus we can see that the Unionist community was largely split in two - between East and South Donegal. However there were differences between the two communities; Joan Vincent identifies the Eastern community as having the three characteristic indices of Scottish settlement: Scottish surnames, Presbyterianism and the Ulster-Scots language. Indeed she identifies the area immediately west of Londonderry, "the Laggan", as being a "core" Ulster-Scots area. In contrast the South Donegal Protestants didn't have these characteristics.
The strength of Unionism in certain areas
of Donegal can best be seen in the recommendations of the Boundary Commission
in 1925, which urged the transfer of the "Laggan" area west of
Londonderry (an area exclusive of the unionist enclave of Raphoe) to Northern
Ireland. The Donegal Protestant Registration Association claimed that "the
Unionist inhabitants of [Donegal] desired that it should be included in
Northern Ireland, and that the economic difficulties occasioned by the boundary
would thereby be removed"
The DPRA had a point, as the following
table shows:
|
|
Within 5 miles of Londonderry |
Within 10 miles of Londonderry |
|
Catholic |
754 |
5427 |
|
Protestant |
1160 |
5180 |
The Boundary commission also recommended
the inclusion of the tiny Unionist enclaves of West Urney, Grousehall and large
portions of Pettigo and Templecairn. However other Unionist areas around
Ballyshannon and Letterkenny were left in the Free State. The report of the
Boundary Commission is useful in examining the geographical placement of
Donegal Unionists during the war of independence, even though it's findings
were never implemented.
"this county cannot now be regarded as adequately
policed"
Throughout the period 1919-21 the underlying theme with regard to County
Donegal is one of decline. Slowly but surely the RIC, although backed by the
military, failed to contain the growing wave of SFIRA terrorism. By October of
1920 the police were forced to withdraw from the nationalist stronghold of West
Donegal, prompting the gloomy comment in the monthly police report that
"the county cannot now be regarded as adequately policed or protected and
is in a distinctly unsatisfactory state"
Towards the East of the county things were in a slightly better situation, due both to the high level of support amongst the community for the police, and also to the increasingly stable situation in the county and city of Londonderry, where, by the end of 1920 the police commented "the UVF is now thoroughly organised for the protection of life and property and willing to assist the police in case of necessity"
Despite the fact that, at this time, the revived Donegal UVF still maintained a strength of 1993 volunteers, there are no records of similar UVF assistance for the police, although known UVF sympathisers were likely to get off lightly for possession of rifles or ammunition. The polarisation of the two communities can be traced perhaps most accurately through the pages of the local nationalist newspaper, the Donegal Democrat. By early 1920 the nationalist community found any outward display of Britishness or British culture to be distasteful. Referring to popular British dances the Democrat asserted that "Our criticism went a considerable distance in banishing from the town and neighbourhood those demoralising dances more adapted for the slums of [the] English" Even harmless Ultonian institutions came in for attack; by March 1920 an editorial condemned the Ulster Farmers Union, and by August Irish Farmers Union advertisements replaced those of the UFU in the Democrat. "Foreign" games were also looked on with distrust and the paper was scathing in it's criticism of the Gaelic-Irish speaking village of Townawilly for playing "soccer football". From such harmless expressions of sectarianism more sinister actions developed. By November of 1920 the monthly internal police summary reported that "The outrages consisted chiefly of intimidation by threatening letters, raids on mails, raids for arms, cutting telegraph wires and raids for the purposes of theft"
Roads were blocked, railways destroyed.
The post was regularly suspended. All this led to the Londonderry Sentinel
expressing the hope that the wave of terror instigated by the IRA would
"revive amongst the thinking section of the Donegal people consideration
of the question whether the county has lost or gained by having thrown itself
head and heels into the arms of Sinn Fein"
In June of 1921 the Democrat records an
IRA raid on a farmer William Thompson and is wife in the predominantly Unionist
area of Raphoe. In May of that year the Presbyterian Lecture Hall at Quigley's
Point was burned down, whilst on April 25th a pamphlet produced by pro-union
activists on the mainland recorded that "Meenglas Protestant Church,
County Donegal, desecrated by Sinn Feiners. Communion Table used for meals.
Wine drunk. Prayer books, Bibles and surplices torn up and font defiled"
On the same day the house of the
postmaster in the same village was attacked, all his money stolen and his life
threatened. On the 15th of September Unionists in Raphoe were warned to
withdraw their custom from the Ulster Bank in the town.
Donegal Unionists were therefore despised
for their culture, attacked for their religion and deprived of their democratic
rights. Despite these attacks however, the community proved resilient; the
Orange Order in particular continued to host well attended loyal events,
particularly the Twelfth celebrations each year.
"but few of our brave men were lost, so stoutly we
defended"
Particularly in the east of the county
the RIC were able to continue with near normal governance, with the Democrat
recording numerous occasions on which petty sessions were held, although this was
usually with heavy military backing. For instance, on July 12th 1920 the Irish
Times records that "For the opening of the Donegal Assizes the military
have erected sandbags and machine guns at Lifford courthouse".
By May of 1922 such persecution provoked the Londonderry Sentinel to devote an entire editorial to the situation. Asserting that "the whole district has been put in a reign of terror" the paper pointed out that the persecution of Donegal unionists had increased to the point where many were being forced to seek refuge across the border in Londonderry.
By June 3rd of 1922 the Sentinel was
reporting that "a considerable number of refugees have arrived at
Castlederg". Also on this day however British forces moved down a nearby
lake and landed in the IRA occupied Belleek-Pettigo triangle, followed by
another column which advanced on Pettigo from the east. The troops proceeded,
despite heavy IRA fire, to liberate the village, capturing terrorist weapons
and men, as well as a stolen police car. By June 8th the Sentinel trumpeted in
a headline "Pettigo Loyalists Rejoicing!" as the townspeople welcomed
their liberators. The owner of the house where the mural was obliterated
paraded around the town wrapped in the Union flag, whilst children played at wearing
stolen IRA caps - "binding them round with red, white and blue
ribbons"
After two years of relative subjection,
and several months of downright oppression, the unionist community in the area
eagerly grasped the excuse for celebration. As the Sentinel reports "Over
every farmhouse a Union Jack was stretched in the breeze"
The contemporary historian Walter Alison
Phillips concluded that "the affair had a wholesome effect, if only as
showing that the British Government was not indefinitely malleable"
The Pettigo incident did indeed have a wider significance, as it discouraged other border IRA units to make similar forays into what was now Northern Ireland territory.
"the partition of Ireland is an accomplished
fact"
However, perhaps the most interesting aspect of the experience of Donegal
Unionism is the often stormy relationship which existed between the emerging
illegal government of Dail Eireann and the minority community, which tended of
course to favour the existing British institutions.
Perhaps the most interesting episode of
this relationship was that of the rates crisis. Upon falling into Sinn Fein
hands, Donegal County Council broke off official links with the Local
Government Board, and instead pledged allegiance to Dail Eireann. Because of
this, many people, and particularly unionists, grew reluctant to pay their
rates. A Democrat editorial summed the problem up "with the consent of the
people, the County Council pledged allegiance to Dail Eireann. The loss of
grants [£105,200] was the result"
A typical example, both of the reluctance
of unionists to pay the new (increased) rate and of the political and military
wings of republicanism working together, can be found in the case of a Unionist
by the name of Wilkinson. In late 1921 Wilkinson received a request to pay the
"Tirchonaill County Council" the sum total of £5 17/4. Wilkinson
refused to pay, and the result was a more sinister follow-up note from the O.C.
of the "South Tyrconnill Brigade IRA" warning that "any person
found disobeying these orders will be severely dealt with"
By August 16th the problem had reached
crisis point and the County Council met to discuss the general rates situation.
Much angst was targeted at prominent unionists "some of the railway
companies and Lord Leitrim and a few others had garnished their rates against
malicious claims"
A Unionist councillor, by the name of
Clarke, defended himself against the charge; pointing out that he had called
publicly for the payment of rates. However he went on to criticise Sinn Fein
over the high level of rates. A particular point of contention was the fact
that this high level of rates was partly the result of a SF refusal to take a
printing tender from County Londonderry - opting instead for one from a
nationalist area. Clarke also expressed doubt as to whether the SF rate
collector was "properly appointed" and refused to pay his own rates
until such time as this doubt was assuaged. He opined that this course of
action would have the approval of the Local Government Board, which drew the
weary retort that "they had bade adieu to that body long ago"
The imposition of the Belfast boycott on
the county was also resisted by many unionists - one must always bear in mind
of course the close economic links the county enjoyed with the rest of Ulster.
On November 11th 1920 the police recorded a threat sent to Patrick Duffy, a
draper in Clonmany, warning him against purchasing goods from Belfast firms.
During September of 1921 a "black list" was published of merchants
with the temerity to continue trading in "prohibited British goods".
The imposition of Sinn Fein courts was also a difficult episode, with both the Donegal Democrat and the Londonderry Sentinel routinely reporting proceedings from both Sinn Fein and official courts in the same issue. The RIC and military were often forced to heavily protect their own courtrooms, and there are numerous cases of RIC raids on Sinn Fein courts. There are also cases of sectarian harassment; in November of 1921 John Elkin, a Unionist from Moville needed police protection after refusing to stop working with the official courts. Many prominent Unionists were prominent in working with the official courts, with many serving as Justices of the Peace - Major Myles is a prime example. Howevver, it is probably fair to say that, whilst sectarian incidents grew in frequency throughout the period, complete polarisation of the communities did not occur, at least until the Civil War period when unionists were openly persecuted. A willingness to give credit where due can be seen in the comment by the Democrat in late 1921 that a military inquiry into the death of one of its staff was "most impartial". The Democrat also strenuously condemned "cowardly and blackguardly" attacks on Protestant families in Tanawilly.
"the protestant boys are loyal and true, though
fashions are changed and the loyal are few"
Throughout this difficult period, the Orange Order held a particularly
crucial position. By 1919 the Orange had laid deep roots within the Protestant
population of East and South Donegal and there was much truth in the 1919 claim
that "the Institution has more active adherents than ever". Many 6
county Orangemen had supported their Donegal brethren in the UCC split in early
1920, with the result that cross-border Orange relations were never tinged with
the same sense of betrayal under which cross-border Unionist co-operation
laboured. In 1921 Major Moore, who was then County Grand Master of the Donegal
County Lodge, chaired the main Twelfth celebrations in Londonderry.
He recalled "glancing at the Orange
lilies blooming at the door" when leaving for the parade, and concluded by
congratulating "the Loyalists of Ulster for the magnificent result of the
Northern elections". Across the border in Raphoe similar celebrations were
held at Carrigane by the brethren of the Raphoe district lodge with what the
Sentinel describes as "great enthusiasm and success". Union flags and
Orange lilies were everywhere to be seen, and the individual lodge banners
depicted stirring scenes from recent Ulster history; such as the charge of the
36th (Ulster) Division at the Somme. The Chair of these celebrations would have
been speaking for many Donegal Orangeman in expressing his disappointment at
Donegal's exclusion from Northern Ireland as "he knew there were no more
staunch and loyal Orangemen than those in that district of [East] Donegal"
The meeting concluded with motions passed declaring loyalty to the King and
with the singing of the National Anthem. All in all, I believe it is possible to
claim that the spirit of Orangeism in County Donegal survived the 1919-22
period remarkably well, especially given the decline in the Protestant
population.
"our orange banners floating outshine the rebels all"
Thus we can see that, despite the grave feelings of betrayal following the
split with their fellow Unionists in Northern Ireland, Donegal Unionism, whilst
suffering physically and numerically, largely managed to keep up it's sense of
self-identity through the "war of independence" period. It is
undeniably true that IRA actions in Donegal, especially in 1922, contributed
greatly to the startling decline in Protestantism in the County. However,
because Unionists tended to be geographically concentrated in the East of the
County, near the largely unionist agricultural hinterland in county
Londonderry, they held together better than most. Community relations did suffer during the war of
independence, but not on a scale comparable with Northern Ireland. Open sectarian
clashes were rare, with both communities seeming to prefer largely to retreat
within their own culture, only emerging on occasion to snipe at "the other
lot". Tensions did exist, and were undeniable; Unionists did resist the
republican take-over as best they could. However, at the end of the day, they
were too few in number, and too weak organisationally to win through. They did
succeed however in largely holding onto the areas in which they were strongest;
as is evidenced by the fact that the 1925 Boundary Commission recommended the
transfer of hardcore unionist areas in the far East and South of the county to
Northern Ireland.
"then work and don't surrender but come when duty
calls"
Perhaps the greatest tribute however, to
the efforts of Unionists in Donegal in the period 1919-22, can be seen in the
fact that to this very day there exists a thriving, largely unionist,
Protestant community in the County. Each summer the Orange Order in the county
continues to march 15,000 strong with Union flags flying "as in days of
yore". At a political level, the aspirations of the community are
reflected through the activities of the Donegal Progressive Party, which draws
its support largely from the Protestant section of the community. During the
1987 general election the Unionist candidate, an independent from Belfast,
outpolled the Labour Party. During the war of independence two distinct,
relatively ethnically homogenous, nations clashed against each other. It was in
Ulster that the clash was most keenly felt, and Donegal was potentially a key
flashpoint; representing as it did the farthest outposts of Unionist strength
in the west of the Province. Ultimately, Donegal Unionists succeeded in holding
the fort during this period, and therefore suffered proportionately less than
the far more scattered loyalist communities throughout the South and West.
Therefore, in conclusion, Donegal Unionists ensured that their identity was
protected, retained and indeed cherished to this day.
Our Language
The languages of Foyleland are English and Scots.
Scots is a Germanic language, similar in
many ways to English and having many words in common. Scots has four
dialects, Lowland Scots (Lallans), Shetland Scots, Doric (spoken in
Aberdeenshire and North East Scotland), and Ulster Scots. Scots is also closely
related to Dutch, Flemish, Afrikaans and Frisian. The Scots language was
brought here to Foyleland by the Planters in 1610, as our ancestors settled in
east Donegal, north west Tyrone and the city of Londonderry. In Londonderry at
the time of the siege, Scots speakers outnumbered English speakers by twenty to
one. Being a Scots speaker doesn't necessarily make one Foylish though, as
Scots was spoken in north and east Ulster since medieval times, and counties
Antrim and Down had Scots populations long before our Planter ancestors
arrived. We believe that an Independent Foyleland should encourage the use of
the Scots language and literature. Here is a list of some of the most commonly
used Scots words.
abeen = above
ablo = below
aff = off
afore =
before
aifter = after
ailin = sick
alang = along
aye = yes
aye = always
bap = floury roll
brae = slope
claes = clothes
flit = moving home
havin = have nothing
lickin = punishment
lug = ear
messages = shopping
moose = mouse
neb = nose
oxter = armpit
poke = paper bag
skitter = diarrhoea
starvin = feeling uncomfortably cold
thole/ staan = bear, endure
thunner plump = thunderstorm
redd = to tidy
wean = child
whins = furze
Our Religion
I to the hills will lift mine from whence
doth come mine aid.
My safety cometh from the Lord, whom
Heaven and earth hath made.
(Psalm 121)
What we believe:
- The Word of God, which is contained in the Scriptures of the Old
and New Testaments are the only rule of the Christian faith and duty under
the teaching of our Lord Jesus Christ.
- There is no other head of the Church but the Lord Jesus Christ. In
no sense can the Pope of Rome (or anyone else) be head of the Church.
Rather, he is that Antichrist, the man of sin and son of damnation, who
glorifies himself as opposed to Christ, and everything related to God.
- Forasmuch as our Master Christ has described the true disciples in
these words saying "by this all men know that ye are my disciples, if
they have love for one another" and further has emphasised the two
Great Commandments saying "Hear O Israel: the Lord our God is one God
and thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart and with all thy
mind and with all thy strength. This is the first Commandment and the
second is like unto it, namely this, thou shalt love thy neighbour as
thyself". There is none other commandment greater than these. And
forasmuch as Christ Himself has said "not everyone that saith unto
me, Lord Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, but he that doeth
the will of my Father which is in Heaven". We therefore refuse to
impose conditions on the Church which Christ Himself has not sanctioned
and we solemnly declare our allegiance to the principle - as the real bond
of union among Christians - that the teaching of Christ Himself must take
precedence over the doctrines of a later time, and that unity is to be
sought, not in uniformity of creed but in a common standard of
righteousness and obedience to the Commandments which Christ Himself has
laid down.
- Christian faith has different degrees of strength and weakness. It
may be attacked and weakened often, and in many ways, but it gets the
victory. In true believers it matures and becomes completely assured
through Christ, who both creates and perfects our faith.
- God is a Spirit, infinite, eternal and unchangeable, in His being wisdom, power, holiness, justice goodness and truth.
- The purpose for which we are created by God is to glorify God and
to enjoy Him forever.
- Our duty towards God is to believe in Him, to love Him with all our
heart, and mind and soul and strength, to worship Him, to give Him thanks
and praise, to put our whole trust in Him, to call upon Him, to honour His
holy name and His Word, and to serve Him truly all our days.
- Our duty towards our neighbour to love Him as ourselves, to do to all people as we would wish them to do to us, to love honour and cherish our parents. To honour and obey the Queen and all those who are put in authority over us, to hurt nobody by word or deed, to be true and just in all our dealings, to bear no malice or hatred in our hearts, to keep our hands from picking and stealing, and our tongues from lying and slandering, to keep our bodies in temperance, soberness and chastity. To refrain from coveting or desiring anything that belongs to other people, but to learn and to labour truly to gain our own living, and to do our duty in that state of life, unto which it shall please God to call us.
Foyleland Fact File
This is our vision of what our country would be like:
Location: N.W. of the island of Ireland.
Area: 997 sq
miles.
Capital: Londonderry.
Population: 144,000
Language: Ulster-Scots & English (both official).
Head of State: HM Queen Elizabeth II
represented by a directly elected Governor
who serves for a 3 year term.
Government: see the section "How would we rule
ourselves (below)
Political Parties:
Conservative Party
National
Party
Progressive
Party
Religion:
Protestant 100%
Church of Foyleland,
General Assembly divided into 12 presbyteries and 288
parishes, elects one minister to serve as Moderator for one year.
Currency: Foyleland Pound (£)
£1 = 10 Shillings = 100 pence
= £1 Sterling = $1.37 = C1.40
Industries:
Agriculture
Fishing
Manufacturing
Computer based industries
Education:
Nursery School - 3-5 yrs
Primary School - 5-11 yrs
Secondary School - 11-17 yrs
University of Foyleland 17+
National Exams:
PSC (Primary School Certificate)
Taken at Year 8
HSC (High School Certificate)
Taken at Year 12
National Industries:
Foyleland Bus Company.
Foyleland Gas.
Foyleland Power.
Foyleland Rail.