By Petra Kerkhove
Student of Celtic studies at the University of Utrecht
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Filid in Medieval Irish Saints' Lives
"Aircetlaid maith e conid e n� forsa tarla a aire, taise name Erenn do tinol.
Ni gaibed in nach cill gan n� do taisib da tabairt d�."
This quote comes from the F�lire Oengus C�li D� (1). The story is about a poet
(aircetlaid, fili), collecting relics from saints. One day he sets out to get
relics from a certain holy man, called M�ed�c hua D�nlaing. When he arrives,
he finds him to be still alive. Though maybe slightly disappointed, he is
undaunted and asks for a relic anyhow. �Ni dot taisib ditsa damsa, a cl�rig�
(Cut off a relic for me, o cleric), he says. �Is doilig sin� (That is hard),
the cleric replies. �A denam aria� (Do it even so), the poet now replies.
The cleric cuts of his little finger.
There are different theories on the functions of poets and clerics in the 7th
till 9th centuries AD, and the degree of collaboration between them, if any.
The eldest theory, though not very popular anymore, is that of the nativists.
The idea is that when Christianity came to Ireland, it met a strong native
learned class, which was not influenced by Christianity at all. It is a
dualistic theory saying that the native, secular poets (filid) and clerics
existed side by side and had their own stories. According to the nativists,
only the secular stories from before the coming of Christianity can be called
true Irish stories. They date back to an oral tradition and are conservative.
The Christian stories are more innovative.
The other theory, that of the anti-nativists, first described by James Carney
in 1955, in his book �Studies in Irish Literature�, and developed by Kim McCone
in 1990 in his book �Pagan Past and Christian Present in Early Irish Literature�
(2) is the opposite of this. The theory is that the filid as a class were actually
created by the clerics to form a single class of learned men with them. The most
important argument for this is that all the stories we have left have too many
Christian elements in them to date back to an oral tradition. They must be more
recent. Another argument is that there are many similarities between the poets and
the clerics in the law-texts. For example, both are supposed to have only one wife.
One should be careful, however, of taking that as an argument. The law-texts are
only theory; we do not know for sure how things worked out in practise. It is also
necessary to keep in mind that the class of filid probably was much older and that
it was deeply rooted in Irish culture, as Doris Edel points out.
According to Doris Edel, in her article "Usque ad ultimum terrae, The
Christianization of Ireland: a learned culture between conflict and integration"
(1988) (3), the class of filid had existed long before the coming of Christianity.
Because the dru� still had the pre-Christian religious tasks, they could not make
the transition to Christianity, whereas the filid could. Because the filid were such
a strong class, the Church could not get complete power over them. Both sides were
willing to mix and accepted one another's knowledge. Problems were solved in a
compromising way. Therefore there was integration rather than conflict and an
integrated class arose.
In our essay, we want to look at the issue again, but this time at the Vitae of the
Saints and other Christian literature (here meaning literature written by Christians
to the greater honour and glory of God) from the 7th till 9th centuries AD. A lot of
attention has been given to clerics mentioned in secular literature, the functions of
the different classes, the etymological history of the words etc. However, little
attention has yet been given to the role of poets in Christian literature, while the
whole issue is actually about them. For our research, we mainly rely on primary sources,
the texts themselves. For the dating of the texts we rely primarily on Richard Sharpe's
"Medieval Irish Saints' Lives" (4).
Poets are not mentioned very often in early Christian literature. When they are
mentioned, there seem to be two possible reasons for this. Either the poet converted
to Christianity and is therefore interesting to the Christian author, or the poet just
happens to play a role in the story and is therefore mentioned. Nowhere the mentioning
of a poet seems to have an implication any deeper than that. We strongly suspect that
the authors of the texts were not interested in passing judgement on the poets. They
only wanted to write to the greater glory of God and the saints they wrote about.
St. Patrick
For our research on St. Patrick we used "The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh",
and "St. Patrick. His Writings and Muirchu�s Life", both texts date from the Latin
originals of the second half of the 7th century.
�Adviente ergo eo in caenacolum Temoriae nemo de omnibus ad
adventum eius
surrexit praetor unum tantum, id est Dubthoch Maccu Lugil, poetam optimum (...)
crediditque primus in illa die Deo et repputatum est ei ad iustitiam.� (5) The most
interesting record of a fili in Patrick�s Life is of course Dubthach Maccu Lugair,
the first to believe in God in front of an entire hall of pagans, in the presence of
the king. He has often been used to argue that there indeed must have been
collaboration between filid and clerics. After all, here is a fili who gets a lot of
positive attention in the Life of a Saint.
Let us look closer at the case. The story is quickly told:
Patrick comes to
visit important kings and dru� celebrating a festival at Easter time in Tara. Though
the doors are closed, he miraculously comes in. Nobody rises in honour of him, except
for Dubthach. Patrick blesses him, he believes in God, and it is counted to him as
righteousness. Note the similarity with Genesis 15:6, where Abraham, ultimate ancestor
of Israel and indeed the first to believe in God, �believed the Lord and he credited it
to him as righteousness.�
The interesting thing about Dubhtach is that he is not mentioned
just once, but
fairly often and in different sources. He is also in the "Bethu Brigte" (see below) and
in the pseudo-historical prologue of the "Senchas M�r". Obviously he is considered to be
important, not only by the Christian authors, but also by the secular writers.
St. Brigit
For our research on St. Brigit we used "Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae", from the
Latin original of the late 8th century, "Bethu Brigte", from the Irish original
of 700 AD, and "Brocc�n's Hymn" from "King of Mysteries. Early Irish Religious
Writings" which has probably been written around the 10th century (6).
Brigit's mother was a slave woman of a certain Dubthach.
He loved her very dearly and slept with her. It is prophesised that the daughter,
Brigit, will be a special woman and Dubthach loves Brigit's mother all the more
after that. His wife though is jealous and urges him to sell Brigit's mother. Then
a poet of the U� N�ill is inspired by God to go and buy the woman. He soon sells her,
to a dru�.(7)
In "Bethu Brigte" (8) Dubthach maccu Lugair comes to the house
of Brigit's father to woo her. Brigit rejects him, saying that she has given her
virginity to God. But she tells Dubthach where to find a suitable wife. Nothing
more is said of him except for his name, but we know from the legends of St. Patrick
that Dubthach was a poet, probably an important one. The text does not give any
comment on him.
In the appendix of the same BB (9), there is a story of the
king of Leinster giving a brooch as a pledge to a certain poet (fili). The poet
entrusts the brooch to a bondmaid of his, but his wife steals it out of jealousy
of the bondmaid. Just when the bondmaid is about to be killed because she does not
have the brooch anymore, Brigit enters and can explain what happened to the brooch
- the wife of the poet has thrown it into the water. The poet here is just mentioned
because it happened to be a poet to whom the brooch was given; nothing more is said
of him. Indeed one would think that the author wrote about Brigit and found her
important, not the poet. The same story is also implicitly told in "Brocc�n's Hymn'
to St. Brigit" (10).
St. Colum Cille
For our research on St. Colum Cille we used "Adomnan�s Life of Columba" from the Latin
original of the end of the 7th, begin of the 8th century.
In Adomnan's Life of Columba (11) a meeting of Colum Cille, some
brothers and the poet Cronanus takes place. Nothing more is said about this man than
that he is a �poeta�. They talk for a while, and when Cronanus leaves, the brothers
ask why Colum Cille did not ask the poet for a song, as was usual. How could he, Colum
Cille answered, ask for a happy song, when the unfortunate man had just now been killed
atrociously on the way? Not much later, it is reported to the company that indeed the
poet had just been slaughtered. �Ille poeta qui a vobis nuper sospes rediit hore in
hac ab inimicis in via interfectus est�, "This poet who has left us just now has
been killed on the road by enemies."
St. Berach
For our research on St. Berach we used from "Lives of the Irish Saints", "Life of
Berach", a text from the late 8th century.
There was a poet writing a poem about Berach; he is quoted
several times in the Life of Berach (12). In the same Life of Berach (13) a story
is told about a dispute between Berach and a poet, Diarmait. Diarmait is living on
land which Patrick had bequeathed to Berach. The poet is said to be a "goodly man,
and head poet and chief master of druidism". When Berach comes to him to claim the
land however, Diarmait refuses to leave it. Since Berach wants it "for the Lord's
household", they quarrel over it and in the end decide to see if they can find a
king who might pass judgement to whom the land belongs. They visit several kings,
but none dares to pass judgement for fear of Berach's miracles and Diarmait's satire.
Finally they do find a king, who, with God's help -an angel intervenes- makes a
decision and awards the land to Berach. Diarmait objects, saying that the king has
passed judgement on dictation of Berach. When the frightened king asks Berach for
protection, the latter curses Diarmait, that he will not be able to speak satire
or panegyric and will die a year after that day. And so it happens. Diarmait is
obviously mentioned in a negative way, but one would wonder if this is negative
because he is a poet, or because this man (who just happens to be a poet) thwarts
a saint. Note that at first he is said to be a goodly man.
St. Lugudus
For Lugudus and the Saints mentioned hereunder we used the "Archive of the
Celtic-Latin Sources", with texts from the 8th till the 10th century AD.
St. Lugudus one day asked the poet Conanus to help
him removing the thistles in the woods. �Veni, ut cardum istum pariter
abscidamus�. This poet was used to working with his hands �quidam poeta
(...) qui laborare suis manibus peritus non erat�. After they were finished
for that day, they went home, and returned the next day, and the one thereafter,
until Conanus had made an open field, which they called the �Via Conani�, road
of Conanus, after the poet. (14)
St. Kannechus
In both the Vitae S. Cannichi (15) (one of the codex Dublinens and one of the
codex Salmanticens) it is told of Kannechus that his father was an honourable
poet, �poeta venerabilis�. Not much more is told about his parents, except for
the addition in the codex Salmanticens that they were Christians.
St. Monenna
A poet with the name of Brenden is said to have come to the river Berbam one
day. When he goes aboard a ship, he loses the glass wine flask. They search for
it in vain, and the poet laments that if Monenna had been here, she would have
brought it back to them. Brenden is said to be "unus de poetis scotorum
preclarissimus", a first-rate poet of the Scots, who "in arthe poetica inter
omnes erat precipuus", is distinguished in the arts of poetry. (16)
St. Colmanus
Some men, a poet among them, came up to holy Colmanus and asked him for a gift.
(17) �Imprudentes super venerunt ac importune aliquid ab eo petierunt�. The
men are impolite and they quite rudely pose their request. The holy man�s
answer is a humble �non habeo modo qoud vobis dem, preter verbum dei�, �I have
nothing to give you, but the word of God�. The men are not amused by this and
they ask for something else: �verbum dei tibi habe, aliud nobis tribue�, �you
have the word of God, give us something else.� The poet challenges him to cut
down the big tree. If granted by God�s will, he would, Colman answers, and of
course he succeeds. "hoc non est mirum quia annosa robora cotidie cadunt".
"That is not a miracle, the only reason it fell today was because of old age!"
the poet exclaims. God�s punishment follows immediately: the earth swallows the
men, including the poet like it had done with Dathan and Abiron. Dathan and
Abiron are mentioned several times in the Old Testament. Their story is told
in Numbers 16. Together with another man they rose against Moses. In punishment
for this, God caused the ground under them to split open and swallow them.
St. Lasrianus
In this Life there is a story with great resemblance to the story of Colmanus.
Three poets ask something of the "vir Dei", the man of God, but he responds
with the words: "Nit vobis bona ecclesie debeo tribuere, sed Christi pauperibus
subministrare". He cannot give them anything; he can only serve Christ. The poets
are not pleased, and since he does not give them what they want, they take it.
God punishes them immediately and strikes them down and they are absorbed by the
earth, like Dathan and Abiron. "Nam confestim ea sentential percelluntur qua
Dathan et Abiron, a terra absorbentur". Like in the other story, there is a
request, which the holy man cannot fulfil, and for their blasphemous treat,
they are punished. The two names of Dathan and Abiron are mentioned again,
though it is for us not clear who these people are. One would expect them to be
Biblical figures, since this is a Christian text, but they aren't. (18)
The Martyrology of Oengus
We started our essay with the story of Onchu (19). The story is in the
Martyrology of Oengus on the 8th of February. A martyrology is a sort of a
calendar in which a martyr is commemorated every day. This Martyrology is
written in the form of a poem; every day is a stanza of four lines about
the martyr commemorated. The Martyrology of Oengus was written in Irish
around 800 AD.
The record of Onchu in this martyrology is of course
positive. It is a clear sign that he was seen as a very good man, who indeed
suffered for Christ. In the glosses (20) he is said to be a poet (fili),
collecting relics from saints and other holy people.
Moninne (21), on the 6th of July, was according
to the glosses first called Darerca of S�rbile (22). The reason given for
the change of her name to Moninne is that a certain dumb poet (fili) fasted
at her that he might get his speech. The first thing he said was "Nin, nin"
and that is how Moninne received her name.
Findings
We have found different records of poets in different situations. Sometimes
the record is positive, sometimes negative, often neutral. The poet is generally
mentioned, just because he takes part in the story. As we have said before, the
authors of the texts probably were not at all interested in passing judgement
on the poets. They just accepted them as part of society. Poets were probably
seen as an important part of that society (after all, they are mentioned with
their profession and not, as with many other people, only by name), which is
supported by other texts dealing with poets.
Clerics and poets seem to have had some functions or tasks in common. That is
why it seems there is integration, while maybe the two classes indeed existed
side by side, not bothering each other, or only integrating or learning from
one another where possible.
Whereas some poets are simply mentioned as participants in the life of a Saint,
of some there is more mentioned than just their names. In the description of
Kannichus� �genus� for example, his father is an honourable poet, and also a
Christian. In the story of Lugudus there is even the mentioning of a street named
after a poet. What conclusion can we draw from this information? Is it enough
evidence for the integration of the class of poets with the clerical life, or
is it no more than just the confirmation that being a poet was a normal profession
in that time? One has to be very careful, and keep in mind that the main reason for
writing the Saints' lives are is of course the description of their lives. However,
when some of these poets do seem to play more than just the role of a pawn in the
story, one might want to look deeper at these poets. Most of the poets are not spoken
of badly, and when indeed one collects relics for the church, his role can be
considered as quite important. The question we need to ask, and indeed should
continuously ask, is, is it because he is a poet that he is so important, or is it
the man who is important, because of what he does, and is it only accidentally he
is also a poet?
There are only few records of poets in the Saints� lives, so it is dangerous to
draw a conclusion. We can indeed conclude that in the Saints' Lives poets are not
mentioned very often, and are just accepted as part of society, but we must keep
in mind that the Saint's Lives are but a small representation of daily life in the
7th till 9th centuries. To say that there has been full integration between a poetic
and clerical class goes too far. Certainly, taking the information we have, we can
say there generally was no hostility between the poets and the clerics. Some of the
poets seemed to have tasks resembling those of clerics, but one needs to keep in mind
that there are more things to be said about this, before one takes any theory as
complete and final. Ever since the arrival of Christianity in Ireland, many pagans
converted to this religion, and among these there must have been poets. When these
poets are mentioned in a religious text, one could say that this was the embarking
on integration. It is unreasonable to deny the influence of the Church on the poets
and in fact the entire Irish society, but there is no evidence that poets and
clerics sat down and discussed their similarities, which could lead to their
integration. It is fairer to stay close to the ideas of Doris Edel, and say that
both classes were influenced by each other. As much as the bardic life, with their
poets, dru� and bards, was a part of everyday life in pagan pre-Christian Ireland,
even so must have been the influence of the bringers of the word of God to the
inhabitants of this society, who would not lose their pagan heritage, but only
combine it with the new religion coming to their land.
Notes
1) FOCD, glosses on the 8th of February, p70
2) As he expounded in his book "Pagan Past and Christian Present".
3) "Celtic West and Europe", p112-20
4) Especially the bibliography, p390-8
5) SP p70 (translation p91)
6) KM, "Brocc�n's Hymn" to Saint Brigit, p175-6
7) VPSB paragraph 4.1, p15
8) BB, p4
9) BB, p17
10) KM, "Brocc�n's Hymn" to Saint Brigit, p175-6
11) ALC chapter 43a, p296 (translation chapter I 42, p297)
12) examples: LIS, Life of Berach, XVIII (44), p30 and XIX (46), p31
13) LIS, Life of Berach, XXIII (52-70), p32-37
14) "Vita S. Lugudii Clonfertensis e codice Salmanticensi" from the "Opera
Hagiographice Hibernica Aetatis" (Archive of the Celtic-Latin Sources, B394 p139 �11)
15) "Vita S. Cannichi e codice Salmanticensi" (ACLS, B399 p182 �2) and "Vita
S. Cannichi e collectione Dublinensi" (ACLS, B492 p152 ��4-8)
16) "Vita S. Monennae" from Conchubranus from ACLS, B308 p213 �1
17) "Vita S. Colmani Drumorensis e codice Salmanticensi" from ACLS, B419 p359 �40
18) "Vita S. Lasriani Lethglinn ensis ec S
19) FOCD, 8th of February, p59
20) FOCD, glosses on the 8th of February, p70
21) FOCD, 6th of July, p161
22) FOCD, glosses on the 6th of July, p166
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Written by Esther Le Mair & Petra Kerkhove, Utrecht, 15 January 2003