How Revolutionary was the American Revolution?:  Readings

For each of these readings prepare a short explanation (3-5 sentences) of how this document could be used to argue your case effectively.  If the document argues against your side of the debate, think about how you would refute (argue against) it.  You are encouraged to  use additional research in this debate to support your case.


Reading A: National Leaders

The following is excerpted from Patrick Henry's famous speech to the Virginia legislature in 1775.

...Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves, before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation? There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending, if we mean not barely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight!...

Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

 

_Eyewitnesses and Others: Readings in American History, Vol. 1:_ Beginnings to 1865 (Austin, TX: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1991), pp. 103-107.

Reading B: Loyalists

Charles Inglis was an Anglican clergyman.  He had come to live in America in 1755 and, at the outbreak of hostilities, was attached to Trinity Church in New York City. He wrote a counterattack to Paine’s Common Sense, entitled The True Interest of America Impartially Stated in Certain Strictures on a Pamphlet Intitled Common Sense. Throughout the war he kept writing essays intended to convince the patriots that they were on the wrong track. Read the following and answer the question below.

By a reconciliation with Britain, a period would be put to the present calamitous war, by which so many lives have been lost, and so many more must be lost, if it continues…By a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, Peace - that fairest offspring and gift of Heaven - will be restored. In one respect Peace is like health; we do not sufficiently know its value but by its absence…Agriculture, commerce, and industry would resume their wonted vigor. At present, they languish and droop, both here and in Britain; and must continue to do so, while this unhappy contest remains unsettled...By a connection with Great-Britain, our trade would still have the protection of the greatest naval power in the world…The protection of our trade, while connected with Britain, will not cost a fiftieth part of what it must cost, were we ourselves to raise a naval force sufficient for this purpose. Whilst connected with Great-Britain, we have a bounty on almost every article of exportation; and we may be better supplied with goods by her, than we could elsewhere…The manufactures of Great-Britain confessedly surpass any in the world - particularly those in every kind of metal, which we want most; and no country can afford linens and woolens, of equal quality cheaper...When a Reconciliation is effected, and things return into the old channel, a few years of peace will restore everything to its pristine state. Emigrants will flow in as usual from the different parts of Europe. Population will advance with the same rapid progress as formerly, and our lands will rise in value…But a Declaration for Independency on the part of America, would preclude treaty entirely; and could answer no good purpose. We actually have already every advantage of Independency, without its inconveniences. By a Declaration of Independency, we should instantly lose all assistance from our friends in England. It would stop their mouths; for were they to say any thing in our favour, they would be deemed rebels, and treated accordingly...America is far from being yet in a desperate situation. I am confident she may obtain honourable and advantageous terms from Great-Britain…

- Charles Inglis, The True Interest of America Impartially Stated, 1776 (http://odur.let.rug.nl/~usa/D/1776-1800/libertydebate/inglis_i.htm)

Reading C: Women

The following passage is excerpted from a letter written by Abigail Adams to John Adams in 1776.

...I long to hear that you have declared an independence -- and by the way in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the Ladies we are determined to foment a Rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.

That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings placed by providence under your protection and in imitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness.

 

Diane Ravitch, ed., The American Reader: Words That Moved A Nation (New York: Harper Collins Publishers. 1990), p. 31.

 

Reading D: American Traders

The following excerpts are from Thomas Paine’s Common Sense (1776).  

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thriven upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true; for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power taken any notice of her. The commerce by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe....

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation to show a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market i n Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.

Diane Ravitch, ed., The American Reader: Words That Moved A Nation, (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1990), pp. 25-27.

Reading E: Slaves

The following contains excerpts from a petition presented in 1777 to the Massachusetts legislature by a group of blacks.

The petition of a great number of blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly shows that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and unalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the universe has bestowed equally on all mankind and which they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement whatever. But they were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power from their dearest friends and some of them even torn from the embraces of their tender parents, from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations and in defiance of all the tender feeling of humanity, brought here either to be sold like beasts of burden and, like them, condemned to slavery for life -- among a people professing the mild religion of Jesus; a people not insensible of the secrets of rational being, nor without spirit to resent the unjust endeavors. They therefore humbly beseech Your Honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration, and cause an act of legislation to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men, and that their children, who were born in this land of liberty, may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty-one years. So may the inhabitants of this state, no longer chargeable with the inconsistency of acting themselves the part which they condemn and oppose in others, be prospered in their present glorious struggle for liberty an d have those blessings for themselves.

"Negro Voices Raised For Freedom," The Annals of America, Vol.2, 1755-1783, Resistance and Revolution (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1968), p. 482-483.

 

Reading F: Iroquois

The following is the response of a Seneca warrior to British warnings against the Americans. 

We have now lived in Peace with them a long time and we resolve to continue to do so as long as we can - when they hurt us it is time enough to strike them. It is true they have encroach'd on our Lands, but of this we shall speak to them. If you are so strong Brother, and they but as a weak Boy, why ask our assistance. It is true I am tall and strong but I will reserve my strength to strike those who injure me. If you have so great plenty of Warriors, Powder, Lead and Goods, and they are so few and little of either, be strong and make good use of them. You say their Powder is rotten - We have found it good. You say they are all mad, foolish, wicked, and deceitful - I say you are so and they are wise for you want us to destroy ourselves in your War and they advise us to live in Peace. Their advice we intend to follow.

Barbara Graymont, "The Iroquois in the American Revolution" (Syracuse, New York, 1972), pp. 48-50. in Wilcomb E. Washburn,“Indians and the American Revolution,” (americanrevolution.org)

 

Reading G: Two Historians' Views

The following excerpts share two historians' views of the significance of the American Revolution.

John Richard Allen:

The successful rebellion of the patriots profoundly affected the course of the future, not only for the Americans, but for all other peoples. The American Revolution brought the first break in the European colonial system. It inspired and continues to inspire colonials of all colors to seek freedom from European domination. It also brought into existence for the first time in modern history a republican system of government in a large nation. The example of republicanism successful over the vast territory of the United States constituted a threat to monarchism everywhere, stimulated revolt against kings and emperors. The proclamation in the Declaration of Independence of the equality of men in the sight of the Creator continues to serve as a battle cry for social and political justice. The patriots won independence; they also made a good start on the long road toward establishing and securing 'the rights of mankind.'

John Richard Alden, The American Revolution: 1775-1783 (New York: Harper & Row, 1954), p. 268.

 

Clinton Rossiter

However radical the principles of the Revolution may have seemed to the rest of the world, in the minds of the colonists they were thoroughly preservative and respectful of the past . . . . The world - at least the American corner of it - had already been made over as thoroughly as any sensible man could imagine. Americans had never known or had long since begun to abandon feudal tenures, religious intolerance, and hereditary stratification. Their goal therefore was simply to consolidate, then expand by cautious stages, the large measure of liberty and prosperity that was part of their established way of life.

Clinton Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, p. 1953), p. 448

 

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