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Peshawar history

Old City Map Of City Government  Peshawar

The Peshawar Valley appears first in history as forming part of the ancient kingdom of Gandhara. This name of Gandhara figures in Sanscrit literature from the earlier times and it is used by the Chinese pilgrims also who visited the kingdom in the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries of the Christian era. Strabo describes a country, which he calls Gandaritis as lying along the river Kophes (Kabul) between the Choaspes and the Indus. The ancient capital of the district was Pushkulavati from which is obviously derived the Peukelas of Arrian, the historian of Alexander the Great. The position of the capital is vaguely described by Arrian and Strabo as' " near the Indus." The geographer Ptolemy however fixes it upon the eastern bank of the Suastene or Swat.

On this and on the itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuan-Tsang General Cunningham identified the site of Peukelas as near the modern twin towns of Charsadda and Prang. The Chinese pilgrims were drawn to Pushkulavati, as here was the famous stupa where the Lord Buddha was said to have made an alms offering of his eyes. Actually in their day the ancient capital had been superseded in political importance by the new town of Parashawara or Peshawar. There are no authentic records of the tribes seated about Peshawar in these early days. It is, however, established that they were of Indian origin. It has been conjectured with some show of probability that they were an off-shoot from the race of Yadu who were either expelled or voluntarily migrated from Gujrat c. 1100 B. C. and who were identified afterwards near Kandahar and in the hill country round Kabul.

Some authorities would actually find in the Gaduns who reside in the hills to the north-east of Swabi and in the Hazara District a last remnant of this ancient race. With the invasion of Alexander the mists, which obscure the early history of the countries near the Indus River in the northwest, begin to clear. According to Arrian, who wrote in Greek an account of Alexander's Asiatic expedition called the " Anabasis of Alexander," the armies of the Macedonian king reached the' Indus by two separate routes-one direct through the Khyber Pass and the other accompanied by Alexander himself through Kunar, Bajaur, Swat and Buner (326 B. C.). The first Greek invasion however left little trace on Peshawar. Alexander had hardly left India when the valley came under the sway of the Buddhist King Chandra Gupta (the Sandrokottos of the Greek historian) who reigned 321-297 B. C. In 323 B. C.

Alexander the Great died at Babylon. About 20 years later Seleucus attempted to recover the-Indian-possessions f the Greek empire and passed the Indus with an army for this purpose. He was content however in the end to conclude a treaty with Buddhist king by the terms of which all the territories claimed by the Greeks cast of the Indus together with the Peshawar and Kabul Valleys west of that river were formally eeded to Chandragupta, who furnished Seleucus in return with 500 elephants. Chandragupta was succeeded first by his son Bindusara and then by his famous grandson Asoka (269-227 B. C.) Asoka's fame rests chiefly on his position as the great patron of Buddhism. As such he has often been compared to Constantine the Great, the royal patron of Roman Christianity. In his reign the Buddhist faith was extended to Peshawar, Kabul and Kashmir. This is the period of the famous rock edicts -inscriptions cut into hard rocks or pillars of stone by command of the king himself and often recording his own words. The object of these inscriptions was ethical and religious rather than historical or political.

They were not, like the equally famous cuneiform inscriptions of the Persian King Darius, intended to convey to posterity a record of conquests or of the extent of a migty ebut to further the temporal and spiritual welfare of the subjects of the Buddhist king. One of these edicts was graven on rock near the village of Shahbazgarha in Yasafzai. Its characters may now be traced with difficulty after the lapse of more than twenty centuries. It remains, however, a curious relic of this older time and a reminder that human empires have their day.The Peshawar Valley was later to see a revival of Brahmanism when Buddhist monks were massacred and driven out. The Greeks too again appeared under Menander, King of Bactria. Scythian and Indian masters followed, the latter finally retaining control of the valley till the 7th century of the Christian era.

Fa Hian, a Chinese pilgrim, visited the Peshawar Valley in the fifth century A. D. and was followed some two centuries later by his countryman and co-religionist Hiuan-Tsang. During the visit of the former Buddhism was still the dominant religion of the inhabitants of the valley but at the time of the tatter's pilgrimage it was fast losing place. The Buddhist faith had therefore prevailed in the country round Peshawar for upwards of nine centuries. It can easily be imagined therefore that tile antiquities of this period in the Peshawar Valley are of peculiar interest and importance. For places of archaeological interest reference may be made to Chapter IV, and for objects of art to Appendix No. 3. Numerous coins of various periods-Grecian, Bactrian, Scythian, Hindu and Muslim-have been found at these sites and elsewhere in the district. Collections of these may be viewed at the Museum at Peshawar and at Lahore. There have been several well-known private collections also. Some of the finest Gandharan sculptures extant are to be seen in the Guides Mess at Mardan.

Before the close of the seventh century a new race-the Afghans or Pathans-appeared upon the scene. This people are first heard of as holding the hills of Ghor and Suliman about the middle of the seventh century A. D. at the time when Persia first succumbed to the force of Mohammadan arms. Against the Arab wave of conquest the Pathans appear not only to have held their own but also to have commenced about the same period a series of attacks upon their Indian neighbours of the countries bordering on the Indus. Ferishta records a campaign of 70 pitched battles in five months when in the event the Pathans succeeded in wresting a portion of the plain country near the Indus from the Rajahs of Lahore. Joined later by the Gakkars who at this period held all the country from the Indus to the Jhelum the Pathans c. 700 A. D. compelled the Lahore rulers to cede to them all the hill country west of the Indus and south of the Kabul River on condition of their guarding that frontier of Hindustan against invasion.

Even after this date however the plain of Peshawar and apparently the Jalalabad plain still further west together with the hills to the north including modern Swat, Buner, etc., were occupied by tribes connected with India who appear to have been left un-molested. In the 10th century Peshawar came for-the first time under foreign yoke when Sabuktagin of Ghazni defeated Jaipal, the Hindu Prince of Lahore, near Laghman in Afghanistan and drove his armies across the Indus with great slaughter (978 A. D.). The conqueror took possession of all the country west of the Indus and left his Lieutenant Abu All as Governor of Peshawar with an army of 10,000 horses.In this campaign the Pathans sided with Sabuktagin and furnished soldiers to his army.

Sabuktagin was succeeded in the year 997 by his celebrated son Mahmud. The Hindu princes of Lahore had made repeated attempts to recover their trans-Indus territories, and in the reign of Mahmud, the plains of Peshawar were the scenes of many great battles. The first of these encounters took place in 1001 near Nowshera when the Hindus were again routed, Jaipal himself being taken prisoner. The Pathans prior to this battle had changed their allegiance and sided with Lahore. They were severely chastised therefore by Mahmud and as they had by now become converted to the Mohammadan faith, they were afterwards true to their allegiance and joined the Sultan in all his wars against the infidels. For his invasions of India in 1017 and 1023 Mahmud made Peshawar the rallying point of his forces of which Pathans now formed an integral part. The Pathan chiefs were treated with special favour in his camp and he encouraged the tribesmen to settle in the hill country west of Peshawar with a view to their forming a bulwark between his own country and that of his enemies of Hindustan. From this time and for a century and more Peshawar remained a province of Ghazni under Mahmud numerous successors.

Under the later princes of this line the place acquired considerable importance as a central stronghold of their dominions which then extended to Lahore whither the royal residence had also been transferred. The first settlement of any tribe of undoubted Afghan origin in the plains of the Peshawar District took place, as will be subsequently related, in the fifteenth century. Long before this date however sections of the Dilazak tribe, to whom some authorities attribute Pathan descent but whom the Pathans themselves declare to be of Indian origin, had settled round Peshawar. The Dilazak by their superior numbers overweighed and finally absorbed the indigenous population, which had held the valley prior to their advent. The latter are described as few in number-a quiet race chiefly pastoral and still unconverted. In the eleventh century the Dilazak--intermarried and much fused with the previous indigenous population-held all the plain of Peshawar south of the Kabul river and their settlements spread even to the modern Chach tract on the left bank of the Indus.

They paid tribute regularly at this period to the local Governors appointed from Ghazni. In the same century the Pathans of Ghor rose in revolt against their Ghaznavite over-lords and the empire founded by Mahmud was destroyed.Many extensive immigrations of Pathan tribesmen into the hill country west of Peshawar date from this period. The invasion of the Peshawar Valley by Pathans in force was however due to other causes. The Pathan traditional history of the occupation of the Peshawar Valley, perhaps little more than an epic, is as follows: - Two Pathan brothers Khakhai and Ghori had in the earlier times given their names to two of the great divisions of the nation then seated round Kandahar. The country in possession of the tribe was held jointly by both sections. As numbers increased partition of their territory was forced upon them and in the division, which ensued the Khakhais, being the weaker section, received an unequal share.

Even from this portion they were subsequently ejected by their stronger Ghori kinsmen, and accompanied by Utman Khel and Mohammadzai sections belonging to other divisions they left their ancient seats and about the middle of the. 13th century settled near Kabul. Here they increased in numbers and wealth and finally came to be grouped into three principal clans Yusufzais, Gigianis and Turkilanis. Restless and turbulent they came into conflict with Ulug Beg (who was the eldest; son of Shiroch, the son of Taimur and uncle of Babar), who then ruled at Kabul, and were finally driven out of their new habitations also. Leaving Kabul they settled in Basaul and round Jalalabad. They endeavoured to take possession of Bajaur but were repulsed. Finally three sections- the Yusafzais, Gigianis and Mohammadzais entered the Peshawar plain, where they begged a portion of laud from the Dilazaks on which to settle.

This was granted and the newcomers settled in the Charsadda Doaba. They did not how ever for long sustain the role of suppliants. Native historians lay the blame for the quarrel which ensued on the cattle-lifting propensities of the Dilazaks but the contrary is the more likely supposition. In any case a great battle Pathan v. Dilazak eventuated and the Dilazaks were routed with great slaughter. After their defeat practically the entire tribe is said to have left the country north of the Kabul River and fled precipitately to Hazara. The Pathans proceeded to partition the vacant land among them. The Gigianis received the Doaba as their portion, to the Mohammadzais was assigned Hashtnagar, and to the Yusafzais the remainder of the country north of the Kabul river.

Later the Yusafzais, bent on further conquests, prepared to take possession of Swat moving for that purpose to Sakhakot. Making a faint attack on the Mora Pass-a manoeuvre which it is interesting to note was repeated by the British forces in 1895-they occupied the Malakand Pass by night and fell upon the astonished Swatis who were instantly routed. Lower Swat become from this date a possession of the Yusafzais.Meanwhile the seats of the Khakhai Pathans in Basaul and Jalalabad were occupied by the Ghori clans-- Khalil, Mohmand and Daudzai. These spread eastward till they occupied the hills between Lalpura and the Peshawar Valley, now the country of the upper Mohmands.

This was the state of affairs at the end of the fifteenth century. In the year 1505 the Emperor Babar, who had acquired the sovereignty of Kabul and Ghazni in the previous year from the usurper Mokim, invaded. Peshawar via Jalalabad (then called Adinpur) and the Khyber Pass. He made however no prolonged stay in the valley, being diverted on a marauding expedition towards Kohat and Bannu and returning by the Sakhi Sarwar Pass and Bori to Ghazni. Ten years later lie turned his attention to the Pathans and invaded and subdued Bajaur and Swat. Descending from Swat Babar harried the plain lands of the Yusafzais and Mohammadzais and erecting a fort at Peshawar, he left a garrison there as a point d'appui for his invasions of India. The first of these followed in 1519 when he crossed the Indus above Attock and defecated the Gakkars in the Chach.

His subsequent invasions of India did not affect the tribes about Peshawar who were left very much to themselves and reverted to their previous condition of independence. Babar died at Agra in 1530. In the reign of Humayun his son the, Ghoria Khel Pathans-Khalil, Mohmand and Daudzai-entered the plain of Peshawar. Dilazak sections still held the country south of the Kabul River. The branch of the Khattak." known as the Akora Khattaks settled soon afterwards with the permission of Akbar on the south of the Kabul River in the vicinity of Akora. They were originally under one chief Khushal Khan who undertook to protect the road from Attock to Peshawar receiving in return a grant of land between Khairabad and Nowshera.

The tribe has been fully described in Section C. of this Chapter. In 1586 the Emperor Akbar on his return from Kashmir passed through the Peshawar Valley and determined on the subjugation of the Pathan tribes. Several expeditions were undertaken and the plain country was easily subdued. When his armies attempted to force the Swat Passes, however, they were three times repulsed by the tribesmen with heavy losses. Realising after these defeats the futility of becoming involved in guerilla warfare in the hills where the enemy could not be forced to a decisive action, the Emperor's commanders satisfied themselves with occupying positions in the plain where they fortified themselves and prevented the Pathans from cultivating their lands. This measure proved so harassing to the tribes that they tenderd a more or less nominal submission which enabled Akbar to accept an agreement from them and to turn his attention elsewhere.

No more complete subjugation of the Peshawar tribes was attempted in Akbar's time. He confined himself to keeping open the road to Kabul and maintaining a partial control over the tribesmen by commanding their cultivation.Some time about the end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century occurred the great schism in the Yusafzai tribe. This tribe upon first taking possession of their present seats were accompanied by three Sheikhs of great repute and sanctity. To one of these, Sheikh Mali, was entrusted the work of dividing the new territory among the several branches of the tribe. In Kandahar and Kabul the latter had been known by one common appellation-Yusafzai. As their numbers increased however and their possessions were enlarged, two divisions sprang up -Yusafzai and Mandanr-the latter being the descendents of Mandanr, the nephew of Yusaf. Both Yusaf and Mandanr being descended from Khakhai, Sheikh Mali awarded both sections all area of hill country with a complementary plain tract and these were partitioned by lot among the several clans and sub-divisions.

The two main sections remained for some time united in their new seats but dissensions ensued which were enhanced and possibly originally instigated by Moghal intrigue. Finally the Yusafzais of Swat and Buner arose and expelled all Mandanr tribesmen from these territories. The latter leaving their women in Chamla descended to the plain and retaliated by expelling the Yusafzai families settled there. The Baizai section only of Yusafzais who made a stand in the Lundkhwar Valley was not ejected at this time. Later also they continued to hold this valley with the aid of Khattak auxiliaries whom they called in to assist them in their struggle with Mandanr.

In modern days, however, only a few communities of true Yusafzai remain in the plain. The Lund-khwar Valley is now mainly occupied by the descendants of the same Khattak auxiliaries who came to assist the Yusafzais and ended by occupying most of the tract. Three villages only in Baizai, namely Matta, Shamozai and Babozai, remain inhabited by true Yusafzai. Elsewhere in the plain the Mandanr section was left in sole occupation. The state of the district remained unaltered during the reign ofJahangir and Shah Jahan. The Pathan tribes rendered a nominal allegiance to the Delhi Emperors punctuated by periods of commotion and turbulence when a weak Governor or a foreign war furnished them with an opportunity.

At length in 1668 they openly revolted and crossing the Indus in large numbers they devasted Chach and out the line of communication between Kabul and Delhi. They suffered a reverse near Attock but at Peshawar defeated the royal troops sent by Amin Khan, Governor of Kabul, to suppress the emeute. For a time the insurgent Pathans were sole masters of the Peshawar plain and in the almost continual fighting of these years the Yusafzais gained a great reputation for valour and martial prowess. Aurangzeb, who was now on the throne of Delhi, marched in person at the head of an army to re-establish the authority of his Government. Arrived at Hassan Abdal he conducted the general course of the operations from there, the actual command in the field devolving on his son Sultan. The struggle persisted for two years 1673-1675 till finally the Emperor was compelled to agree to terms, which left the Pathans practically independent and withdrew his forces to India.This period is distinguished in Pathan annals by the verses and deeds of the renowned Khushal Khan, the Khattak chief, poet, patriot and warrior. Khushal Khan has Ieft a history and some poems of considerable merit-the latter indited in the days of the Pathans struggle with the Moghals. To rouse the Pathan youth and excite their patriotism, the great deeds of their forefathers are counted in glowing stanzas, while the young men of the day are taunted for their lack of manly spirit and martial ardour.

It Though, somewhat artificial in form due to the influence of the Persian mode, these poems breathe a spirit of patriotism and a love of the Pathan countryside, which, have made them live on the lips of Peshawar villagers right down to the present day. Nor was Khushal Khan less active as a soldier than as a patriotic bard; he led his Khattaks well in many a fight and once at any rate obtained a signal victory over the Moghal forces in the low hills opposite Akora, an occasion rendered memorable by the flight of his Yusafzai allies whose baseness on that day he has recorded in a poem full of spirit. On one occasion he was captured and for three years suffered captivity in Gwalior Fort. In the end, how over, he was liberated in exchange for some imperial prisoners of rank who had been captured by the Pathans.

He returned to Akora and resumed at the head of his tribe the guerilla warfare against the Moghals for which his name will always be remembered with pride by Peshawar Pathans. The successors of Aurangzeb retained nominal possession of Peshawar but the Empire of the Moghals was now declining and kings at Delhi had neither the power nor the inclination to make any further attempts to control the rude tribes of the valley. Followed the invasion of Nadir Shah and the surrender of Peshawar by its Moghal Governor, the new invader crossed the Indus', in 1738, defeated the Imperial forces and extorted from Mohammad Shah a treaty by which all the trans-Indus countries were ceded to the conqueror. Peshawar therefore once again passed from the eastern to the western Empire. Affairs in Khurasan however occupied so much of Nadir Shah's attention up till the time of his assassination nine years later that he was able. to take little interest in his new province. The Yusafzai, the Khattaks and the hill tribes remained practically independent a before paying no tribute.

The Khalils. Mohmands, Daudzais, Gigianis and Mohammadzais however as being more accessible were forced to pay tribute to Nadir Shah's Governors at Peshawar through their chiefs. Some of the latter were in the habit of travelling occasionally to the distant court and bringing back with them grants of land and patents exempting them from payment of tribute, some of which still exist. The death of Nadir Shall (1747) was followed by the establishment at Kandahar of the Saddozai branch of the Durani dynasty in the person of Ahmad Shah. For the first time the Pathan tribes of the Peshawar Valley were now to come under the rule of a prince whom they could in some manner regard as their native king. During the 26 years of Ahmad Shah's vigorous and active reign, the plains of Peshawar were brought under more complete control than any previous Government had been able to attempt, at any rate since the days of the Pathan invasion. Expeditious penetrated even into the Yusafzai Valleys while in the country nearer Peshawar the levy of the King's tribute was put on a more regular basis, the sums to be paid being fixed for each village though these were still recovered and paid through chiefs of clans.

Taimur Shall succeeded his father in 1773 but proved himself a voluptuous and indolent prince. Peshawar was his favourite residence, and here he kept court with much pomp and splendour attracting to the city a large concourse of nobles and adventurers from the surrounding countries. During his reign the well-known Kazi Khel come to be a power in the land. Trading on the weak-ness of the king they gradually accumulated all the public offices in heir own hands. In the exercise of powers of Government they became notorious for their corrupt and avaricious habits. Outside in the strict there was much confusion. The Pathan chiefs were engaged in constant feuds among themselves. Agriculture was neglected and the district relapsed into the state of practical independence, which had been usual in the days of the Moghals. The death of Taimur Shah in 1793 left the throne to be contested by his sons. The struggles and adventures of these princes make a romantic if confusing page of oriental history. Peshawar was concerned most whit the cause and fortunes of Shas Shuja,the last of the Saddozai dynasty, and the puppet of the first Afghan war.

The latter proclaimed himself King in the Pehawar and attempted battle near Tahkal on the Jamrud road. By1809 however he had gained an entry into the city and in that year received with courtesy and honour the British mission headed by Mountstuart Elphinstone. Elphinstone's account of his mission to this court at Peshawar contains in absorbing description of the geography, manners, customs and politics of the Afghanistan of that day, centred as it was largely in Peshawar; and to this day no batter introduction could be prescribed to the student of Peshawar history. It is entitled the account of his mission to Kabul, though in the fast Elphinstone never went beyond Peshawar. Some time later Shas Shuja was again driven out by his brother Mahmud, or rather by that prince famous Lieutenant, Fateh khan of the Barakzai. During all these disturbances Peshawar remained in a constant state excitement and commotion possession of the city passing from one ruler to another with bewildering frequency. No ruler stayed long enough to be able to exercise any control over the tribes of the valley who enjoyed practically complete independence. The Afridis, always the disposal of the highest bidder had espoused the cause of Shall Shuja who was of course compelled in return to pay handsomely for their support.

In addition to payments for special services, the Afridis he also to receive the lakes subsidy which had been paid them for some years now for keeping the road to Kabul open. Shah Shuja after his many vicissitudes found at last a resting place under British protection at Ludhiana (1815). Meanwhile the Sikhs had appeared upon the scene. Attock fell to Ranjit Singh in 1814, and in 1818 a Sikh army advancing on Peshawar overran country as far as the foothills. At length in 1823Axim Khan determined to try his strength with this new power and marched with a large army from Kabul to Peshawar. The Sikhs crossed the Indus to meet him. Kharrak Singh was left to hold the right bank of the Kabul river and bar the way of the troops expected for Peshawar, while Ranjit Singh with the flower of his army crossed to the left bank opposite Akora. Azim Khan had sent his brother Samand Khan to raise the Yusafzai and Khattak clans while he himself with his regular troops moved out from Peshawar. On his arrival at Nowshera he found Samand Khan already engaged with the enemy on the, level land north at the river near Pir Sabak. Azim Khan was unable to cross to his brother's aid and remained a helpless spectator of the combat, which ensued.

The Pathans fought with desperate valour, but could make no headway against he superior numbers and discipline the Sikhs, frequently rallying however round the low hill near Pir Sabak village; they bore down bravely on the enemy, who towards evening, began to show signs of wavering. The Sikhs had at this late most lost the day, had not Ranjit Singh himself seizing standard and plunging in where the fight was thickest allied his men for a final charge. The last stand was made at sunset a party of 200 Yusafzais who died righting to a man. In; his action 10,000 Pathans said to have been slain. With them on the other side fell that gallant old warrior, Phulla Singh the intrepid leader the Alkalis who five years before lad led the into the breach at Multan nd was on this day less conspicuous for his gallantry. A Sikh shrine of great repute Pir Sabak, owed with two-thirds of the revenue of the village, rcmains as a memorial of a brave man and a gallant soldier.

The Sirdars, Azim Khan and Dost Mohammad, who had not taken any part in the battle defeat fled to Kabul andRanjit Singh advancing to Peshawar placed the town under tribute and after a short stay, withdrew across the Indus. Azim Khan Did not survive this defeat, and on his death, Dost Mohammed khan Barakzai, succeeded the chief authority at Kabul. The Peshawar Valley lay now at the mercy of Ranjit Singh. No permanent occupation however was at tin's period attempted. Subject to the payment of a yearly tribute the Government re-mained in the hands of the Barakzai Sirdar Ranjit Singh for his part contenting himself with. Sending an army to receive tribute and to keep up the terror of his name. The Sikh armies on these annual marches indulged in the most reckless depredation-to mention one instance only during the years when these expeditions were recurring, most of the fruit trees in the famous Peshawar gardens were felled to provide fuel for the campground of the troops. The approach of the Sikh army through the district was the signal for the removal of property and valuables, even of the window and doorframes of the houses. Crowds of women and children fled frightened from their home sand villages and the country presented the appearance of an emigrating Colony.

The Yusafzai country was similarly exposed to depredation. RanjitSingh, having tasted of the Yusafzai valour in 1823, had at first no wish to renew conclusions with tills tribe. Being en-camped, however, with his army near Gandgarh on the left bank of the Indus, the Yusafzais provided him with the necessary provocation. De lending on the Indus to protect them, the Pathans began to slaughter kine on the right bank over against the Sikh camp. RanjitSingh unable to restrain himself at the insult ordered his troops to cross. His generals would have had him desist from the attempt, pointing to the danger of attempting to ford a river like the Indus, but he was not to be deterred. A body of irregulars first plunged in and crossed though with heavy loss. Mr. Allard'sregular regiments of cavalry followed and maintaining good crossed with impunity.

The Pathans, thunderstruck at the boldness of this exploit, attempted no resistance but fled to their villages closely pursued by the infuriated Sikhs. An indiscriminate slaughter ensued in Yusafzai in which-hundreds of men, women and children were put to the sword. Ranjit Singh himself withdrew to Lahore in 1824 leaving his famous general Hari Singh Nalwa in command on the frontier with force of 12,000 men. It was these troops who carried out the annual marches to Peshawar to which reference has already been made. HariSingh in tin's difficult command displayed the utmost activity combined with soldierly qualities of the first order. The Pathans of Pcshawar.who cannot but hate his memory as that of a most tyrannical oppressor, are fain to acknowledge Harvey and skill. The tribute levied from the Yusafzai was not fixed but depended on "his will and consisted of horses, hawks and such sums in cash as lie could collect as a fee for escaping a military Visitation.

The tribute of horses was, we read, commuted in 1853 to a tax of Rs. 4 per house. Hardly a village escaped being looted and sacked during Hari Singh's regime and the rums of old villages burnt to the ground by his troops may still be seen i Yusafzai. His name to this day is used as a bogey with which to frighten children and with " Hariraghe " (Hair's here) the Mohmand mother is said even now to still her crying child. This state of affairs continued for several years, Ranjit Singh evincing no desire, to take advantage of his position and annex the valley. The intrigues of the Barakzai Sirdars in Peshawar, however, finally brought upon them their own destruction and Peshawar paranormally occupied by the Sikhs in 1835 for the next two years, during which Hari Singh continued to command west of the Indus, the Sikhs were unmolested in Peshawar.

A new fortress-the present Peshawar Fort, though of late it has been much restored-was built on the site of the old Bala Hissar and garrisons were stationed at selected points on the border. A mobile column was also located in the angle between the Indus and Kabul rivers on the left bank of the latter and covered by a strong fort ofJahangir. These measures naturally consorted ill with the temper of the Pathan chiefs round Peshawar. The Arbabs-as the chief men of theKhalil and Mohmand clans arc called-were accustomed to a life of license and disorder. During Hari Singh/s regime many of them went across the border from where they organized raiding gangs, which roamed about the district and rendered all travelling unsafe. Towards the end of 1836 hariSingh decided to construct fort at Jamrud at the month of the Khyber Pass. Against the advice of the friendly chiefs a fortress-the present Jamrud Fort was built and garrisoned. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan sensed in this measure a preliminary to a further advance by the Sikhs with possible designs on Kabul.

He determined therefore to send an army to oppose the construction of the fort and once more to attack the Sikhs. In the month of April 1837 a great battle was fought round Jamrud and in the mouth of the Khyber. The accounts of this action are victory has-been claimed by both parties. The Sikhs however heldtheree ground while the Duranis retreat by night in disorder. many of their troops not staying their retreat till they reached Kabul. While victory most there forever remained to the Sikh's the advantage was dearly bought by the death of Singh, their great commander Silk role as now confirmed throughout the district and, tyrannical though it was. It can hardly have more odious to the inhabitants than that of the Durani sirdaes. Singh found it to his advantage to assign whole tappahs (i.e., land held a single tribe) to the latter in jagir.Thus Said Mohammad KhaneceivedHashtnagar and Pir Mohammad Khan Theodora. Sultan Mohammad Khan was placated with the revenues of Kohat and Hangu. In this way the Lahore Government as relieved of responsibility for some of the most troublous parts of the district.

Hashtnagar being held in free by a Durani Chief, Ranjit Singh avoided unnecessary contact with the Mohanuuadzais, a turbulent' restless tribe, while he was equally freed from responsibility for the raids of all the petty frontier tribes on the Swat border. The. Presence of a Durani Sirdar in the Doaba again saved him from Annoyance the Mohammadzais a turbulent restless retained under the direct control of the Peshawar governor and at Shabkadar where a fort the present Fort-was built by Sirdar Taj Singh in 1837.On the Afridi border assigned large grants to the Khalil and MohmandAtbabs taking care that the villages close to the frontier should form the greater part of their jagirs. Similar grants were made to the chiefs of powerful and remote villages from which the collection of revenue would, in any case, have been attended with difficulty.

Haying thus after a fashion secured his outer frontier by foregoing the revenues, he was in a position to employ his available strength in controlling the inlaying tracts nearer to Peshawar. In Yusafzai, the revenue was still collected by the periodical'despatch of columns of troops into that country. No permanent administration, such as might have embroiled him in a prolonged struggle with the tribes north of the Kabul River, was ever attempted. Hari Singh was at first- succeeded by Sirdar Tej Singh. Who was shortly relieved by General Avitabile (known to the present day among Pathans as " Abutabella" This, officer held charges Governor of Peshawar from 1838-42 and acquired as great a celebrity among the people for his conduct of the internal administration as Han Singh had gained for his military achievements. On first taking possession of the valley the Sikhs had left the land revenues very much as they existed under their predecessors, the Duranis.

In 1837 the demand had been slightly raised by Sirdars Taj Singh. state of the district, however, rendered the reali-sation of the enhanced demand impossible in practice, and in 1838General Avitabile again reduced it to the earlier figure. In the following year the demand was indirectly increased by nearly 20per cent. on account of the recovery of the same amount in Nanak-shahi, which had previously been paid in Peshawar currency. The revenue recovered in this year amounted to nearly nine likes rupees. It is interesting to observe that this sum represents afar higher demand on the land actually assessed than is recovered the present time after a lapse of nearly 100 years. This was the annual demand during the next years till in 1842it was still further increased by Taj Singh. No material change occurred after this date until the district was annexed by the British. The revenue of tappahs and villages wan usually fanned out to Arbabs nd influential maliks.

Where none such were available, leases were granted to Hindu capitalists. Agents of the latter class came to be spread all over the district, and these naturally employed every available means for exploiting the cultivators to whom so much of the produce only was left as was sufficient for a bare subsistence, '['hi' nominal share of the produce chimed by the i (Government was one-half, but the extra fees which were demanded on every possible, excuse, and the advances, etc. which had to be adjusted afforded the farmers and their minions opportunities for unlimited extortion. The latter almost invariably collected the Government demand in kind so that at every crop the homes of the villagers were invaded by swarms of rapacious and ill-paid menials. The realisation of revenue from the more powerful members of the community was accomplished with great difficulty-often force had to be employed. Arbabs und maliks constantly tied to the hills to avoid payment of revenue -and if powerful enough to cause trouble from there were usually after a short interval pardoned and restored to their former positions.

Thus Mohammad Khan the Mohmand Arbab who farmed the revenues of that tappah in1837, fled to Adam Khel country where lie remained for four years. In his absence a member of another branch of the family was appointed Arbab, but as lie was unable to control the tribe. General Avitabile had Mohammad Khan back in 1840 under promise of the grant of a jagir to him of Ks.6.000 per annum which was actually increased subsequently by S. S. Taj Singh and Sher Singh to Rs. 8.550 per annum. The Khalil Arbabs likewise after having several times absconded across the border were recalled and granted jagir of Rs. 12,000 per annum exclusive of their hereditary property which they enjoyed revenue free. Under the Sikh regime, the maintenance of internal order was scarcely attempted. Blood feuds between villages and families led to pitched battles in broad daylight but the Government only interfered to inflict a fine, usually in those cases only where it felt strong enough to do so. Raids from across the border were of frequent occurrence, and as far as the Government was concerned, remained unavenged.

The law of the land was the old Pathan tribal custom unabated by any civilizing influence descending from the ruler of the time, the. Sikhs, in fact. refused to consider disturbances not directed against themselves as casting any dis-credit on their rule. Government troops were held mostly in reserve at Peshawar with a few out-posts on the frontiers, e.g., at Shabkadar nd Bara Forts. Yet when the Sikhs punished they punished savagely. The frequent destruction of refractory villages kept up the terror which their arms had inspired in the time of Hari Singh, and the gibbets outside the city walls which attracted the notice of British offers on their way through Peshawar to. Kabul told their own tal (Towards members of hill tribes mercy was considered quite unnecessary. These were invariably sent to the gallows on apprehension other and less reputable means were employed against them.

On of the terms on which Karm-ul-din Khan of Chamkani held his jagir was that he should produce twenty Afridi heads annually In later days tills Khan was heard to describe with perfect ingenuousness the treacherous methods he was sometimes compelled adopt in order to fulfil the conditions of the fief. As permanent masters of the valley the Sikhs found that attack upon their hill neighbours could not be conducted with the same successful energy, which had marked their periodical invasion under Hari Singh. Their commitments had increased and part of their energies was absorbed by the mere holding of the valley .The conduct of expeditions against the tribes on their border was now visibly weaker and less enterprising. They were attended not with actual reverses at any rate with such doubtful injury tithe enemy that their occurrence came to be avoided where possible Avitabile's troops, for instance, accompanied by Mohmand and other levies, were unable to make any impression on the Adam Khel Afridis, and far from reaching and inflicting loss on the village of Bori an I Janakor, which were their objective, the Government forces were unable even to hold the Garhi Chandan ridge against he tribesmen.

An attack on Prang Ghar in the Utman Khel foot hills was equally abortive, and in an attempt to surprise Pandial they could not advance beyond Chingai, a small village immediately Within the hills opposite Malta Moghal Khel, where they destroyed few huts with a loss to themselves of between 400 and 500 men Later Peshawar itself came to be very weakly held, and during the troubled times which followed upon the death of Ranjit Singh, the Sikh forces were greatly reduced. In 1841 when Captain Mackeson applied to General Avitabile for a detachment of Sikh troops, the General assured him that he had not 2,000 men, all told, at his disposal. General Avitabile was relieved in 1842. Of his character there are various opinions. In the district he has left a name to administrative talent tarnished by excessive cruelty. The latté was perhaps forced upon him by the nature of the times and the character of the people whom he was called upon to rule. Sirdar Taj Singh who succeeded him was Governor at Peshawar for four years.

He is described as lacking in energy and enterprise but as a mild and just ruler-the latter probably by contras with General Avitabile. His successor was one Sirdar Sher Singh After the first Sikh War of 1846 Sirdar Golab Singh was appointed Governor on behalf of the Durbar with Major George Lawrence representing the resident at Lahore. Major Lawrence arrived at Peshawar early in 1847. His duties as described by himself in his book "Forty-five years service in India " were to act as a friendly adviser to the Sikh Officials and not to interfere directly except when justice could not otherwise be obtained. He was also responsible for the control of the large garrison at Peshawar, now not less than one-third of the whole army of the Durbur. During 1848-49 the Sikh troops at Peshawar mutinied and Major Lawrence was forced to withdraw to Kohat. He was received there with every demonstration of friendship by Sultan Mohammad Khan (the chief of the Peshawar Sardars," and the ancestor of King Nadir Shah, the reigning King of Afghanistan).

Sultan Mohammad Khan however eventually determined to yield to the importunities of his Sikh masters and handed Major Lawrence and his family over to them as prisoners. After the defeat of the Sikh army and the annexation of the Punjab Major Lawrence was in April 1849 appointed Deputy Commissioner of Peshawar. In December 1849 an expedition was sent to the Yusafzai border to punish the Yusafzai village of Babozai for refusal to pay revenue. The village is situated in a remote glen on the Buner border and received the aid of the trans-border villages of Pallai, Zormandi and Sher Khana, certain Utman Khel villages within the district; these were also punished, and the force successfully withdrawn to Peshawar.

On the night of the disarming, about 250 of the sepoys of the 51st Native Infantry deserted and fled in every direction. They were promptly seized by the people of the district and the police, and extraordinary to say, were brought in alive, though loaded with money. The ringleader, the Subadar Major of the regiment, was hanged before the whole garrison on parade, and was the first mutineer executed at Peshawar. Return we now to the Nowshera mutineers. It was soon reported that both the 55th and 10th Irregular Cavalry at Mardan were in a state of disaffection-the former regiment having threatened to murder their officers, and the latter to " roast " Lieutenant Home, the civil officer stationed there. As soon, therefore, as the disarming had been accomplished at Peshawar, measures wore taken to deal with the disaffected troops at Mardan. Major Vaughan's corps was ordered from Attock to Nowshera to protect the families of Her Majesty's 27th Regiment against any return of the mutineers or any outbreak of the detachment of the 10th Irregulars.

At 11 o'clock on the night of the 23rd a force of 800 European Infantry, 250 Irregular Cavalry, horse levies and police, and 8 guns left Peshawar under command of Colonel Chute, of Her Majesty's 70th accompanied by Colonel Nicholson as Political Officer, and, after being joined by 200 Punjab Infantry from Nowshera under Major Vaughan, reached Mardan about sunrise of the 25th. But no sooner did this force appear in the distance than the 55th (with the exception of some 120 men) broke from the fort and fled tumultuously towards the Swat hills. A pursuit was made by the whole force, but the mutineers had a long start, and the ground favoured them.

The guns and infantry were unable to come up with them; the Irregular Cavalry only pretended to act; but Colonel Nicholson (who was twenty hours in the saddle and under a burning sun must have traversed seventy miles on that day) hurled himself on the fugitives with a handful of police sowars, and did fearful execution amongst them; 150 dead bodies were numbered on their line of flight; thrice that number must have borne off wounds; 150 were taken prisoners. The people of the border rather favoured than opposed them, and about 500 made good their escape into Swat. The ultimate fate of these men is told in the Hazara Gazetteer. Colonel Spottiswoode, of the 55th unable to endure the disgrace of the corps he had so loved and trusted, died by his own hand. It subsequently appeared that there had been long intrigue going on between the 55th and 64th Native Infantry and the 10th Irregular Cavalry and the Hindustani fanatics in Swat.

And now another cloud seemed gathering on the frontier. The noted outlaw Ajun Khan came down, to Prang, invited, as it was believed, by our Hindustani troops in the fort of Abazai, at the head of the Swat river. Nothing seemed more likely than that lie would be joined by the fugitives of the 55th, come down to Abazai, and get the fort betrayed to him by the garrison, when the whole frontier would have been in a flame. But the danger was promptly met. The force under Colonel Chute was strengthened and moved rapidly to cover the threatened outposts. It was seen that, after disarming four regiments and routing another, we still had a force in the field standing on the aggressive. Ajun Khan withdrew into the hills, and our little force encamped on the border until Delhi should be regained. But Delhi was not to be recovered by a coup dc main and months of painful anxiety were yet to be endured.

About this time the Commissioner issued a proclamation that any deserter might be killed wherever found in the district, and the property on his person appropriated by the captors. About forty or fifty sepoys were killed in consequence in making for the Indus, and this destroyed all confidence between the soldiery and the people. Now, too, the Multani Pathans from the Derajat began to arrive, and the aspect of affairs greatly to improve. It may be mentioned as an instance of the strange things that happened in those days, that a party of 300 of the Mullikdin Afridis (who were under embargo, as has been previously mentioned) marched into cantonments armed to the teeth, and said they had come to fight for us and be forgiven. They formed the nucleus of one of the new Punjab regiments. The several detachments of the 64th at the outposts were one by one disarmed by the column under Colonels Chute and Nicholson, and by other forces sent out from cantonments for the purpose.

Meanwhile General Cotton Lad not been idle, he had been dealing out stern justice to such of the mutineers, as had openly commited themselves; and he now turned his attention to making the most of his reliable material. Volunteers from the Queen's infantry regiments were mounted and armed with the horses and weapons taken from the 5th Light Cavalry, under the denomination of the "Peshawar Light Horse." Subsequently a limited number of selected sowars of the 5th Light Cavalry were associated with them. The Sikhs and other Punjabis were picked out of the several Hindustani regiments of the line and formed into a separate corps, which subsequently did good service. A battery of 9-poundcr guns lying in the magazine was manned by European volunteers from the Queen's Infatry regiments and horsed by the horses of the 5th Light Cavalry, In like manner the native troop of horse artillery was replaced by European volunteers. A depot was established for Afghan recruits, which was soon after embodied as the 18th Regiment of Punjab Infantry.

Three more Irregular Cavalry regiments were raised. Lastly amongst the measures of new organization may be mentioned the " Land Transport Train " for the conveyance of the European soldiers with ease and comfort at that inclement season. A number of spare ammunition wagons were fitted up by the Ordnance Commissariat Officers, so that sixteen men could ride in each waggon and their arms be stowed away in the lockers on which they sat. The wagons were to be drawn by relays of commissariat bullocks at regular stages along the road; and it was found that, if necessary, the train could thus accomplish forty miles in one night. It proved of invaluable service when the autumnal sickness set in with more than its usual virulence. " The European soldiery viewed this thoughtful effort in their behalf with gratitude. It literally opened a way to them to get out of this fatal valley when prostrated by fever and, though many fine fellows fell victims to the disease, there is no question that many were rescued from death by being removed to Rawalpindi in the Land Transport Train.

" In the first year of our rule the border was chiefly disturbed by the hostility of the neighbouring country of Swat. An aged priest, called the Akhund, had hitherto been the pope of this country; but, looking at the English career in India as aggressive, lie expected us to annex Swat as soon as we had settled at Peshawar. On his suggestion, therefore, the Swatis created one Sayad Akbar, their King, and agreed to pay him a tithe of their crops to keep up soldiers for their defence. Providentially for us, this Badshah of Swat died on the 11th May, the very day that the first news of the mutiny readied Peshawar; so that Swat' was plunged into civil war, and thus prevented from making those aggressions on our territory which might otherwise have been looked for. Sayad Mobarik Shah, son of the deceased Sayad Akbar, wished to succeed his father but the Swatis had grown tired of tithes. Both sides called in their friends and allies to settle the question by arms.

It was at this juncture that the 500 fugitive sepoys of the 55th Native Infantry arrived in Swat. They were at once taken into the young King's service, but after fighting one battle demanded pay. The King, not being in funds, borrowed Rs. 1,000 from the leaders of the sepoys and distributed them amongst the mutineers; but when this supply was exhausted the full extent of their folly and misery seems to have struck the ringleader for he blew out his own brains. The Akhund at this time having sided with the popular party, the 55th sepoys were dismissed and the young King expelled from Swat. The peace of our border being thus assured, the column returned to Peshawar with Colonel Nicholson, who was, however, shortly after removed to the command of the Punjab movable column, with the rank of Brigadier-General, in the room of General Chamberlain, appointed Adjutant-General of the army.

Colonel Nicholson's place as Deputy Commissioner of Peshawar was filled by Captain James, then Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, who had previously had charge of the district for many years. On the break up of Colonel Chute's column, the fort of Mardan was garrisoned by a part of the 5th Punjab Infantry, and the Nowshera cantonment by the 4th Punjab Infantry. It was now time to bring the 10th Irregulars to task. Part of this regiment was in Peshawar, part in Nowshera. Both were simultaneously dealt with. On the 26th June their arms, horses and property were taken from them and confiscated, and the whole of the men were hurried down to Attock where they were dismissed with Rs. 2 each, just enough to carry them to their homes. Shortly after, the disarmed regiments were not only deprived of their extra batta, but also put upon subsistence allowance to their great disgust. Two of the frontier outposts, Forts Bara and Mackeson were garrisoned by detachments of the 24th Native Infantry.

It became known to the authorities that some of these men had been negotiating with the Afridis to pilot them through the hills to some ferry on the Indus. They were deprived of their arms and removed to cantonments; the ringleader was blown from a gun; and the outposts were garrisoned by Multanis. Scarcely had this little affair been disposed of when (on the 9th July) two Afridis of the Sipah tribe entered the lines of the 18th Irregular Cavalry and presented to the sowars a letter from Mullik Suraj-ud-Din, the head of their tribe, and one of the most powerful men in the Khyber, offering an asylum in the hills to " any black man " (so the Hindustanis are called by the Afghan tribes), either of the cavalry or infantry, who chose to mutiny and come to him. The sowars at once took letter and emissaries to their commanding officer. The Sipah chief was called upon to explain; he at once acknowledged the letter, and said" If the black men had come lie meant to give them up.

" It has already been related how Sayad Mobarik Shah and the mutineers of the 55th Native Infantry were dismissed from Swat and told to seek their fortune elsewhere. The moss of the latter made for Kashmir, and mostly perished by the way. The former accompanied by the few remaining sepoys, proceeded to the valley of Punjtar, which adjoins the Yusafzai side of the valley of Peshawar. Here they found a colony of Hindustani Muhammadans of the Wahabi sect, headed by a maulvi named Inayat who, in return for land at place called Managalthana, supported the Khan of Punjtar in oppressing his own clan. Either this chief (Mokarab Khan) or the clan used to be constantly calling in our border officers to arbitrate their mutual disputes, and our decisions being generally in favour of the people, incurred for us the hatred of the Khan. Now was a good opportunity to vent it. He commenced by sending a party of Hindustanis and other vagabonds under his cousin, Mir Baz Khan, into our nearest villages and instigating them to " raise the standard of the Prophet;" or, in other words, to refuse to pay their revenue.

Major Vaughan, then commanding at Mardan, at once marched out (2nd July) and fell on them with about 400 horse and foot and 2 mountain guns, killed Mir Baz Khan, took prisoner a Rohilla leader, hanged him and the headman of the rebels, burnt two of the villages which had revolted, fined others, and thus extinguished this spark of mischief. Captain James at once proceeded to the spot, and by his judgment, courage and intelligence the Yusafzai border was saved at this period from a general rise. " The most disastrous tidings came daily from Hindustan, and echoed in still more alarming voices among these hills. Special messengers made their way from Delhi and proclaimed the extinction of the Nazarenes in the Moghal capital. Others came from Peshawar and invited the Ghazis to descend and inflame the country. The Ghazis came with the maulvis at their head, and planted their standard (embroidered with butchery from the Koran) on the heights of Narinji.

This mountain village was so strongly situated that the police scarcely dared to go near it; and it became a refuge for every evil-doer. Its inhabitants, about 400 in number, welcomed the maulvi with delight. The holy war seemed auspiciously opened with every requisite-a priest, a banner, a fastness, a howling crowd of bigots, and several days' provisions. But on the morning of the 21st July Captain James surprised them with a force of 800 horse and foot, and 4 mountain guns, under command of Major Vaughan, and put them to a disastrous flight, which the maulvi headed so precipitately that his mystic banner remained in the hands of the infidels. No less than 50 or 60.) of the Ghazis were slain, and the lower village of Narinji was destroyed.

" The weather was too hot and the troops too exhausted to destroy upper Narinji, to which place the maulvi shortly returned with a strong reinforcement. It was, however, assailed on the 3rd August by Captain James and Major Vaughan with 1,400 men. "The Ghais had thrown up some formidable entrenchments and danced and yelled as they saw a small column advancing in their front. Their shouts were answered by British cheers from a second column under Lieutenant Hoste, which had gained the heights by a bye path, and now appeared above Narinji. A general flight took place; 30 of the Ghazis died running stoutly, and three were taken prisoners, amongst whom was a maulvi from Bareilly, who was summarily hanged. The village was then knocked down by elephants, and its towers blown up by the engineers; Narinji was at last destroyed.

'' About this time a general restlessness was observed amongst the chiefs of the district, as well as amongst the native community. Delhi still held out, and doubts began to be entertained in regard to our ultimate success. The conduct of the moneyed classes in respect to the 6 percent, loan, which was opened by order of the Financial Commissioner, may be instanced to show how completely native confidence was destroyed. The chief native gentlemen of the city were summoned by the Commissioner and consulted on this delicate topic. "They looked grave, made many wise remarks on the duty of every body to help such a paternal government, affected an entire freedom from vulgar belief that the English raj was coming to an end; but it was clearly their opinion not a rupee would be subscribed." However, they under took to sound the city corporation, and to bring up the chief capitalist next day.

" About two hours after the appointed time," writes Colonel Edwardes, " the city magnates slunk in, each trying to make himself as small as possible and to sit in any row except the front. That hyperbole of gratitude for the prosperity enjoyed under our shadow; that lavish presentation of trays of fruits and sugar candy with which these comfortable men formerly rolled in to the presence-what had become of it! Alas, all vanished with our prestige! Behold, a Government, not only opening n loan, but also imperatively needing it! Not a man would lend a farthing if lie could help it." Seeing this, Colonel Edwardes commenced business by fining them all round for being late, and asked them what arrangements they proposed.

After half an hour's consultation, they said they thought 15,000 rupees might be raised with a little contrivance in the course of a few months." But the prestige of the Government was to be maintained, and the Commissioner informed the corporation that it was his intention to levy five lakhs towards the loan, the assessment of which he left to themselves, allowing them one day to arrange it. " They at once settled down to the details, but as every house desired to throw an unfair share on its neighbour, I placed the assessment in the hands of the Government treasurer, Man Mall, who carried it out with a patience, firmness, good nature, and impartiality which I cannot too highly praise." Ultimately four lakhs were subscribed. These securities fell during the crisis so low as 26 per cent. discount, but subsequently rose nearly to par. The loan operated very favourably on public opinion. The people enjoyed seeing the money-lenders brought to book, and the latter at once became interested in the cause of good order.

On the 27th July the reliable force in Peshawar was much weakened by the march of the 4th Punjab Infantry for Delhi; but the new levies had now attained an importance, which justified the withdrawal of that regiment. Shortly afterwards most of the tribes in disgrace on the border tendered their submission. Some anxiety was caused by rumour of a rising in the city on the feast of Bukra-Eed (1st August), and of its being the intention of the British Government to make over the territories trails-Indus to the Amir of Kabul. The fears caused by these reports were, however, allayed and nothing came of them. A fresh source of anxiety was now produced (15th August) by a red hot fanatic named Sayad Amir, of the family of the well-known Kunar Badshahs, who came down into the Khaibar to incite the tribes to a holy war. " This man had all his life been a mendicant wandering in Peshawar, Kabul, Teheran, Constantinople and Mecca, and had just returned from one of these pilgrimage with a few thousand rupees, seed enough for a goodly harvest of devilry on the frontier.

He planted his green flag at the village of Gaggri in the Peshawar mouth of the Khaibar Pass, and sent summons to the Kuki Khel Malliks to leave me and join him in a crescentade. There is some tiling delightful in the good conduct of thorough rascals. Who could have expected the Kuki Khel to stick to their agreements of yesterday? But they did. They went back and told the Sayad to be off. He cursed them well and frightened them a good deal with his Koran, flag and various incantations, but the most he could get from them was five days' hospitality. He certainly made the most of his time, for his emissaries came to every regiment in Peshawar with invitations to join him. At the end of five days, when the Sayad showed no symptoms of leaving, the Kuki Khel pulled up the pickets of his horses and camels and even irreverently shut up Ins flag; and the Sayad left the pass in a storm of Arabic.

" But we were not yet done with him. He went to the next tribe under blockade, the Michni Mohmands, who received him with open arms; and again incendiary letters and messages were introduced amongst the troops. Great restlessness pervaded the disarmed regiments, and arms were supposed to be finding their way into the lines. General Cotton accordingly (on the 28th August) ordered the sepoys to be moved into tents, and the lines of every native regiment to be searched simultaneously. Weapons of every description were found. " Exasperated by the discovery of their plans, and by the taunts of the newly-raised Afridi regiments, who were carrying out the search, the 51st Native Infantry rushed upon the piled arms of the 18th Punjab Infantry, and sent messengers to all the other Hindustani regiments to tell them of the rise. For a few minutes a desperate struggle ensued. The 51st Native Infantry had been one of the finest sepoy corps in the service; and they took the new irregulars altogether by surprise.

They got possession of several stands of arms, and used them well. But soon the Afridi soldiers seized their arms, and then began that memorable fusillade which commenced on the parade ground at Peshawar and ended at Jamrud. General Cotton's arrangements for meeting such emergencies were perfect. Troops, horse and foot, were rapidly under arms and in pursuit of the mutineers. Every civil officer turned out with his posse comitatus of levies or police and in a quarter of an hour the whole country was covered with the chase."

Out of a total of 871 men, some 60 or 70 are supposed to have reached the hills, 660 having either been killed in the pursuit, or subsequently executed by sentence of court-martial. The example had a good effect on the disarmed troops, who from that date underwent a marked change. About a fortnight after this event, Sayad Amir, with a body of Mohmands and 40 or 50 of the escaped 51st sepoys, made a night attack on the fort of Michni. The garrison consisted of a detachment of the Khelat-i-GhiIzai who had heretofore behaved well, but they were Hindustanis, and who could rely on them? The Mohmands opened on the fort with their jazails, but the 51st deserters, with a far more formidable weapon, appealed to every prejudice in the garrison, and screamed to them to betray the fort if they valued their country or their religion. A company of Afridi sepoys was hastily thrown into the citadel, but something more was needed.

The Mohmands were in the highest excitement, sending the " fiery cross " to all their neighbours, and evidently determined to strike u blow for the recovery of a fief that they had forfeited some three years before. " We had no troops," writes Colonel Edwardes, '' to move out against them, It was ii time for Yielding with as good a grace as could be assumed. I sent them word that they were just going the wrong way to work, and that if they wanted to regain their confiscated privileges, they must render some marked service to the Government, instead of adding to the embarrassments of a passing crisis. For instance, let them send the fanatic Sayad Amir up to the Court of Kabul and there make him over to the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan. If they did that, and gave hostages for their good conduct till this war was over, I would gladly ask Government to reinstate them, though not on such favourable terms as formerly. Whatever the errors and shortcomings of Englishmen in the East may be, they are undoubtedly believed.

The Mohmand sent in their hostages to Peshawar, packed the Sayad off unceremoniously, and sat down quietly to wait for the return of peace in Hindustan." The narrative of events at Peshawar during crisis of 1857 is now ended: but the following statistics may prove interesting. To give a right idea of the way in which the military authorities met the crisis, it may be mentioned that no less than 523 military executions took place for mutiny and desertion, of whom 20 were hanged, 44 blown from guns, and 450 shot by musketry.Of irregular levies raised in Peshawar during the crisis (irrespective of regiments of disciplined infantry raised by military officers), there were 1,223 horse and 1,101 foot, or a total of 2,324; and if we take into account the levies of the Derajat and Kohat, which were subsequently sent to Peshawar, the total will be raised to 5,667, of whom 1,807 were sent to Hindustan for general service, where they behaved with credit. Perhaps nothing tended more than these levies to keep the frontier quiet.

They absorbed nil the idlers and adventurers of the Peshawar valley, and made the campaign against the Hindustani mutineers a highly popular service. To use a. common phrase of the natives, " it put the people into one boat."The internal administration of the district under British rule is deferred to later chapters for discussion. On the historical side the chief interest now centres in the border administration. Some account may conveniently be given here of the tribes who hold the country round the external borders of the district. From the Indus to the Swat river the country within and without the British border is held almost exclusively by various sections of the Yusafzai tribe including in the generic name their great offshoot Mandanr. Roughly speaking, the Yusafzai proper arc settled in Dir; Swat, Buncr and the Upper Indus hills. Mandanr settlements are in the plain land which occupies all the north-eastern portion of the Peshawar District (the Mardan Sub-division) and in the trans-border valleys between Buner and the Indus.

The tract immediately along the right bank of the Indus (Kaya-Khabbal) is held by a comparatively small tribe the Utmanzai-a Mandanr clan of whom the majority live in British territory, in the Swabi tahsil of the Peshawar district and the Haripur tahsil of the Hazara district. Immediately north of the Utmanzai country lies Amb and the few villages held by the non-Pathan Chief of Amb on the right bank of the Indus. Beyond them again are settled the Isazai section of Yusafzai of whom two sub-divisions, the Hassanzai and Akazai, occupy the Black Mountain on the Hazara border, and only the Madda Khel reside wholly on the right bank of the Indus. Next to the Utmanzai along the British border live the Gaduns. A large portion of this tribe resides in the Hazara district in the neighborhood of Abbottabad where, however, they are known as Jaduns. They are said not to be an Afghan race but to be allied to the Tanawalis of Amb and to other races such as the Dilazaks who were ousted from the hills round the Peshawar valley by the irruption of the Yusafzai tribes in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

Further west we come to the Khudu Khel who belongs to Mandanr stock. The same tribe own two villages in British territory-Baja and Bamkhel in the Swabi tahsil. In tribal territory the Khudu Khel are settled on the southwestern slopes of the Mahaban range and north of Swabi their territory runs down into the plain also. North of the Khudu Khol and of the Gaduns are the Amazai. The tribe is divided into two sections of which one occupies the Sadhum valley in the Mardan tahsil and the other lives in Tribal Territory on the northern and western slopes of Mahaban. The two sections now maintain little intercourse with each other separated as they are by a strip of country 30 miles in width held by other clans. Beyond the independent Amazai again are the cis-Indus Hassanzai and the Chigharzai, Yusafzai proper; To the north-east of the Khudu Khel settlements is the valley of Chamla, which is held by a mixed population composed of detachments of the Mandanr clans in the Yusafzai plain, chiefly from the Razzar tappa. Here commence the Yusafzai tribes proper

. Buner itself is held by the two main sections of Malizai and IIiaszai Yusafzai. Next to Buner come the tribes that hold the Swat valley. Swat proper comprises the valley of the Swat River from its junction with the Panjkora to the village of Churrarai. Above Churrarai is the Kohistan, of Swat inhabited by a non-Pathan race, which appears to have some affinities with the people of Dir Kohistan, and some of the outlying valleys of the Gilgit Agency. The watershed of the Swat River towards British, territory is the Mora and Malakand range, the southern slopes of which are inhabited by a section of the Ranizai tribe and other miscellaneous elements. The tract from the British border to the hills here is known as Sam Ranizai. From Sam Ranizai to the Swat river where it en'ers British territory the hills are held by the Utman Khel tribe who also occupy the country on the right bank of the river as far as Bajaur and the limits of the Mohmands. A small section of the Utman Khel tribe is settled in the extreme north of the Mardan tahsil in the Lund Khwar Valley just within the British border.

These maintain, however, no connection with their brethren in tribal territory. The Utman Khel are not Yusafzais and their territory marks the western limits of the latter tribe. The country lying between the Swat and Kabul rivers is held by Mohmand tribes who extend northwards up to the range which flanks the left bank of the Kunar river and westwards as far as Jalalabad and the country of the Shinwaris. In order as they lie from the Swat river to the Kabul the Mohmand sections are the Burhan Khel with the Isa Khel behind them in the Pandiali Valley, the Halimazi in Gandnb, and the Tarakzai in the tangle of hills between Gandab and the Kabul river. South of the Kabul River and immediately adjoining British territory live the Mullagoris, originally humsayas of the Mohmands, whose settlements terminate near Jamrud at the mouth of the Khyber Pass. Next to the Mullagoris and completing the chain of independent tribes round the Peshawar Valley come the Afridis who are divided into eight sections-Kuki Khel, Zakka Khel, Malikdin Khel, Qambar Khel, Kamarai, Sepah, Aka Khel and Adam Khel.

The sections most concerning the Peshawar district are the Kuki Khel, who occupy the Jam and Qadam villages at the month of the Khyber Pass, the Zakka Khel with their settlements in the Khyber and Bazar Valleys, and the Sepah, Qambar Khel, and Aka Khel who hold most of the land on the Khajuri and Aka Khel plain. The Adam Khel holds the large salient of tribal territory intervening between the Peshawar and Kohat districts, and is responsible for the security of the Kohat Pass Road. The plateau of Lawargai (Landi Kotal) is held by the Shinwaris, most of whom reside in the Ningrahar Valley of Afghanistan. Omitting the comparatively insignificant clans of the Gaduns, Utman Khel and Mullagoris the tribes round the Peshawar Valley fall ethnologically and to some extent politically into three main divisions. First the Yusafzai tribes (of whom the Gaduns for all practical purposes form a portion) form the Indus to the Swat River. Next the Mohmands from the Swat to the Kabul river. Lastly the Afridis south of the Kabul River.

Between the Yusafzais and the Mohmands there is a much closer conformity in speech and physical characteristics, as well as a more lively consciousness of a common historical origin than there is between either of these two tribes and the Afridis. It seems highly probable that the Mohmands and Yusafzai either jointly emigrated to their present settlement from the interior of Afghanistan, or at any rate that the movements of the two tribes took place about the same time or were probably duo to the same causes.There is every reason to believe, on the other hand, that the Afridis have held the country they at present occupy from much earlier times and that they belong as well to a different branch of the Afghan nation. The principal events in the history of the relations of the British Government with these tribes have now to be related.The Yusafzai tribes are considered first. As the narrative proceeds it will become obvious how the whole nature of our border administration here is affected by the fact that the population on both sides of the present political border springs with minor exceptions from one common stock.

The Yusafzais of the district have on the whole displayed examplary loyalty to the British Government. Such trouble as has occurred between the Government and the Yusafzais of tribal territory has been largely traceable to the presence in their midst of the so-called. " Hindustani fanatics." The curious history of this colony of religious maniacs is now to be related. About the year 18-23 one Said Ahmad Shah of Bareilly made his appearance in Yusafzai. He was a mullah by profession and had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca. There appears to be no doubt but that during Ins stay in Arabia he had accepted the tenets of the Wahabi sect, doctrines which he thereafter considered it his mission in life to propagate wherever opportunity offered. Political conditions in the Peshawar Valley seemed to him at tins time to provide such opportunity. Sikh influence had just begun to make itself felt west of the Indus. The new kingdom of Ranjit Singh in the Punjab was now consolidated. It appeared that the Sikh nation must seek new fields for conquest.

There was naturally considerable uneasiness among the Muhammadan population of the Peshawar Valley in consequence. Said Ahmad Shall took advantage of this opportunity to arrive on the scene with about 400 followers whom he had recruited among the Muhammadans of Bengal and Hindustan. He arrived just in time to rouse again the war spirit in the Yusafzais, humbled temporarily by the heavy defeat they had recently sustained at the hands of Ran] it Singh in the battle at Pir Sabak. Said Ahmad raised the standard of Jihad. Animated by a spirit of fanaticism and possibly with a patriotic desire to free their country from Hari Singh and his oppressive soldiery numerous bands of ill-disciplined levies drawn from the villages of Yusafzai were quickly at his disposal. His Hindustani disciples-soon increased, by recruits till they numbered 900 men-formed a disciplined nucleus round which the new army was, to be organised. In addition he received support both open and secret from the Barakzai chiefs at Peshawar who from being independent princes had been reduced by Ranjit Singh to the position of tributary Governors.

In 1827 Said Ahmad made his first attempt to expel the Sikhs but was unsuccessful largely owing to the treachery of the Barakzai Sirdars. He fled to Swat, proceeded thence to Buner and ultimately took up his residence at Panjtar, the stronghold of the Khudu Khel chief, Patch Khan. By 1828 he had extended his influence over the whole country north of the Kabul River. In 1829 he successfully occupied Peshawar. There he quickly alienated any attachment the Peshawaris had been inclined to give to his cause. He endeavoured forthwith to introduce the asceticism of the Wahabi faith-a measure likely to be little acceptable then or now to the population of Peshawar City or Yusafzai. He enforced the Muhammadan Law with great vigour, disallowing those national customs to which the Pathan still clings with tenacity, opposed although they may be to the precepts of Islam. His following of Hindustanis who were scattered over the country in small detachments had also made themselves obnoxious to the rural population by assuming the airs or a body of conquerors.

In what followed is well illustrated the traditional dislike of the Pathan for Government in any form, even by his co-religionists. The impression was created that it way useless to get rid of the Sikhs and to find the country saddled with a new master in the shape of Said Ahmad. A massacre of the Said and of all his followers was secretly arranged. At a given signal a beacon lire on the top of Karamar-every Hindustani in Yusafzai was murdered wherever found. The Said who on the fatal night had rested in Panjtar with a selected band of his closest followers escaped across the Indus. After wandering in the Hazara hills fo+r some time he was eventually attacked by the Sikhs at Balakot in the lower Kaghan Valley. The leader himself was killed and his band all but annihilated. The remnant fled to the Utmanzai village of Sitana. Tills village had been made over by the Utmanzai as a religious grant to a family of Saids whose head at the time was one Said Akbar Shah.

This man had served as treasurer to Said Ahmad and on this account he gladly granted the Hindustani fugitives refuge. Here they accordingly settled and established a fort the garrison of which received recruits from sympathisers in Hindustan and Bengal. A private line of communications was established across the North of India with forwarding stations whence men and money passed from depots down country to the headquarters of the whole movement-the colony at Sitana.From fanatical motives the colony now adopted a regular policy of stirring up trouble along the borders of Peshawar and Hazara. They first came into collision with the British Government in 1853 after a punitive expedition had been sent against the Hassanzai on account of the murder of two officers of the Salt Department by men of that tribe. The Hindustani fanatics cooperated with the Hassanzai and accordingly in January 1853 a small force crossed the Indus and destroyed the Hindustani fort of Kotla.

In 1858 arising out of troubles with the Khudu Khel, a British column was sent to Sitana when the Wahabis were defeated with much slaughter and the Utmanzai and Gaduns were compelled to sign an agreement not to admit the fanatics into their limits and to resist, any oilier tribe which might attempt to reinstate them in their former settlements. The fanatics then settled at Malka, a village in Amazai territory on the northern slopes of Mahaban.During the autumn of 1802 the colony became again active and a small party re-occupied Sitana in the next year, the Gaduns and other tribes of the neighbourhood giving them covert assistance. Government determined to put an end once and for all to their activities. Arrangements were made to dispatch a force against them, which should move from the Chamla Valley in a direction north of Malka thereby cutting off their retreat. On the 9th of October 1863 a force-marched from British Yusafzai with this objective. An unavoidable delay at the Ambeyla Pass gave the fanatics time to .

set tin' tribes in motion. A rumour was given currency that the British really intended to occupy Buner and thence to inarch into Swat. The tribes, jealous as ever of any threat to their independence, caught fire at once and soon a formidable collection of fighting men gathered to contest the advance of the British force from the Ambeyla Pass. Excitement was so intense that the Akhund of Swat was obliged against his better judgment to lend the movement his support. The struggle on the Ambeyla now assumed considerable dimensions. From 15,000 to 20,000 fighting men were collected and for six weeks the British force was fully occupied in holding its own on the crest of the Pass. Eventually the coalition of the trans-border Yusafzai tribes was broken up after severe and continuous fighting in which a large number of Hindustani fanatics attained the salvation they desired.

The tribes agreed to dismiss the fighting men of all kinds collected round the Ambeyla Pass to send a party to destroy Malka, accompanied by British officers and by such escort as might be considered necessary, and to expel the fanatics from the territories of the Buner, Chamla and Amazai tribes. These engagements were duly carried out and on the 22nd of December 1863 Malka was destroyed.The greater part of the "Hindustani fanatics now took refuge in Chigharzai country. Their position was however by no means satisfactory. The tribesmen made them pay dearly for the protection afforded to them and for such local supplies, as they required. They later incurred the displeasure of the Akhund of Swat who brought pressure on the Chigharzai to expel the fanatics from their limits. The latter thereafter for some time led a wandering existence in the hills on both banks of the Indus to the north of the Black Mountain.

At last they threw themselves on the mercy of the Hassanzai who allotted them some land near the village of Palosi on the right bank of the Indus about 20 miles north of Darband. They resided there in peace till 1888, when in the course of the Black Mountain expeditions of that year they were induced (apparently against the wishes of their leaders) to join in the opposition offered by the tribesmen of that region to the British forces. At Kotkai a body, some 200 of their number, made a desperate charge on the Government troops and were amihilated to man. Their mud fort at Palosi was subsequently destroyed and the colony withdrew once again to Chigharzai limits where, for some years they lived on sufferance. In the second Black Mountain expedition of 1891 they again appeared among the enemy tribesmen and on this occasion their chief exploit was a desperate night attack on Ghazikot, which was beaten off with heavy loss to the fanatics,

It In 1850 the expedition against the tribes of the Kohat Pass was conducted by General Sir Charles Napier, the Commander-in-Chief in person. Major Lawrence accompanied the force as Political Officer. In the same year he was succeeded as Deputy Commissioner by Major (afterwards Sir H. B.) Lumsden, the first Commandant of the Corps of Guides, to be succeeded by the famous John Nicholson in 1857. At this time the Commissioner of the Peshawar Division was that other well-known Frontier Officer, Herbert Edwardes.

The following account of the events of 1857 is taken from the Punjab Mutiny Report: -

"The Peshawar Division, comprising our north-western frontier, and inhabited throughout by turbulent and warlike people, as arc also our neighbours beyond the border, was a source of the greatest anxiety throughout the crisis. It i, made up of the hills and valleys of the Kohat and Peshawar Districts, our most northerly possessions trails-Indus, and the mountainous district of Hazara, cis-Indus. Kohat and Hazara were held by portions of the old Punjab irregular force; but in the valley of Peshawar a strong garrison of the regular army had always been maintained. In the beginning of May 1857 perfect peace reigned in Hazara and Kohat. Their irritable and bigoted, but simple and manly races, had been tamed by easy revenue and kindly rule into that chronic contentment which is the nearest approach to loyalty that new conquerors can expect.

In Peshawar the same ease and prosperity prevailed; but for one crime or another almost every powerful tribe beyond the border was under a blockade-the Malikdin Afridis for the assassination of a police officer; the Zakkakhel Afridis and the Michni and Pandiali Mohmands for along course of raids and highway robberies; the Kukkikhel Afridis for the murder of a British officer at the mouth of the Khaibar Pass; and the people of Totye for harbouring escaped criminals. The people of Punjtar, though not actually under ban, were known to be meditating mischief, and to have called in to their assistance a detachment of Hindustani fanatics from Sitana. Thus the valley of Peshawar stood in a ring of repressed hostilities. Be-yond that mountain ring lay the kingdom of Kabul, over the disastrous memories of which some treaties of friendship had freshly drawn a veil.

Three British officers, Major H. Lumsden, Lieutenant P. Lumsden, and Doctor Bellow, were on a political mission at Kandahar-envoys to day, but possible hostages to-morrow. On the western frontiers of Kandahar hovered the skirmishers of the Persian army, which had captured Herat in breach of treaties with the English. Such was the state of our northwest border when the electric telegraph flashed up intelligence of the beginning of the mutiny of the native army at Meerut. The events at Peshawar will be read with a painful interest. This district contained a large native force which for the most part proved mutinous to the core, to restrain whom, and to keep in check the fierce spirits within and beyond our border, we had but few Europeans and other reliable troops; while it was very probable that on the slightest provocation the Amir of Kabul might pour an army through the Khaibar to over whelm us when we were hardly in a condition to offer any opposition.

How these difficulties were grappled with and overcom by the able officers, civil and military, then in authority at Peshawar, how the disaffected Purbis and Hindustanis were rendered innocuous and the wild mountaineers of the country enlisted on our side, will be narrated in the following paragraphs. The late lamented Brigadier-General John Nicholson was at the time of the outbreak the Deputy Commissioner of this district. The military forces in the valley, consisting of about 2,800 Europeans and 8,000 native soldiers, of all arms, with 18 field guns and a mountain battery were commanded by Brigadier Sydney Cotton. It was on the night of the 11th May that intelligence arrived by telegraph from Delhi that sepoys from Meerut were burning the houses and killing the Europeans. This intelligence was confirmed on the following morning by a second message from Meerut, stating that the native troops were in open mutiny, and the European troops under arms defending barracks, Prompt measures were taken to meet the coming storm.

A movable column of picked troops was determined on to put down mutiny in the Punjab. Orders were the same day (12th May) issued for the 55th Native Infantry to march from Nowshera and relieve the Guide Corps in charge of the fort of Mardan, and for the Guides, on being relieved, to join Her Majesty's 27th Foot at Nowshera. A rigid examination of sepoys correspondence in the post office began. The 64th Native Infantry, of whom particularly suspicions were entertained, was broken up into three detachments and marched to different out-posts as if to meet an expected raid of the Mohmands, and was thus much crippled for intrigue, whether in its own ranks or with other regiments. Brigadier Neville Chamberlain, commanding the Punjab Irregular Force, was invited over from Kohat to join in a council of war. Early on the following morning news was received of the disarming of the native troops at Lahore.

The council of war, composed of General Reed, commanding the Peshawar Division, Brigadier Sydney Cotton, Brigadier Neville Chamberlain, Colonel Edwardes, and Colonel Nicholson, assembled on the forenoon of the 13th, and the following measures were determined on, all of which received the approval of the Chief Commissioner: 1st , the concentration of civil and military power in the Punjab by General Reed (the senior officer) assuming chief command and joining the headquarters of the Chief Commissioner at Rawalpindi, leaving Brigadier Cotton in command of Peshawar; 2nd, the organization of a movable column of thoroughly reliable troops to assemble at -Jhelum, and thence to take the field and put down mutiny wherever it might appear in the Punjab ; 3rd, the removal of a doubtful sepoy garrison from the fort of Attock and the substitution of a reliable one in that important post; and 4th, the levy of 100 Pathans under Fatten Khan, Khattak a tried soldier, to hold the Attock ferry, a vital point in the communication between Peshawar and the Punjab.

Brigadier Chamberlain was also deputed to consult further with Sir John Lawrence, and an abstract of the above measures was telegraphed to every station in the Punjab. On the same day (the 13th) the Guide Corps marched from Mardan six hours after it got the order, and was at Attock (thirty miles off) next morning, fully equipped for service-'' a worthy beginning," writes Colonel Edwardes, " of one of the rapidest inarches ever made by soldiers for, it being necessary to give General Anson every available man to attempt the recovery of Delhi, the Guides were not kept for the movable column, but were pushed on to Delhi, a distance of 580 miles, or 50 regular marches, which they accomplished in twenty-one inarches with only three intervening halts, and those made by order. After thus marching twenty-seven miles a day for three weeks, the Guides reached Delhi on the 9th June, and three hours afterwards engaged the enemy hand to hand, every officer being more or lees wounded.

" On the 16th a lithographed circular drawn up by Captain Bartlett, Cantonment Joint Masgistrate, in the common character of sepoy correspondence, and in their own provincial dialect, containing an appeal to every loyal feeling and personal interest of the native soldiery, was despatched to many stations of the army, with how little effect is well-known. On the same date General Reed and Brigadier Chamberlain joined the Chief Commissioner at Rawalpindi, and Colonel Edwardes was also summoned to a conference. Before starting, he, with the consent of Sir John Lawrence, left orders with Colonel Nicholson to raise a force of 1,000 Mooltani horse. On the 18th permission was given to increase them to 2,000, for it soon became apparent that, whatever, gave rise to the mutiny, it had settled down into a struggle for empire, and that Delhi must be regained at any coat.

Dark news kept coming up from the provinces, and a rapid change was observed in the native regiments. Precautions began. The treasure (about 24 lakhs) was removed from the centre of cantonments to the fort outside, where the magazine was, and a European garrison was placed in it. The Brigadier removed his headquarters to the Residency in the centre of cantonments, which was appointed as the rendezvous for all ladies and children on any alarm by day or night. The troops in garrison were divided into two brigades under the Colonels of the two European regiments with guns attached to each. European guards were placed in the artillery lines, and a watch was set on every ferry of the Indus.

About this time intelligence was received that the 55th Native Infantry, both at Nowshera and Mardan, and the detachment of 10th Irregular Cavalry at the latter place, were in a state of discontent; a wing of Her Majesty's 24th Regiment was therefore ordered from Rawalpindi. The native newspaper At Peshawar having published an incendiary report that the Khelat-i-GhiIzai regiments had murdered its officers; its editor (a Persian) was immediately put in prison. The movable column was now organized and placed under the command of Brigadier Chamberlain. Major Beecher, Deputy Commissioner of Hazara, contributed to the column one of the two Irregular Infantry regiments stationed in Hazara. On the 21st May Colonel Edwardes returned to Peshawar and found the aspect of affairs gloomy in the extreme.

The moat rancorous and seditious letters had been intercepted from Muhammadan bigots in Patna and Tanesar to soldiers of the 64th Native Infantry, revel ling in the atrocities that had been committed in Hindustan on the men, women and children of the " Nazarenes," and sending them messages from their own mothers that they should emulate these deeds, and if they fell in the attempt, they would at least go to heaven, and their deaths in such a case would be pleasant news at home. These letters also alluded to long series of correspondence that had been going on, through the 64th Native Infantry, with the fanatics in Swat and Sitana. Another important letter, which had been despatched by the 51st Native Infantry at Peshawar to the 64th Native Infantry and the Khelat-i-GhiIzai Regiment at the outposts, had a few days before come to light. It ran as follows:

" This letter is sent from the Peshawar Cantonment to the whole Heriot Regiment" (name of the 64th Native Infantry). " May it reach the Subadar Bahadur." After some Hindu apostrophes, it proceeds (t for the rest, this letter is written to convey from the, whole camp at Peshawar obeisance and benediction " (from Brahman to Brahman) " and salutation and service " (from Mussalman to Mussalman) " to the whole regiments of Heriot and Khelat-i-GhiIzai. Further, the state of fv affairs here L thus, that on the 22nd day of the month the cartridges will be given to the Dubaran Regiment; so do whatever seems to you proper. Again, " (i.e., it is repeated)" the cartridges will have to be bitten on the 22nd instant. Of this you are hereby informed. On reading this letter whatever your opinion is so reply. For considering you as our own, we have let you know before hand. Therefore do as you think right. This is addressed to you by the whole regiment.

0 brothers, the religion of Hindus and Muhammadan is all one. Therefore all you soldiers should know this. Here all the sepoys are at the bidding of the Jemadar, Subadar-Major and Havildar Major, all are discontented with this business, whether small or great. What more need be written? Do as you think best. High and low send their obeisance, o benediction, salutation and service." (Postscript by another hand). " The above is the state of affairs here. In whatever way you can manage it, come into Peshawar on the 21st instant.' Thoroughly understand that point. In fact, eat there and drink here (a proverb for letting no delay intervene)." Strange to say, this letter was given up by the men of the 6th to their officers. There is very little doubt that the regiment was disaffected, and it is supposed that they acted thus because, being broken up into three detachments, and being unable to act together, and having ascertained that the Khelat-i-GhiIzai Regiment would not act with them, they thought it better to endeavor to gain a name of loyalty for themselves.

Another letter in the Persian character was found Jon the person of a faqir in a small bag (or housewife, for holding antimony and snuff) which was concealed under his armpit. It was as follows: "My beloved Mullah, salam, salutations to you. After salutation and good wishes, this is the point, that instantly on receiving this, on the 2nd day of the festival of the Eed, you must-yes, must come here; and if it be easy, bring a few pounds of fruit with you. Now is the time, admit no fear into your heart. Such an opportunity will not again occur. Set out I enjoin you-signed Faqir Mullah Najim." There is no doubt that this was an invitation from Muhammadan conspirators in the garrison to Muhammadan conspirators at the outposts to come in with a few English officers' heads and join in a rising on the second day of the Eed, i.e., the 20th May. Warned by these discoveries and by secret information, Colonel Nicholson endeavoured to raise levies through the chiefs of the district. But the time had passed. It became known that Delhi had fallen into the hands of the mutineers, and men remembered Kabul.

Not a hundred could be found to join so desperate a cause as ours. In this extremity Colonel Edwardes applied to Kohat for assistance, and Captain Henderson sent 100 levies under Bahadur Sher Khan, the Bangash Chief, who gathered about fifty more Afridi volunteers as he came through the Kohat Pass. But the train of mutiny had been already fired. A detachment of the 55th Native Infantry, on duty at the Attock ferry, broke into open revolt and marched on towards Nowshera, being joined on the way by another detachment of the 24th Native Infantry which was escorting commissariat stores to Peshawar, the two bands mustering about forty or fifty men. Intelligence of this having been sent by a horseman across country to Nowshera, the mutineers were met at the entrance of cantonments by a party of the 10th Irregular Cavalry, disarmed and taken prisoners. But no sooner did the companies of the 55th stationed in Nowshera see their comrades in this plight, than they broke out and fired on the sowars, who dispersed.

The mutineers (now some 200 strong) then broke open the regimental magazine, and, having supplied themselves with ammunition, rushed to the bridge-of-boats to cross the Kabul River and join the main body of the 55th at Mardan. The bridge had, however, already been broken up by the Executive Engineer, Lieutenant F. 8. Taylor, so the sepoys betook them to the boats; some were drowned, but the majority got safe to the other bank. The sowars of the 10th Irregular Cavalry did not join the mutineers, but they did not act against them.The news of this revolt did not reach Peshawar until midnight, and it became evident that desperate measures must immediately be resorted to.

It was resolved to disarm the native troops early the following morning, and to call in the aid of the mountaineers, to keep whom in order these very native troops had been maintained in the valley. This measure was determined on under the strenuous opposition of the commanding officers of the condemned corps; some had " implicit confidence " in their regiments; others advocated " conciliation; " while one officer predicated that his men " would attack the guns if called on to give up their muskets." Nevertheless, a parade was ordered at 7 a.m. on the morning of the 22nd when it was determined to disarm the 5th Light Cavalry and the 24th, 27th and 51st Regiments, Native Infantry. The other native troops in Peshawar were the 21st Native Infantry (who were spared because it had declined to set a mutinous example and because one infantry corps was indispensable for carrying on the duties of the station) and the 7fch and 18th Irregular Cavalry; for at that early stage of the revolt, it was hoped that they would be kept quiet by their stake in the service, and it would be easy (after disarming the other regiments) at any time to coerce them.

It remained, however, to be seen whether the condemned regiments would submit to be disarmed, and if they resisted whom there the three excused regiments would not fraternise with them at once and reduce the struggle to the simple issue of the black and white races. At the, appointed hour the troops paraded under arms, the two European regiments' (Her Majesty's 70th and 87th) and the artillery taking up positions at the end of the cantonment, within sight of the parades, ready to enforce obedient if necessary, yet not so close as to provoke resistance. The sepoys were completely taken aback; they were allowed no time to consult: and isolated " from each other no regiment was willing to commit itself.

The whole land down their arms; and it is said that, as the muskets and sabers were hurried into carts, here and there the spurs and swords of English officers fell sympathisingly on the pile. The result of this measure was at once apparent as the civil officers rode to the disarming, a very few chiefs and yeomen of the country attended them, apparently to see which way the tide would turn "as we rode back " writes Colonel Edwardes, " friends wore as thick as summer flies, and levies began from that moment to come in.'' As fast as they came in they wore enrolled, and, humanly speaking, to the levying of this militia the preservation of the border at this critical period may be mainly ascribed. Afghans though fanatical, are yet more avaricious, and gladly brought their arms to our market. A large number of footmen were collect in a short time. Good horses are scarce in that country; " but the head men of every village have two or three hacks, and the enlistment of their farm servants on these rips attached all the hemlets one by one to our cause, and got up quite a hearty feeling.

" Colonel Edwardes gives a graphic and amusing sketch of these enlistments, "Long before time," he writes '' crowds of candidates for employment thronged the gateways and overflowed into the garden: jockeys of unconquerably vicious horses endeavoured to reduce them to A show of docility by galloping them furiously about till the critical moment of inspection came. At last sick at heart from the receipt of a bad telegram from the province, but endeavoring to look happy, out I used to go and face some hundreds of the chiefs and yeomen of the country all eager to gather from the Commissioner Sahib's countenance how the "King of Delhi " was getting on. Then the first horseman would be brought up. The beast perhaps would not move. The rider, the owner, and all the neighbours would assail him with whips, sticks, stones and Pashto reproaches that might have moved a rock; but nothing would do till the attempt was given up, and the brute's head turned the other way when he went off at a gallop amid roars of laughter from the Pathans, who have the keenest perception of both fun and vice.

No 2 would make a shift to come up, but every man and boy in the crowd could sec that he was lame on two or three legs. Thru the argument began; and leg-by-leg, blemish-by-blemish, the animal was proved by a multitude of witnesses (who had known him for very many years) to be perfectly sound. And so the enlistment went on from day to day affording immense occupation, profit and amusement to the people, and answering a great many good ends. Now and then an orderly of the Hindustani Irregular Cavalry admirably armed and mounted, would pass the spot and mark his opinion of the " levies " by a contemptuous smile. But nevertheless ho told his comrades in the lines that the country people were all with the English and that it was of no use to desert or to intrigue."

In 1893 they moved back to a site within Amazai limits close to Malka. This was of course a direct contravention of the agreement executed by the Amazai clan on 11th January 1864 after the fighting at the Ambeyla Pass. During the attack on the Malakand in July and August 1897 and the subsequent operations in Upper Swat the younger members of the colony went across and joined the enemy in their resistance to the British forces. Maulvi Abdulla, the head of the colony at the time, was however opposed to this move declaring that his policy was not to attack the British unless they invaded the, country where he was living. When General Sir Bindon Blood's force entered Buner in January 1898 the fanatics prepared to resist him but on the collapse of the Buner opposition they fled across the Barandu River and again took refuge among the Chigharzai. The present refuge of the fanatics is at a place called Asmas (or Smatze) in Madda Khel limits on the banks of the Barandu River near the ChamIa-Amazai border.

During the present century the colony has been more or less quiescent except that in 1915 some of its members joined in the abortive rising on the Sadhum border stirred up by the Haji of Turangzai (a disaffected local mullah who in that year went across the border from Turangzai village in Hashtnagar). In 1916 the colony split up and a branch organization was founded at Chamarkand in a pocket of Shinwari country north of Mitai, and only a few miles from the Indo-Afghan border on the east side of the Kunar river. The adherents of the new light at Chamarkand have adopted a much more aggressive attitude than the members of the original colony at Asmas. In recent years Chamarkand has been a regular focus of Bolshevik intrigue. During the Great War the fanatics were even approached by German agents-and they maintain close relations with Kabul also. The inactivity of the members of the parent colony is the cause of much chagrin to the extremists at Chamarkand.

In 1921 Maulvi Niamatullah, the head of the colony at Asmas, was murdered while sitting in his hujra by an emissary from Chamarkand who was immediately cut down by the guards. This act temporarily caused a complete rupture between the two sets of Mujahidin. It appears also that they now draw recruits and supplies from different areas in India. Most of the Asmas fanaties are said to be Bengalis and Hindustanis while those Chamarkand are largely Punjabis. Since the date of the foundation of the Chamarkand colony in 1916 few opportunities have presented themselves to the colonists for armed action against the British Government. Hut it may generally be said flint in place of their ancient fanatical valour the new light it Chamarkand have displayed a tendency with changing times to the indulgence seditious activity of pen and speech, while encouraging others to acts of secret terrorism. In aid of such commonplace activities they have issued from time to time a vitriolic news sheet appropriately dubbed '' Almujahid."

As adversaries in open war they may safely be assumed to be contemptible. A steady propagandist activity is maintained the existence of which occasionally comes to light in the criminal courts. In 1922 for instance seven members of the Chamarkand colony were tried and convicted in Peshawar. On appeal the Judicial Commissioner upheld the convictions and ruled that membership of the colony was punishable under Section 121-A of the Indian Penal Code (waging war against the King) as the objective of the Chamarkand association was the overthrow of the Government established by law in India. The occasions on which the Yusafzai tribes have come into conflict with the British Government since 1863 may now be briefly noticed. In 1879 during the Afghan War an attempt was made by the mullahs to take advantage of the pre-occupations of the British Government and stir up trouble in Swat und Buner.

Nothing however came of this. In 1884 and 1885 numerous raids into British territory were committed by the Bunenwals, three sections of whom-the Salarzais, Ashmzais and Nurizais-were placed under blockade in consequence. Raiding however still continued and a small force was dispatched to surprise the village of Soria Malandri. The attempt at a surprise was unsuccessful bm the village was attacked and the Malandri Valley was cleared. In 1887 the Buner jirgahs came in and agreed to pay a fin of Rs. 15,000 when the blockade was raised. The events of these years arc instructive as they go to prove that the blockade weapon is likely to be ineffective against the Bunerwals. Buner is approached by so many passes from the south that effective measures to enforce a blockade are difficult. Also even if the passes leading to British territory are closed, ingress and egress via Swat or by the Indus are still possible. In 1887 and again in 1891 the Bunerwals became unsettled but no overt action against Government was in the end attempted.

It has been already related that a contingent of this tribe joined the Swatis in 1895 during the earlier part of the operation of the Chitral relief Force the Malakand and in Lower Swat. In1897 came the Swat insurrection, which was effectively suppressed. The result of the subjugation of Swat, history which is not directly concerned with this district, led to the establishment of the political area in Sam Ranizai and the more direct assumption of political control over Dir. Swat and Bajaur. From this time a new era in the border history of the Yusafzai tract undoubtedly dawns, and the gradual development and civilization of the Yusafzai tribe begins. While the operations in Upper Swat were in progress a brigade was sent to Rustam to watch the Buner border. This had the desired effect of distracting the attention of the Bunerwals and of preventing them from rendering active assistance to their neighbours in Swat.

On the conclusion of operations in the latter country, it having been established that the Bunerwals had taken an active part in the earlier fighting at the Malakand, they were called upon to submit to certain terms including fines, etc., as punishment for their conduct. The Bunerwals had since the Ambeyla Campaign of 1863 enjoyed a vicarious reputation- entirely unmerited- for bravery and no one was so well aware of this as the tribesmen themselves. They now, along with the Chamlawals, rejected the terms offered by the British Government with high disdain. It was decided to coerce them and in 1898 a Buner Field Force was formed. Troops marched everywhere through Buner and retired in 12 days having effected the complete subjugation of the tribe. The British casualty was one man wounded. The reputation of the Bunerwals for bravery received a blow from which it is never likely to recover. The terms originally announced by the Government were complied with in full and there was the additional gain that an accurate survey of almost the whole country had been effected.

From 1898 to 1913 the Bunerwals gave little trouble. In the latter year however a British officer was fired at in the Ambeyla Pass and two raids on Sadhum villages were committed. A small tome was sent out which crossed the Malandrai Pass by night (February 1914) and destroyed two Buner villages-Nawe Kali and Zangi Khan. Fines of Rs. 7,000 were imposed and realized immediately. During the Great War the Bunerwals were, strangely enough, among the first of the frontier tribes to attempt to take advantage of the pre-occupations of the British Government in Europe.The Haji of Turangzai-a well-known mullah of that village, whose name has already appeared in these pages-fled from British territory in June 1915 and started an agitation against the Government among the Bunerwals. The Haji had been known for long for his anti-Government proclivities and, as he was a mullah of repute as well, the Bunerwals were stirred. About 8,000 tribesmen quickly collected on the Pirasai, Malandrai and Ambeyla Passes threatening British territory.

Troops reached Rustam on August 16th and on the following day the tribesmen emerged from the Ambeyla defile to attack the camp. The Bunerwals on tin's occasion displayed some bravery but little fighting skill and the attack was repulsed with a loss to the tribesmen of 130 killed and wounded. Troops remained at Rustam till September by which time the Haji had left Buner and the excitement died down. Raids on the part of the Bunerwals, however, occurred again in December of the same year and a blockade was imposed. The tribe finally submitted and paid a fine of Rs. 8,000. The Bunerwals took no part in the disturbances of 1919 nor were they affected by the Hijrat movement of the following year. Prior to 1862 the Gaduns do not seem to have given any trouble. In that year, as already related, they raised no objection to the re-occupation of Sitana (situated just beyond their limits on the Indus) by the Hindustani fanatics against the express terms of the agreement, which Sir Herbert Edwardes had taken from them in 1858.

The Ambeyla Campaign followed during which the behaviour of the Gaduns was on the whole satisfactory. After the termination of hostilities it was considered necessary to take security from the Gaduns in the matter of sheltering the Hindustani fanatics and fresh agreements were entered into accordingly. In 1864, however, some of the fanatics again returned to Sitana. In 1870 the conduct of the tribe had become so unsatisfactory that they were again placed under blockade. Again they quickly came in and made terms. Blockade against this tribe is a most effective weapon.Their country is poor and they depend for a living on free access to British territory. Shut off from the bazaar at Topi, which is the entrepot in British territory for Gadun trade, they have no market for ghi and the other articles they export nor can they obtain necessities of life like salt, etc., by any other route. The effects of a blockade arc therefore quickly felt and this method of bringing the tribe to terms is effective accordingly.

For their complicity in the fighting in the Swat Valley in 1897 the Gaduns were required to pay a cash fine of Rs. 2,500 and to surrender 200 guns, 200 swords and the standards of Gandaf and Bisak. There are two sections of the tribe- the Salar section with headquarters at Gandaf and the Mansur section round Bisak. During the Great War the Gaduns were quiet. They took no part in the Buner emeute of 1915. In 1920 they committed a raid in strength on the - village of Gharghushti in Chach (Punjab). Government retaliated by raiding Gandaf. The Frontier Constabulary surrounded the place by night and the tribesmen were required to pay fine of Rs. 7,500 for the offence.The Khudu Khel, under the influence of the Hindustani fanatics and led by two firebrand chiefs of the day, Mukarrab Khan of Panjtar and Mubaras Khan of Chingli, attempted hostilities against the British Government in 1857. The Guides had left Mardan for their memorable march to Delhi and the 55th Native Infantry which relieved them mutinied.

Encouraged by these events several villages on the Khudu Khel border threw in their lot with the tribesmen-- notably the villages of Naranji and Sheikh Jana. An expedition was accordingly organised against them which traversed the whole of Khudu Khel country, destroyed Chingli, Mangal Thana and Panjtar and then proceeded, as already related, to deal with the Hindustani fanatics at Sitana (1858). From this date till the Swat rising in 1897 the Khudu Khel gave little trouble. They had joined forces with the Swatis in the latter year and on the conclusion of hostilities they were required to pay a fine of Rs. 2,000 and to surrender 150 guns, 200 swords and the standards of Dagi, Totalai and Chinglai. The territory of the tribe is easily accessible and in later years their conduct has usually been satisfactory. Before leaving this section of the border some account must be given of the main event, which has occurred in the internal history of these tribes since the advent of the British Government in Peshawar -namely the conquest of Buner, by the Mian Gul.

Mian Gul, Gulshazada Sir Abdul Wadud, K.B.E., to give him his full title-is a grandson of the famous Akhund of Swat (fl. 1852-77). Born about 1882, and left a minor at the death of his father in 1892, the Mian Gul, as ho is popularly called, had to wait long before he was able to re-establish the temporal power of his grandfather. Spiritual influence the family has always had, and the grave of the Akhund at Saidu is one of the most famous shrines in Swat or Buner. During the first 15 years of the present century the Mian Gul was engrossed in family quarrels. He had one brother, Shirin, and two cousins. Said Badshah and Amir Badshah. During the minority of the Mian Gul and of his brother Shirin their cousins represented the family. On the death of the cousins by violence there occurred an estrangement between the Mian Gul and Shirin, who had married Amir Badshah's sister. The Mian Gul's great opponent in his struggle to power has now to be introduced.

This was Abdul Jabbar Shah of Sitana, a grandson of the Said Akbar Shah, who had first received the Hindustani fanatics at that place and of the family of the famous Pir Baba, the most renowned saint in all Yusafzai. In 1915 Abdul Jabbar Shah, taking advantage of the ill feeling between the Mian Gul and his brother, had himself proclaimed King of Swat, a position which he held till 1917. In that year the Mian Gul, who had succeeded in discrediting his brother Shirin, found himself strong enough to drive out Abdul Jabbar Shah who retired to Sitana. In the next year the murder of Shirin left the Mian Gul supreme in Swat. Into the details of his conquest of Buner it is not necessary to enter. Suffice it to say that, in spite of, armed opposition by the Chief of Amb, in whose State Abdul Jabbar Shah had now become Minister, by 1923 he had completely overrun the country and that in the struggle the Bunerwals played no creditable part.

Later he extended his sway over Chamla and the Khudu Khel also. The Gaduns and Utmanzai are still, however, independent. It should be added here that in 1927 at the suggestion of the Settlement Officer, Peshawar, and with the consent of the Mian Gul, the British border opposite Buner was extended to the Malandrai watershed and the two villages of Pitao and Soria Malandrai with the area known as the Wara Darra included in British Territory. The external border of the district here now follows the main outer watershed from Pajja over the Malandrai and Ambeyla Passes of Pagoch Sar. In 1926 the Mian Gul received the recognition of Government as Wali of Swat. His Firm and sane administration of Swat and Buner has greatly assisted in the establishment of stable conditions on the northern border of Peshawar, and way entirely responsible for the fact that the serious disturbances of 1930 in the Peshawar District were not complicated by reactions among the Yusafzai tribes beyond the administrative border. Events in Swat including the campaigns of 1895-97 are outside the scope of the present narrative.

A separate agency has been created to deal with the affairs of Dir, Swat and Chitral and the Deputy Commissioner of Peshawar has now no direct political relation with these countriesThe Butkor sections of Utman Khel residing in Ambahar and Salala are under the political control of Peshawar, the remainder being now included in the Malakand Agency. The chief events in the history of our relations with this tribe can be briefly related. As a tribe the Utman Khel are neither powerful nor influential. The eastern portion of the tribe at any rate lives largely by the sale of the few products of their hills in the Peshawar villages and by working as labourers in the valley. The Utman Khel first came into collision with the British Government in 1852.Ajun Khan of Tangi, a large village in the north of Hashtnagar a few miles from the Utman Khel border, had risen against the new Government in Peshawar. He fled to the Utman Khel and in April 1852, with a gang of bad characters enlisted among the tribesmen, lie came down at night and murdered the Tahsildar of Hashtnagar. The tribe refused to give satisfaction and prepared to resist the Government.

A force was sent out from Peshawar which visited the '" Laman " Utman Khel villages lying along the border and destroyed them. This show of force was sufficient and the conduct of the tribe remained uniformly good till in 1876 an event occurred which made further punishment imperative. The Lower Swat Canal was under construction and, at the instigation of persons of influence in British territory, a gang of Utman Khel came down and killed six and wounded twenty-seven coolies who were employed on the head works of the canal near Abazai. The tribe was promptly put under blockade and in 1878 after the close of the Jowaki expedition the villages of Tsapri and Bucha were surprised by the Guides accompanied by Sir Louis Cavagnari. The ringleader of the raiding gang was killed and full retribution was exacted from the tribe. A further period of twenty years elapsed before correction was again called for.

Like almost all the tribes from the Swat to the Indus the Utman Khel had joined in the attack on the Malakand in July-August 1897. Towards the end of November 1897 a small force was despatched into their country to exactretribution. A regiment also marched to Gandhera near Prang Ghar to deal with the " Laman " Utman Khel residing in the foot hills of Salala. The tribe was quickly overawed and the jirgahs almost immediately accepted the terms offered them. Beyond harbouring outlaws and committing occasional petty offences the Utman Khel remained quiet until 1930. In that year they yielded to the stirrings which, following on disorders in Peshawar and other Districts spread by Congress disaffections, swept through all the tribes from Bajaur to Waziristan, and encouraged by the preachings of a fanatical malany named the Faqir of Alingar, they Occupied a number of caves in the upper portion of the Jindai Khwar near Palai and joined forces with the red-shirts of the Yusafzai and Hashtnagar mairas. They were finally ejected from this area by a force of Scouts under the command of Colonel Scott, who with military support from Tangi, succeeded in occupying the line of their retreat, and captured and killed a considerable number of fugitives.

South and west of the Utman Khel lives the large tribe of Mohmands whose settlements stretch from the Peshawar border as far as Kunar to the north and Jalalabad to the west. The British Government first came into touch with the Mohmands during the first Afghan War (1838-42) when a British force advanced to Kabul to place Shah Shuja on the Afghan throne. The most important Mohmand chief had his seat at Lalpura. When the British forces passed to Kabul Saadat Khan was chief at Lalpura. He joined the Barakzai party and so was deposed. With the collapse of the Saddozai interest in 1840-41 Saadat Khan regained the chief ship and when the British Government annexed the Peshawar District seven years later the same Khan was in power at Lalpura. His feelings towards the new Government were naturally the reverse of cordial, and it is possible to trace to his hostile influence the earlier troubles in which the British Government was involved with the Mohmands. There were other causes also. Two important sections of the Mohmand-the Halimazi and Tarakzai-held large tracts in jagir within the border of the Peshawar District.

Prior to the advent of the British the Mohmands were inside these jagirs independent of the Government of the day. The British authorities could not permit this state of affairs to continue and the Halimzai and Tarakzai were made to understand that in their jagir villages they must comport themselves as British subjects. To the tribesmen the suggestion was of course most unpalatable. The first conflict occurred in 1850 when the Mohmands at the instigation of a son of the Khan of Lalpura made an unprovoked attack on the British village of Shabkadar in the Doaba. Followed a series of raids, which rendered punitive action unavoidable. The Mohmand villages adjoining the border were destroyed in 1851; the Shabkadar Fort way occupied in strength, and a new fort constructed at Michni near the debouchments of the Kabul river. This was, however, not sufficient to quell the Mohmands. In December 1851a considerable body of tribesmen led by Saadat Khan appeared before Matta Moghal Khel, another large village in the Doaba. They were engaged by a British force, despatched from Peshawar to meet them, and defeated with heavy loss. Raids continued, and in April 1852 a second action was fought at Matta Moghal Khel when the Mohmands again suffered defeat.

The Mohmands border continued in this state of disquietude till the Mutiny broke out. During the Mutiny days the tribe might have been expected to take advantage of the pre-occupations of the British Government in India. They did not, however, cause any serious trouble in these critical times. Raids continued, it is true, and between September 1857 and March 1860, 30 serious outrages were reported to have been committed by the Mohmands. Followed the Ambeyla Campaign when a large force of Mohmands, instigated by the Akhund of Swat, collected round Shabkadar. Once more they were engaged by a British force from Peshawar and dispersed with heavy loss. The Amir of Kabul intervened at this stage. The Khan of Lalpura deposed and carried a prisoner to Kabul and a new Khan was appointed in his stead. The Halimzai paid a fine of Rs. 2,000 and till l897 the Mohmand border enjoyed a period of almost unbroken peace.Under the Durand agreement of 1894 the eastern Mohmand clan comprising the Tarakzai, Halimzai, Burhan Khel, Isa Khel, Dawezai and Utmanzai with some sections of the Khawezai and Baizai (the Mitai Musa Khel) came on the British side of the Durand line.

In pursuance of this agreement Afghan Khassadars wereWithdrawn from Mitai in the Baizai country in April 1897. They Durand line was, however, never demarcated through Mohmand country, as the Joint Commissioners considered it was impossible to, carry through the work without a joint expedition. The result has been that the actual location of the Indo-Afghan boundary in this sector is not yet denned, and the Afghan Government have made no serious attempt to bring the Mohmands left to them under their control. Those Mohmands, who reside within the British sphere of influence, and in particular the "Assured" clans, are politically controlled by the Deputy Commissioner, Peshawar. On November 22nd, 1896, the jirgahs of the six " assured " clans appeared before Sir Dennis Fitzpatrick at Shabkadar and were promised service allowances from the British Government to replace those which they had hitherto received from Kabul and Lalpura. Mohmand affairs seemed now to have been placed on a satisfactory basis, but in the very next year, reacting to the excite- ment produced by the Swat insurrection, a Mohmand Lashkar again appeared before Shabkadar.

This time the tribesmen were led by the famous Adda Mullah. The fort, garrisoned by a small party of Border Police, resisted all attacks but Shankargarh bazaar, which lies under the walls of Shabkadar Fort, was burnt and pillaged. Owing to a misunderstanding troops did not arrive from Peshawar till the following day when the tribesmen were once more defeated with heavy slaughter in the plain west of Shabkadar, an action rendered memorable on the British side by a brilliant cavalry charge of 1 1/2 miles over difficult ground led by Major Atkinson, 13th Bengal Lancers. The Lashkar though severely defeated, did not disperse until news arrived of the victory of the British forces in Swat. Government therefore decided that the Mohmands must be taught a lesson. The first British invasion of Mohmand country followed. The Mohmand Field Force marched from Shabkadar on September 15th, 1897, and crossed by the Kharappa Pass into the Gandab Valley. Simultaneously the Malakand Field Force moved on Nawagai. The full submission of all the assured clans was secured by October 3rd, all the main routes through eastern Mohmand country having been traversed by British forces in the interval.

The Adda Mullah's own residence at Jarobi was destroyed by the troops. The usual punishment in the way of fines and surrender of arms was inflicted and in the next year allowances were restored to the tribes. From 1903 to 1907 such offences as were perpetrated by the Mohmands were due to suspicion and mistrust engendered by the construction of the Loe Shilman Railway. The Halimzai and Tarakzai sections took no part in these affairs.The year 1908 opened with serious unrest amongst the Mohmands encouraged by Afghan mullahs and by promises of assistance from the large force, which the Sufi Sahib had collected for a so called religious war. Except for the Tarakzai and a part of the Halimzai sections, the tribe failed to remain loyal to their agree- ments and crossed the British border as an armed force. They were engaged at Shabkadar and Matta Moghul Khel simultaneously on April 24th, and it was necessary to send a punitive expedition, which entered their country on May 13th and inflicted severe punishment on each section, procuring the submission of the whole tribe east of the Durand Line.The next seven years were uneventful and though the outbreak of war in August 1914 had excited little interest amongst the trans-frontier tribes yet the assumption of hostilities by Turkev in the following November entirely altered the position of affairs. Hopes of a great Islamic renaissance were at once aroused and the tribes were summoned to rise in the name of the Sultan.By March 1915 risings had taken place in the Tochi and Run-am and these were the fore-runners of a series of disturbances throughout the Frontier.

On April 17th a Mohmand priest known as the Chaknawar Mullah invaded British territory, a few miles from Shabkadar in the Peshawar District, with a force of 4,000 tribesmen. On the following day they were attacked by a force under Major-General Young, and though the result was indecisive, they returned on the following day.By June the Babra Mullah was forced under pressure to join the war party and called on the Mohmands to follow him in jehad; but a Lashkar never matured owing to tribal dissensions. By the end of the month the unrest had spread to Swat and Buner and the Haji of Turangzai (see accounts of unrest in Buner in this volume), absconded to Tribal Territory and joined the hostiles in Buner, who later entered the district, engagements taking place at the Ambeyla and Malandri Passes. Subsequently the Haji took up his permanent abode in Lakarai in Safi country, where he became the chief focus of tribal disaffection throughout Mohmand country and Bajaur.

He is still alive and his three sons, all of whom bear the Cognomen Badshah Gul, have inherited the political ambitions and attitude of their father At about the same lime the Sandaqi Mullah and the Sartor Faqir moved down the Swat River; they were engaged at the Landakai Spur and dispersed. Meanwhile the Babra Mullah had succeeded in raising the Mohmands and by September had attacked Shabkadar with 10,000 tribesmen. A serious engagement took place in which very heavy casualties were inflicted on the insurgents.Intermittent trouble continued and it was found necessary to place the Mohmands under blockade. This was much resented and resulted, in a series of raids, which ended in a serious attack on Charsadda, where a large portion of the bazar was burnt. By April 19l6 the pressure of the blockade had induced the jirgahs to ask for terms of settlement, and they willingly paid a fine equal to double the amount paid at the end of the rising of 1908 in order that it might be raised.

In 1927 when the Faqir of Alingar-see account of Utman Khel- attempted to raise the Upper Mohmands to jehad, the Haji of Turangzai was forced to join him half-heartedly. The Faqir advanced down the Gandab in the hope of attacking Shabkadar. A flying column left Peshawar, and the Mohmand Lashkar was bombed by the Royal Air Force by day and by night during the 6th and 8th of June; the Lashkar finally dispersed after receiving a number of casualties without coming into contact with the ground troops. There was very little trouble till the repercussions of the political disturbances in Peshawar City and District of April 1930 again caused unrest. Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the leader of the Frontier Red Shirt Movement, was closely connected marriage to the Haji of Turangzai who lost no time in setting to work to foment trouble. An Upper Mohmand Lashkar led by the Haji in person came down to the caves on the Shabkadar border, where it remained for two months, though it never crossed into British territory mainly owing to the fact that the Halimzai, led by their chief Malik Anmir, remained staunch to their engagements.

The Lashkar suffered from sickness and dissension and the bombing of the Hajji's house at Lakarai on June 5th together with the failure of the first Afridi incursion which took place about the same time were sufficient to cause the dispersal of the tribesmen. This Mohmand rising in sympathy with Ahdul Ghaffar Khan's movement did much to strengthen and encourage disaffection within the district; the results would have been far more serious than they actually were had it not been for the loyalty of the Lower Assured clans, who acted as a barrier between the Haji's sympathisers in Upper Mohmand country and the forces of revolutioner in Peshawar. In March 1932 the Upper Mohmands considering themselves aggrieved by the failure of the Halimzai to follow their lead, made an attack in force on Gandab, and burned Malik Anmir's village. The results of their action are yet to be seen but it will be evident that mainly owing to the failure to define and control the British and Afghan spheres of influence in Mohmand country a position of stability has not yet been reached on their border after 84 years of British Administration.

The history of the relations of the British Government with the Afridi tribes is hardly a distinct matter. As is the case with the Mohmands Afridi affairs at times assume almost international importance. All the Afridis except the Adam Khel residing in the salient between Peshawar and Kohat Districts together with the Mullagoris have their relations with Government through the Political Agent, Khyber. A large part of the Adam Khel is for the most part under the political jurisdiction of the Deputy Commissioner, Kohat. But the Hassan Khel, and certain sub-sections of the Ashu Khel together with the Jawaki Adam Khel of Bori and Pastawani are now under the political control of the Deputy Commissioner, Peshawar. To complete the account of the relations of the British Government with tile tribes bordering on the Peshawar District however the following brief resume of events as they affected the Afridis is-offered. The Mullagoris are a tribe of little political importance and may be regarded as an appanage only of the Khyber Agency.

The Afridis as a whole differ from all the other tribes on the Peshawar District border in the fact that they are in a sense migratory. In the hot weather they retire to the cool highlands on the southern slopes of the Sufed Koh where on the plateau of Maidan and in the Rajgal Valley they occupy extensive settlements. In the winter they descend to the low hills and plains (known as the Khajuri and Aka Khel plains) along the Peshawar District border from Jamrud to the Kohat Pass. Here they cultivate what little arable land there is available but live for the most part on their flocks and herds, or by the sale of wood, charcoal, grass. etc., in the Peshawar market. A considerable business; is also done in mats and ropes which they make from the leaf of the dwarf palm. Many of them also engage as tenants with the Peshawar Khans. Their permanent habitations are with few exceptions in Maidan and other parts of Tirah; in their migration to the lower hills during winter they live in tents and temporary shelters like ordinary nomads.

The Afridis, as remarked previously, are divided into eight main sections Kuki Khel, Qambar Khel, Malikdin Khel, Sipah, Kamarai, Zakka Khel, Aka Khel and Adam Khel. The British Government first came into contact with them, as with the Mohmands, during the first Afghan War. Thereafter and until the second Afghan War no serious incident occurred to disturb the relations between Government and the Khyber tribes, which remained on the whole friendly. When the second Afghan War broke out it was soon discovered that the British Government was not to be able to rely even on the neutrality of the whole of the Khyber Afridis. Two parties quickly formed one, which was prepared to assist the British Government at a price, and a second, which made common cause with the Amir. The Maliks of the former party were called in and entered into engagements to keep the Khyber Pass open for the passage of British troops and to control their followers in return for subsidies fixed on the scale in force during the first Afghan War, when a similar expedient had been resorted to.

This in the event they proved unable to do, completely at any rate, and during the war two expeditions to the Bazar Valley were necessary to punish attacks on the Khyber road. After the Treaty of Gandamak the headmen of the pro-Afghan party also came in and fresh engagements were effected by which subsidies were redistributed among all the sections, the headmen who had been in opposition being recognised according to their position and influence in the tribal councils. When the time came for the British forces to withdraw from Afghanistan it was decided to make permanent arrangements to have the Khyber Pass kept open and policed by the tribesmen themselves. After protracted negotiations a complete jirgah of all the Khyber Afridis affixed their seals to an agreement with British Government in February 1881. The terms of this important document claim more than a mere passing notice. In outline they were as follows:

(i) The independence of the Afridis was recognised but on their part the tribesmen agreed to maintain exclusive political relations with the British Government;

(ii) the Afridis undertook themselves to maintain order in the Khyber Pass and guaranteed the good conduct of the tribe otherwise also in consideration of the receipt of subsidies from the British Government;

(iii) the tribe was to furnish a corps of " jazailchis " for the protection of caravans on their way through the Pass ;

(iv) all tolls recovered were to be credited to Government.

As soon as these arrangements were complete the regular army garrisons were withdrawn from Alt Masjid and Landi Kotal. " Turning now to the Aka Khel, the first occasion on which they appear to have come into collision with' the British Government was in 1854 when they were responsible for an attack on the camp of a British officer about six miles' distance from Peshawar. For this they were punished by a series of raids on their flocks and herds and the tribe was finally placed under blockade also. The Aka Khel are peculiarly amenable to coercion by blockade. Carrying on as they do an extensive trade in wood and grass with Peshawar exclusion from British territory hits them particularly hard. On the present occasion blockade had at once the desired effect. The tribe made unconditional submission and paid a fine of Bs. 2,500. From this date till 1897 their conduct appears to have been satisfactory and there were few incidents of any importance.

The Afridis as a whole could hardly fail to be affected by the wave of excitement, which swept along the Frontier in 1897. The mullahs saw to that. Rumours of impending trouble and of an intended assault on the posts in the Khyber reached Peshawar on August 17th, when owing to distractions elsewhere no regular troops were available to support the Khyber Rifles in the Pass. On the 23rd of August Fort Maude was attacked and captured and Alt Masjid also fell. At Landi Kotal the Khyber Rifles garrison made some stand but on the 25th this post also surrendered and was sacked by the tribesmen. Id September Afridi contingents joined the Orakzais in the attack on the Samana. War with the Afridis was obviously inevitable. In October 1897 Sir William Lockhart's force invaded Tirah. The details of the campaign are outside the scope of the present narrative. Suffice it to say that in the following March the Afridis made formal submission and paid a fine of Rs. 50,000 and surrendered the 800 breech-loading rifles which had been demanded from them.

In December 1899 regular troops were withdrawn from the Khyber find the protection of the Pass was entrusted once again to the Khyber Rifles. This corps had grown out of the " jazailchis" which the Afridis had undertaken to provide in 1881. From this date until 1905 no event of any importance occurred to disturb the friendly relations of the Afridis with the British Government. During this year and the year following the Zakka Khel committed innumerable raids into British territory and generally adopted an attitude of open defiance. A year later in January 1908 the misconduct of this section culminated in an attack on the city of Peshawar itself. In February 1908 a punitive expedition was sent against them, which penetrated the Bazaar Valley and forced a formal submission from the tribe before the end of the month. From that date until 1930 it proved unnecessary to coerce by force of arms any section of the Afridis, though in 1910 the outbreak of the third Afghan War proved too much for the loyalty of the Khyber Rifles, which had to be disbanded.

Though during the Great War the conduct of the Afridis had been examplary, leading to an increase in their allowances, protective measures had to be falcon against them in 1919 and at the time of writing the forts in the Khyber Pass are again held by regular troops reinforced for road protection duties by tribal levies known as the Khassadars. The Hassan Khel and Ashu Khel sections of the Adam Khel, who are under the political jurisdiction of the Deputy Commissioner, Peshawar, are on the whole extraordinarily well-behaved. The history of their relations with the British Government therefore is almost entirely devoid of serious incident. The Kohat Pass Afridis (Adam Khel) are under the political control of the Deputy Com- missioner, Kohat, and for an account of these tribes the reader is referred to the Gazetteer of that District. It remains to relate the effect of the serious disturbances of 1930 on the Afridis as a whole.

For some time previous to that year various causes of unrest had been prevailing amongst the tribesmen, causes which were aggravated and brought to ahead by a number of attributes, among which may be numbered Congress agitation in India, dissatisfaction on the part of the younger members of the tribe with the Maliks and Elders particularly owing to the distribution of compensation for the Sunni-Shiah Settlement of 1930 in Orakzai Tirah; economic troubles caused by the rise in the standard of living, the fall in value of the Kabuli rupee and a decrease in the value of contracts, added to by a growing feeling of self-importance. When therefore exaggerated reports of the rioting in Peshawar on April 23rd, 1930, flashed through Tirah, embroidered with a story that a large number of Afridis had been killed, tribal excitement rose to unprecedented heights.

In the first half of May discussions were held to decide what action should be taken; the Orakzais (under Kohat control) decided in favour of non-intervention; and, while the Afridi Maliks were of the same opinion, the younger men decided to raise a Lashkar Cases of sniping in the Khyber and against aeroplanes were reported .By May 30th a Lashkar began to form and move down the Bara Valley. The Malikdin Khel and Qambar Khel were the chief movers in the earlier stages, but at length a Lashkar of 10,000, of whom only half crossed the border, assembled in the Spin Kamar foot hills. It was the object of the leaders to hold a jirgah with the Khalils and Mohmands of the Peshawar District, but a party of malcontents met them near Miri Khel and encouraged them by promises of assistance from the district to make an attack on the City. The lashkar accordingly crossed into the district on Jan 5th and lay up in the villages south and west of Peshawar; a number were surprised and bombed in the Khajuri plain during the day; and after a very half-hearted attack the lashkar streamed back up the Bara Valley.

A period of recrimination and dissension followed, during which time a young party called the Khilafatist Party came into prominence. This party, which stood against the authority of the elders, despatched delegates to the Mohmands and Orakzais from whom promises of assistance were received. By August 7th matters were ripe for a second incursion, and a lashkar of 5,000 reached the edge of the foot hills with the object of making an attack directed against the Aerodrome. Cantonments and the Central Jail; by August 12th about 2,000 Afridis had crossed into the district. An attack was made on the Military Supply Depot cast of Peshawar and beaten of by troops with considerable casualties. Simultaneously a determined attempt was made to enter Peshawar City from the east; this was defeated by the City Armed Police who took up a position on the City wall. After other unsuccessful clashes with troops, the Afridis left the district after suffering at least 200 casualties.

The Khilafatist Party in the Tirah made attempts to coerce loyalists into helping them, while Government made plans to occupy the Khajuri and Aka Khel plains, which was eventually accomplished; the final settlement being made on October 3rd, 1931. The Khajuri and Aka Khel plains have not been incorporated in the Peshawar District. They remain tribal territory, but posts, at present occupied by troops, together with a net work of connecting roads, have been constructed, and by agreement with the tribe Government forces have unrestricted access to the entire area up to the foot hills, thus denying to the Afridis a convenient vestibule in which to collect for entry into administered territory. It remains to notice briefly the system of border management and the measures now in force for protection of the district frontier. Prior to the British annexation of the district there could not be said to be any settled Government in Peshawar at all, except possibly in the urea immediately surrounding the city.

Certainly nothing approaching regular administration was attempted north of the Kabul river. The Sikhs confined themselves to levying revenue with spasmodic severity from the inhabitants of the valley and to preserving a semblance of order in the vicinity of Peshawar leaving the more distant villages to get on as they best could which the independent tribes outside the border. Between the latter and the Sikh administration a state of open hostility way the rule. It has already been noted that trans-border men were invariably sent to the gallows by the Sikh governors when any of them chanced to fall into their hands. Political relations of some sort were how ever unavoidable and these were invariably conducted through the local chiefs of the district tribes who acted as go-betweens and negotiators between the Sikh Government and the men of independent territory. In this way there grew up that system of middlemen which the British Government found in full swing in Peshawar when the district was annexed.

The earliest British officers to serve in the valley were of necessity unacquainted with the language, customs and politics of the border tribes. This being so a continuance of the middleman system was for a time at any rate unavoidable. The middlemen on their side were not at alt anxious that a term should be put to their lucrative functions. The hill men too undoubtedly preferred the older way, accustomed as they were to having been treated by the Sikhs like wild beasts of the field. In the course of time however the middleman system came to be almost entirely abandoned-it subsists still in one or two bad examples on the district border-when British officers acquired the acquaintance to enable them to conduct Government business with them direct.The system of tribal management put briefly is this. If any event occurs which makes communication with the whole body of a tribe necessary the jirgah, or representative deputation of elders, is summoned to meet the Deputy Commissioner.

If the matter is settled well and good; if not the Deputy Commissioner proceeds to put pressure on the tribe until his orders are complied with. This pressure may take the form of a blockade, viz., the exclusion of members of the offending section from the Peshawar District, or reprisals, i.e., arrest and detention of all members of the section found in the district. If the section receives service allowances these may be with held or in the last resort military force may have to be employed. Military aid cannot be invoked for small troubles, e.g., the pursuit of ordinary raiding gangs or sectional reprisals inside the District border. For these purposes it has long been recognised that a special force is necessary which should be at the disposal of the Deputy Commissioner for exercising political pressure and for general border defence.

The history of the forms under which this force has been constituted at various dates since the annexation of the district is interesting. Prior to 1878 apparently the only armed force in the district was the regular army garrison, supplemented by the Corps of Guides at Mardan. In that year a Border Defence Committee assembled to consider the problem of the defence of the Peshawar District border. It had come to be realised that the regular army was an imperfect and also an expensive weapon to employ for the purpose of dealing with the ordinary day to day troubles of the border. Regular troops were not sufficiently mobile to deal with rapidly moving raiding gangs, the time and place of whose appearance it was impossible to forecast. It was also impossible to scatter regular troops in small detachments everywhere along the border. The scheme which was propounded by the Committee and which received the sanction of Government contemplated the erection of a chain of posts round the entire border of the district to be held by a drilled and organized body of Government servants enrolled as a Border Militia.

It was arranged at the same time that the garrisons of these forts should in case of need be reinforced by village levies armed with comparatively superior weapons supplied by Government. Only in the last resort, e.g., if the Border Police and village levies found themselves unable to cope with a gang of raiders, was the aid of regular troops to be requisitioned. In 1879 the force which later became known as the Border Military Police came into existence. It was finally decided to be only necessary on that part of the border from the Swat river south- wards and round by the Kohat Pass to the end of the Jowaki hills. Along the Yusafzai border no forts were constructed nor have they ever been necessary down to the present day. The regular garrisons of forts Mackeson, Bara, Michni, Shabkadar and Abazai were gradually relieved, the last to be evacuated by regular troops being Abazai in November 1894. The force was commanded originally .by police officers and later by Assistant Commissioners. In 1895 it numbered 512 of all ranks. In its own way there is no doubt that the Border Military Police rendered excellent service. The rank and file were however indifferently trained and as the corps was constituted it was manifestly impossible to arm them with modern rifles.

The armament of the trans-border tribes has improved out of all recognition in the last decades. This is the outstanding feature of the North-West Frontier problem in its modern shape. A comparison of the statistics for number of troops engaged, e.g., in the Mahsud War of 1919-20 with the corresponding figures for the earlier expeditions against this tribe shows what an important bearing this one factor of tribal armament has on frontier control both military and political. The time there fore came when something more efficient than the Border MilitaryPolice was required as aid to the civil arm is protection oftheBritish border. In 1913 accordingly a new Provincial force was constituted under the name of the Frontier Constabulary. (For a description of the Frontier Constabulary as at present constituted see Chapter III. H (e)) The new corps is officered by the Indian Police-it is recruited for the most part from Pathans of the districts and is regularly trained and armed with modern rifles.

There is a Commandant for the whole force and under him District Officers Commanding in the various districts of the province. The first Commandant was Mr. R. C. Boyle, C.I.E., I. P. Another well-known leader and Commandant of this Corps was Mr. E. C. Handy- side, C.I.E, I.P., whose name was a terror to every raider and outlaw; who finally fell in 1926 at the head of his men securing the surrender of two dangerous criminals. The alignment of the external administrative boundary of the Peshawar District has been the cause of frequent dispute. The whole matter was made the subject of a very careful enquiry at the third Regular Settlement of the District (1923-29). The line then defined which bears the sanction of Government, is as follows: - For facility of description the external boundary on the landside may be divided into three sections-

(a) the Khattak-Afridi section from the Indus river in the extreme south-east corner of the district to the Kabul river.

(b) the Mohmand section between the Kabul and Swat rivers ;

(c) the Utman Khel-Ranizai-Yusafzai section from the Swat river to the Indus in the extreme north-east corner of the district.

The boundary with the Kohat District westwards from the Indus follows the crest of the Nilab range. At a point about two miles west of Toru Sar (4736 on the 1" survey map) where the track from Darsha Khel crosses the Nilab range, the line leaves the watershed and runs down to the Musa Darra nullah just west of Lashora-Tutki. Thence it ascends to the crest of Dowalas Ghaiban passing just under the peak of Jalala Sar, which is inside the district. From Dowalas Ghaiban to Shamshattu Fort the boundary between the Hassan Khel Afridis and the British village of Dag Ismail Khel is bitterly disputed. The alignment of the British border here has not yet been accepted by the tribesmen. From Shamshattu Fort all the way to the Kabul River the external border of the district was left at Settlement in a most unsatisfactory shape. As surveyed at Settlement it bears the sanction of Government and the agreement of the Afridis procured at the second Regular Settlement of the district (1895).

But tills line has never been acted upon and the Afridis have encroached upon it everywhere. At the third Regular Settlement political considerations did not permit of the matter being taken up and the whole alignment of the external border from Dowalas Ghaiban to the Kabul River was left for decision at some future date. The occupation of the Khajuri and Aka Khel plains after the Afridi disturbances of 1930 has altered the position, and it is now proposed to enforce the 1895 line as the facto border of the district, and steps are being taken to demarcate it accordingly. From the Kabul River at Michni to the Swat River above Abazai-a distance of about 14 miles-the Mohmands hold the border hills. The line here runs along the foot hills well in advance of the line of block houses which the Mohmands sometimes pretend to think were built on the external boundary.

Near the Swat River the three towers of Khazana Gund were brought within the border after the Mohmand disturbance of 1915-16. Across the Swat River the boundary with the Utman Khel runs among the low foothills. Across the Jindai Khwar it ascends to the Darwazagai-Kandao and thence follows the main outer watershed to Ghojal Khat Sar. From this point it drops again to the plain. Eastwards the line runs in the plain across the Malakand Road. In this sector the district abuts on the semi-administered country of Sam Ranizai, since 1895 part of the Malakand Political area. After traversing the crest of the small hill known as Sarkai Ghar it drops again to the plain west of Kharaki village. Onwards it ascends to the watershed of the main outer range north of Kharaki. In Saroba limits it drops again to the plain but almost immediately ascends again to the crest of the outer range of hills, which it follows to Pajja. From Pajja to the Ambeyla-except for a short distance near Sar Banda on the Pirsai Pass-the line follows the watershed- crossing Khan Baba peak, the Malandri Kandao and Pato Sar Eastwards from the Ambeyla the line crosses the Pagoch Kandao (3701) to Pagoch Sar (4763).

From the latter peak it follows a subordinate watershed to Narnaji Sar (4240) and the Dirhan Kandao. From the Kandao it drops down the nullah to the plain. Passing along the crest of Tarako Dheri it then runs in the plain to a point west of Salim Khan. Here the line turns due east and runs through cultivation to the banks of the Badrai nullah. Crossing the nullah northeast of Salim Khan it ascends immediately to the watershed of the Darsang range which it follows as far as a point known as Tambugat Sar. Here it turns north running down the hill face over Kulpai Sar and Jabba Sar to the Loe Rao, the most easterly of the drainages from the Darsang range which flow to the Jhanda Khwar. Thence it runs in the plain till it joins the Sargari Khwar. Passing up the bed of this for a short distance the line runs up a well-defined spur to the hill called Loc Dop. From the crest of this it runs straight over an intervening Kandao to Nakhtar Sar. Onwards the boundary runs straight to the most westerly of three small hillocks known as Dingano Dheri.

Crossing the crests of these it runs due east to the Pakli Khwar, the bed which it follows to the Babini border. From this point it runs in the plain in a south-easterly direction till it meets the Polah Khwar. From this point to the Indus above Kiara the alignment is bitterly disputed and the Gaduns claim a border here much in advance of the sanctioned line. The latter from the left bank of the Polah Khwar runs up the Sili Kandah and so to the head of the Bazdarrah Khwar. Here the line turns north east along the crest of Manoram and later along the front edge of a prominent bluff to the Dadar Darrah. From the Dadar Darrah it ascends to the crest of Bazwani Sar. From this peak it runs down almost due south along a prominent spur to the plain above Kiara, thence through cultivation to the Ram Khan Kandah which it follows to the Indus. The ideal-political boundary would obviously be one where- (a) the limits of jurisidiction can be easily recognized, and (b) where these limits correspond completely with existing possession either side of the line.

While it cannot be said that these requirements have been everywhere attained in the alignment of the external border of the Peshawar District as now sanctioned, still with the exception of the Afridi section and one or two minor stretches-notably from the Polah Khwar to the Indus-the present border is, if not scientific, at least fairly satisfactory. Apart from the revenue maps a full and accurate description of how the line runs is kept for record in the office of the Deputy Commissioner. The boundary with the Hazara and Attock Districts on the Indus is now fixed. From Kiara to Attock it runs in the bed of the river. From Attock to the Nilab range it follows the right bank of the river. The last is somewhat of ail anomaly and is contrary to the usual practice by which riverain boundaries run in mid-stream. Since Robert's famous '' Class " system of recruiting was put into force in 1893, the Pathan was considered a favourite class for enlistment in the combatant branches of the Indian Army, and so many Pathans were taken from the Peshawar District for the Army that they came to be over-recruited; on December 31st, 1916, 7, 567 persons were serving as combatants, but by the close of 1918, 11, 500 persons from the Peshawar District or 2-7 percent of the male population had enlisted in the Army.

This was no mean achievement, as in the Peshawar Valley where economic conditions were favourable, there was no strong natural inducement to enlist as in the loss favoured districts. For a detailed account of the achievements of the N. W. F. Province in the War in which the Peshawar District played no small part, the reader is referred to the publication entitled" the N.W. F. Province and the War, by Lt. Col. W. J. Keen, C.L. E., C.B.E., LA. Revenue Commissioner. The War passed and with the return of soldiers to their homes and the relief from tension and from ruinous prices, the cold weather of 1918-19 seemed likely to be the opening of an era of peace and restored prosperity. But the strain of the past four years could not relax itself so easily. Agitation and disturbances in other parts of India reacted upon Peshawar; stimulus was added by Amir Amanullah Khan, who felt no great security in the throne, which had come to him as a result of the murder of Amir Habib Ullah, and endeavoured to strengthen his position by creating a diversion against the British.

His first move in this direction was an extensive anti-British intrigue in Peshawar City; this was discovered and before the Afghan forces could make any headway against our troops in the Khyber, Peshawar City was surrounded by troops on May 3rd with remarkable speed and skill and the surrender of the leading conspirators was demanded. They were handed over with little delay, and Peshawar City, which had been the scene of a certain number of processions and anti-Government demonstrations during the preceding weeks, was again quiet. In Peshawar District, as in other parts of the Frontier, the situation continued to be one of danger and uncertainty. The attack during May by Afghan troops upon our positions in the Khyber, the unfortunate-though possibly unavoidable-disbandment of the Khyber Rifles, and the constant endeavours of the Afghan Government to incite the tribes, and especially the Afridis to hostility against us, meant that certain elements in Peshawar District were on tiptoe to see which way the fortune of war would go. Martial Law was therefore proclaimed in Peshawar District. Sir George Roos-Keppel, who had made all arrangements to hand over to his successor and to leave for England at the beginning of May but had been retained in Peshawar in view of the gravity of the situation, was appointed Military Governor.

His wise administration of Martial Law immediately restored a wavering confidence, and except for some unimportant incidents in the Shabkadar Charsadda area, the peace of the district was hardly disturbed throughout the remainder of the summer. The political agitation set on foot in India in connection, which the Rowlatt Bill culminated during the year 1920 in the Hijrat movement, as a result of which several thousands of inhabitants of the Peshawar District went temporarily to Afghanistan. Other districts of the Province were also affected in a minor degree. With very few exceptions the disillusioned emigrants returned after a few months in a state of utter destitution and arrangements were undertaken with a view to resettling them in their homes and giving them a fresh start. The years 1921 to 1930 passed on the whole comparatively quietly in Peshawar District, though 1921 and 1922 witnessed the repercussions of the non-co-operation campaign down-country, and Peshawar City was more than once disturbed. At the end of 1923 the third Regular Settlement of the District, which had been deferred for 10 years owing to the War, was eventually put in hand, and Mr. F. V. Wylie. I.C.S., appointed as Settlement Officer.

The Settlement of this district is a very heavy task, and in this instance lasted for nearly six years. The results are given in detail in Chapter II and III, and it will suffice to notice here that the operations were carried through without disturbances and may be said generally to have commanded the confidence and co-operation of the people. In 1927 there were disturbances of a communal nature, prompted by the appearance of scurrilous anti-Muslim pamphlets in certain organs of the Hindu Press down country. Muhammadan feeling was stirred to such an extent that local Hindus in the villages and in Tribal Territory, who had been living as 'hamsayas ' for generations under the protection of the Pathan population, were in many instances ejected by the landowners simply on the ground of their religion. It was only with great difficulty that serious rioting in Peshawar City and certain rural areas was averted. 1929 was marked by a number of demonstrations in favour of King Amanullah, whose cause had been espoused by more advanced political opinion on the Frontier, and whose downfall was deplored as likely to alter the balance of power in Central Asia and on the Indian Frontiers.

Nadir Khan's successful capture of Kabul was at first hailed as a triumph by the same opinion, but enthusiasm waned as soon as it became clear that as King Nadir Shah lie had no intention of restoring the fallen Amanullah to the throne which he had lost. Advanced Muhammadan opinion at this time was represented by the various Khilafat Committees which, finding their aspirations belied as regards Afghanistan, tended more and more to turn with sympathy towards the Congress movement, which was again gathering strength in India proper and preparing once more to cross swords with Government. The most important leader of the Peshawar City Khilafatists joined the Congress, while the beginnings of the red-shirt movement-later affiliated with Congress-became visible in the rural tracts of the district. The leader and inspirer of this rural movement is named Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a lesser Khan of the important Hashtnagar village of Utmanzai.

Associated with the Haji of Turangzai's family on the distaff side he had long imbibed feelings of bitterness against constituted authority and had taken a leading part in disturbances connected with the Afghan War and its aftermath in the 1919 and 1920. Subsequently he founded " Azad" schools in Utmanzai and elsewhere in the district, and, mounting on the wave of disaffection which surged over the whole of India in 1929-30, he finally conceived the idea of forming a great body of rural volunteers, uniformed and organized by tappas and villages nominally in the interests of social reform, but in reality to over throw not only the Government but the existing social order. The directors of the movement in each tappa and subordinate village were Pathans and were known as the Local jirga, all subordinated in various degrees to the Central jirga at Utmanzai. As the executive force to carry out their orders they enrolled villagers, many of whom were either landless or kamins of the menial classes, under commanders who were given various ranks from Commander-in-Chief " to " Captain." These wore shirts died a dark plum colour, and later came to be known as red-shirts.

To this uniform they added badges of rank and various accoutrement such as Sam Browne belts, and drill was even carried out with dummy rifles and words of command. Their creed was nominal based on that of Gandhi non-violent non-co-operation, but in practice, as they grew stronger, forceful methods were adopted against their opponents in villages, together with every form of social boycott and exploitation of local feud; the non-violent attitude being reserved for clashes with constituted authority (if supported by sufficient force) where the red-shirts apprehended that an appeal to force would go against them. It was decided to arrest the City Congress leaders together with Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his leading rural lieutenants on the same day, April 23rd, 1930. The arrests in the city led the Peshawar riots of that year, in the cause of which mobs had to be dispersed with the aid of troops, who after the death of a dispatch rider and the setting fire to an armoured car were forced to resort to firing to clear the streets.

About 20 persons were unfortunately killed, and a number of others wounded. On the following day acting on an assurance from certain leaders of local opinion it was decided to withdraw the troops; but the only result of this was the assumption of control over Peshawar City by Congress volunteers, who managed the frame and against whom the Police were unable unaided to reassert the authority of Government. It was therefore necessary to reoccupy the city with troops-this being done on May 4th. The troops had to remain until nearly the end of August before the authority of Government could be said to have been re-established. Meanwhile the arrest of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his four leading w"r lieutenants was effected without loss of life in Charsadda, though ^lace it proved necessary to despatch the Guides Cavalry from Mardan to remove him from the Charsadda Jail, which had been invested by singing crowds of his followers. He was tried and on conviction removed to a jail in the Punjab.

The tribal disturbances, which followed these events, have been described in the foregoing sections on Utman Khel, Mohmands and Afridi. Within the district itself it proved necessary for mixed columns of military and police to traverse disturbed areas more than once to effect arrests of leading red-shirt agitators and to enable the civil administration, which had ceased to function, once more to be put into gear. These operations combined with the successful suppression of tribal disorder on the district border had once more reduced the district to a semblance of order, when the release of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and all his red-shirts, together with the city agitators, under the Delhi agreement of March 1931 once more set free the full flood of disaffection.

The period ushered in by this agreement was regarded by the red-shirts as one of truce enabling them to reorganise their forces; and as a number of dangerous demonstrations demanding Abdul Ghaffar's immediate release had had to be dispersed by the local authorities, that release subsequently under the orders of the Government of India was regarded by local opinion as a victory for agitation, which made it unnecessary for the agitator to defer in any way to the orders of local authority. The year, which followed, was one of unprecedented difficulty for the administration. Abdul Ghaffar Khan proceeded on village-to-village tours, preaching defiance of Government and non-payment of revenue. Police investigation was interfered with, and crime rose' to unheard of levels. In 1931 alone in Peshawar there were some 400 murders.

The collection of revenue came to a stand still; and Government officers and forces were subjected to constant insult and abuse even on the public road. Perhaps even more significant was the fact that the red-shirt movement began to attack the basic rights of property on which rural society is based, to indulge in vilification of landowners, and to hint at the possibility of a redistribution of land in favour of the " have nots." Abdul Ghaffar Khan had now been joined by his brother Dr. Khan Sahib, who had previously held a commission in the l. M. S. This man took over red-shirt organisation in Peshawar City when; his supersession of the old Khilafat leaders caused some bitterness; and lie Abdul Ghaffar Khan were recognised by Gandhi as the local leaders of Congress, with which the red-shirt organisation was publicly affiliated by a visit from Devi Das, son of Gandhi himself. Government finally authorised action against the red-shirts on Christmas Day, 1931, when 7 mixed columns of troops and police occupied the City and tactical points in the rural areas.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Dr. Khan Sahib and all the leaders throughout the district were arrested. The movement came as a complete surprise with the result that success was happily achieved without loss of life. It was necessary to open fire only twice, once at Tahkal Payan near Peshawar on the second day of the operations and again near Gujrat in the Mardan Sub-division some time later. But in order once more to enable the civil administration to work, it was necessary to employ troops on column duties until April 1932. Meanwhile throughout the period 1930-32 energetic preparations had been made for the introduction of a measure of reforms based on the Government of India Act, 1919; and it is noteworthy that this action had the effect of rallying the same and steady elements in the district to the side of law and order. The elections were eventually held early in April 1932; the red-shirts making a final effort to render the access of voters to the poll impossible.

Much disorder resulted, but on the whole the elections were successful; and the new constitution was inaugurated by His Excellency the Viceroy Lord Willingdon in person on April 20th, 1932, which was preceded by the official installation of the first Governor of the Province His Excellency Sir Ralph Griffith, K.C.S.L, C.I.E., two days previously. Abdul Ghaffar Khan, his brother and 2 other leaders were interned down country under Regulation III of 1818, and the remainder of the prisoners sent to the new Haripur Jail in the Hazara District. The new constitution during its first year of trial has, on the whole, worked remarkably well. In 1847 George Lawrence arrived in Peshawar as Political Assistant to the British Resident at Lahore. After being temporarily located in Peshawar, the Corps of Guides occupied rough quarters of tents and huts at Gujar Garhi near Mardan. As the water supply at Gujar Garhi was found to be unsatisfactory, for a short time, the tents and chappars were re-erected near Baghdada, meanwhile, the site of the Mardan Fort was chosen and marked out and work on the fort was commenced towards the end of 1853.

At that time Hodson was in command of the Corps, and in the fashion of those days, he was also Assistant Commissioner of Yusafzai. Somewhere between 1865 and 1869, Colonel Sam Browne, V.C., built the first quarter outside the defences. The site for the present Mess was chosen. The original garden, planted by Hodson, had spread to much of its present limits. Up till 1894, the Punjab Government provided an allowance for the upkeep of the garden, as it apparently treated the Punjab Frontier Force with some generosity, and the name Company Bagh presumably dates from the days of the old Punjab Government allowance. The garden with its fine trees and magnificent prospect towards the hills of Yusafzai is well known as one of the choice spots on the Frontier. In 1870 the Assistant Commissioner moved his residence and offices to the present site. Yusafzai was now organized under the control of the civil forces of law and order. In 1886 a new Mess was constructed.

This stands until the present day with certain alterations. In 1892 the Church was built by the M. W. D. previous to this date Church Services had been held in the Mess. In 1902 the Cavalry Lines were rebuilt. Following the old self-reliant Silladar methods, the cost was met regimentally. The original lines had also been built and maintained by the Regiment. Each sowar had purchased his own quarter from his " assami." On leaving the Regiment, he had sold his quarter to his successor. In the lines of 1902 this system of transfer was modifies. The lines remained as Regimental and not private property. They were maintained under Regimental arrangements. A recruit now paid a fixed rate of Rs. 80 from his " assami " for his quarter. This was refunded to him when he left. During his tenure of the quarter, he paid a further rent of 8 as monthly. In 1916 the Cavalry moved into their present lines. These were the property of Government. The change resulted in some financial loss to the Regiment.

The Rs. 80 purchase-money had to be refunded to the men. No compensation was received from Government. The Guides continued to keep their own transport up to 1917. The cavalry and infantry are now housed in good brick- barracks. The bazaar is now a tall mass of brick work. At the southern end stands the Kabul Memorial with its proud message to succeeding generations of Guides. The old Fort can scarcely be recognized. Its mud walls are concealed by the gardens, which now surround it. The dry ditch and glacis are now bright with flowers. The hedges and the rustic bridges that give access to the bungalows are covered with climbing roses, red and white. The Mess is a museum of the history of the Corps; a brief account of it will be found in Chapter IV-Places of Interest.