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HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER LXII1 CHARLES IL CONTEMPORARY MONARCHS. EMp. OF 
GERM.
KINa or FRa.Nc. KlNGs oF SPAIN, Polns. Leopld I. Lewis XIV. Phili IV...... 166.5 
Alexander VII....1 N Charles 11.
Clement IX..... 1670 Clement X.......167 Innocent XI. [1660.] CHARLES II., when 
he ascended the throne of his
ancestors, was thirty years of age. He possessed a vigorous constitution, a fine 
shape, a manly figure, a graceful air; and
though his features were harsh, yet was his countenance in the main lively and 
engaging. He was in that period of life when
there remains enough of youth to render the person amiable, without preventing 
that authority and regard which attend the
years of experience and maturity. Tenderness was excited by the memory of his 
recent adversities. His present prosperity
was the object rather of admiration than of envy. And as the sudden and 
surprising revolution which restored him to his regal
rights, had also restored the nation to peace, law, order, and liberty, no 
prince ever obtained a crown in more favora. ble
circumstances, or was more blessed with the cordial affection and attachment of 
his subjects. This popularity the king, by his
whole demeanor and beha. vior, was well qualified to support and to increase. To 
a lively wit and quick comprehension, he
united a just understanding and a general observation both of men and things. 
The easiest manners, the most unaffected
politeness, the most engaging gayety, accompanied his conversation and address. 
Accustomed during his exile, to live among
his courtiers rather like a companion than a monarch, he retained, even while on 
VOL. VI. 1 

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2 -HISTORY OF ENGLAND. the throne, that open affabili;y which was capable of 
reconcil. ing the most determined
republicans to his royal dignity. To. tally devoid of resentment, as well from 
the natural lenity as carelessness of his temper,
he insured pardon to the most guilty of his enemies, and left hopes of favor to 
his most vio-. ient of ponents. From the whole
tenor of his actions and dis. cu':se, he seemed desirous of losing the memory of 
past animosities, and of uniting every party in
an affection for their prince and their native country. Into'his council were 
admitted the most eminent men of the nation,
without regard to former distinctions: the Presbyterians, equally with the 
royalists, shared this honor. Annesley was also
created earl of Anglesey; Ashley Cooper, Lord Ashley; Denzil Hollis, Lord 
Hollis. The earl of Manchester was appointed
lord chamberlain, and Lord Say, privy seal. Calamy and Baxter, Presbyterian 
clergymen, were even made chaplains to the
king. Admiral Montague, created earl of Sandwich, was-entitled from his recent 
services to great favor; and he obtaineo it.
Monk, created duke of Albemarle, had performed such signal services, that, 
according to a vulgar and malignant
observation, he ought rather to' have expected hatred and ingratitude; yet was 
he ever treated by the king with great marks
of distinction. Charles's disposition, free from jealousy, and the prudent 
behavior of the general, who never overrated his
merits, prevented all those disgusts which naturally arise in so delicate a 
situation. The capacity, too, of Albemarle was not
extensive, and his parts were more solid than shining. Though he had 
distinguished himself in inferior stations, he was
imagined, upon familiar acquaintance, not to be wholly equal to those great 
achievements which fortune, united to prudence,
had enabled him to perform; and he appeared unfit for the court, a scene of life 
to which he had never been accustomed.
Morrice, his friend, was created secretary of state, and was supported more by 
his patron's credit than by his own abilities
or experience. But the choice which the king at first made of his prin. cipal 
ministers and favorites, was the circumstance
which chiefly gave contentment to the nation, and prognosticated future 
happiness and tranquillity. Sir Edward Hyde, created
earl of Clarendon, was chancellor and prime minister; the marquis, created duke 
of Ormond, was steward of the houses
hold; the earl of Southampton, high treasurer; Sir Edward 

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CHARLES I. 8 Nicholas, secretary of state. These men, united together in 
friendship, and combining in the same laudable
inclinations, supported each other's credit, and pursued the interests of the 
public. Agreeable to the present prosperity of
public'.affairs was the universal joy and festivity diffused throughout the 
nation. The melancholy austerity of the fanatics fell
into discredit together with their principles. The royalists, who had ever 
affected a contrary disposition, found in their recent
success new motives for mirth and gayety; and it now belcnged to them to give 
repute and fashion to their manners. From
past experience it had sufficiently appeared, that gravity was very distinct 
from wisdom, formality from virtue, and hypocrisy
from religion. The king himself, who bore a strong propensity to pleasure, 
served, by his powerful and engaging exam. ple,
to banish those sour and malignant humors which had hitherto engendered such 
confusion. And though the just bounds were
undoubtedly passed, when men returned fiom their former extreme, yet was the 
public happy in exchanging vices pernicious
to society, for disorders hurtful chiefly to the individuals themselves who were 
guilty of them. It required some time before
the several parts of the state, disfigured by war and faction, could recover 
their former arrangement; but the parliament
immediately fell into good correspondence with the king; and they treated him 
with the same dutiful regard which had usually
been paid to his predecessors. Being summoned without the king's consent, they 
received, at first, only the title of a
convention; and it was not till he passed an act for that purpose, that they 
were called by the appellation of parliament. All
judicial proceedings, transacted in the name of the commonwealth or protector, 
were ratified by a new law. And both
houses, acknowledging the guilt of the former rebellion, gratefully received, in 
their owrn name, and in that of all the subjects,
his majesty's gracious pardon and indemnity. The king, before his restoration, 
being afraid c.f reducing any of his enemies to
despair, and at the same time unwilling that such enormous crimes as had been 
committed should receive a total impunity,
had expressed himself very eau. tiously in his declaration of Breda, and had 
pronIise(d an indemnity to all criminals, but such
as should be excepted hy parliament. He now issued a proclamation, declaring 
that such of the late king's judges as did not
yield themselves pris 

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4 HISEORY OF MEGLAND. oners within foutteen days, should receive no pardon. 
Nine. teen surrendered themselves;
some were taken in their flight others escaped beyond sea. Tile commons seem to 
have been more inclined to lenity thtan the
lords. The upper house, inflarned by the ill usage which they had received, were 
resolved, besides the late king's judges, to
except every one who had sitter in any high court of j'istice. Nay, the earl of 
Bristol moved, that no pardon might be granted
to those who had&anywise contributed to the king's death. So wide an exception, 
in which every one who had served the
parliament might be comprehended, gave a general alarm; and men began to 
apprehend, that this motion was the effect of
some court artifice or intrigue. But the king soon dissipated these fears. He 
came to the house of peers, and in the most
earnest terms passed the act of gencral indermnity. He urged both the necessity 
of the tling. and the obligation of his former
promise; a promise, he said which he would ever regard as sacred; since to it he 
probably owed the satisfaction which at
present he enjoyed of meeting his people in parliament. This measure of the 
king's was received with great applause and
satisfaction. After repeated solicitations, the act of indemnity passed both 
houses, and soon received the royal assent. Those
who had an immediate hand in the late king's death, were there excepted: even 
Cromwell, Ireton, Bradshaw, and others
now dead, were attainted, and their estates forfeited. Vane and Lamnbert, though 
none of the regicides, were also excepted.
St. John and seventeen persons more were deprived of all benefit from this act, 
if they ever accepted any public
employment. All who had sitten in any illegal high court of justice were 
disabled from bearing offices. These were all the
severities which followed such furious civil wars and convulsions. Tile next 
business was the settlement of the king's revenue.
In this work, the parliament had regard to public freedom, as well as to tile 
support of the crown. The tenures of wards an[d
liveries had long been regarded as a grievous burden by the nobility and gentry: 
several attempts had been made during the
reign of James to purchase this prerogative, togelher with that of purveyance: 
and two hundred thousand pounds a year had
been offered that prince in lieu of them: wardships and purveyance had been 
utterly abolished by the republican parliament;
and even in the present parliament, 

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CNARL?= I. 6 before the king arrived in England, a. bill had been introduced, 
offering him a compensation for the
emolument of these prerogatives. A hundred thousand pounds a year was the suim 
agreed to; and half of the excise was
settled in perpetuity up)On the crown as the fund whence this revenue should be 
levied. Tiho.igh that impost yielded more
profit, the bargain might be esteemed hard; and it was chiefly tile necessity of 
the king's situation which induced him to
consent to it. No request of the parliament, during the present joy, could be 
refilsed them. Tonnage and poundage and the
other half of the excise, were granted to the king. during life. The parliament 
even proceeded so far as to vote, that the
settled revenue of the crown for all charges should be one million two hundred 
thousand pounds a year; a sum greatei than
any English monarch had ever before enjoyed. But as all the princes of Europe 
were perpetually augmenting their military
force, and consequently their expense, it became requisite that England, from 
motives both of honor and security, should
bear some prrop-)rtion to them, and adapt its revenue to the new system of poli. 
tics which prevailed. According to the
chancellor's computa tion, a charge of eight hundred thousand pounds a year was 
at present requisite for the fleet and other
articles, which formerly cost the crown but eighty thousand. Had the parliament, 
before restoring the king, insisted on any
further limitations than those which the constitution already imposed, besides 
the danger of reviving former qtaarrels among
parties, it would seem that their precaution had been entirely superfluous. By 
reason of its slender and pre. carious revenue,
the crown in effect was still totallyv depeident. Not a fourth part of this sum, 
which seemed requisite for public expenses,
could be levied without consent of parlianlent; and any concessions, had they 
been thought necessary, might, even after the
restoration, be extorted by the commons from their necessitous prince. This 
parliament showed no ill:eution of employing at
present that engine to any such p,)rposes; but they seemed still determinie(d 
not to part with it entirely, or to render the
revenues of the crown fixed and in(ldependlent. Though they voted in general, 
that one million two hundred thousand
pounrds a year should be settlled ton the king, they scarcely assigned any funds 
which collll yvild two thirds of that sum. And
they left the care of fulfilling their engagements to the future consideration 
of parliament. 1* 

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6 HIISTORY OF ENGLAND. In all the temporary supplies which they voted, they 
discov. ered the same cautious
frugality. To disband the army, so formidable in itself, and so much accustomed 
to rebellion and chtianges of government,
was necessary for the security both of king and parliament; yet the commons 
showed great jealousy in granting the sums
requisite for that end. An assessmcnt of seventy thousand pounds a month was 
imposed; but it was at first voted to continue
only three months; and,ll the other sums which they levied for that purpose, by 
a pollbill and new assessments, were still
granted by parcels; as if they were not as yet well assured of the fidelity of 
the hand to which the money was intrusted.
Having proceeded so far in the settlement of the nation, the parliament 
adjourned itself for some time. During the recess of
parliament, the object which chiefly:nterested the public, was the trial and 
condemnation of' the regicides. The general
indignation attending the enornmous crime of which these men had been guilty, 
made their sulierings the subject of joy to the
people: but in the peculiar circulnstances of that action, in the prejudices of 
the times, as well as in the behavior of the
criminals, a mind seasoned with hlmanity will find a plentiful source of 
compassion and indulgence. Can any one, without
concern for human blindness and ignorance, consider the demeanor of General 
Harrison, wlho was first brought to his trial?
With great courage and elevation of sentiment, he told the court, that the 
pretended crime of which he stood accused, was
not a deed performed in a corner; the sound of it had gone forth to most 
nations; and in the singular and marvellous conduct
of it, had chiefly appeared the sovereign power of Heaven: that he himself, 
agitated by doubts, had often, with passionate
tears, offered up his addresses to the divine Majesty, and earnestly sought for 
light and conviction: he had still received
assurance of a heavenly sanction, and returned from these devout supplications 
with more serene tranquillity and satisfaction:
that all the nations of the earth were, in the eyes of their Creator, less than 
a drop of water in the bucket; nor were their
erroneous judgments aught but darkness, compared with divine illuminations: that 
these frequent illapses of the divine spirit
he could not suspect to be interested illusions; since he was conscious, that 
for no temporal advantage would he offer injury
to the poorest man or woman that trod upon the earth: that all the alluremeats 
of ambition, all the terrors of imprisonment,
had not 

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CHARLES 1I. 7 been able, during the usurpation of Cromwell, to shake his steady 
resolution, or bend him to a compliance
with that deceitful tyrant: and that when invited by him to sit on the right 
hand of the throne, when offered riches and splendor
and dominion, he had disdainfully rejected all temptations; and neglecting the 
tears of his friends and family, had still, through
every danger, held fast his principles and his integrity. Scot, who was more a 
republican than a fanatic, had s id in the house
of commons, a little before the restoration, that he desired no other epitaph to 
be inscribed on his tombstone than this: "Here
lies Thomas Scot, who adjudged the king to death." He supported the same spirit 
upon his trial. Carew, a Millenarian,
submitted to his trial, " saving to our Lord Jesus Christ his right to the 
government of these king. doms." Some scrupled to
say, according to form, that they would be tried by God and their country; 
because God was not visibly present to judge
them. Others said, that they would be tried by the word of God. No more than six 
of the late king's judges, Harrison, Scot,
Carew, Clement, Jones, and Scrope, were executed; Scrope alone, bf all those who 
came in upon the king's proclamation.
He was a gentleman of good family and of a decent character but it was proved, 
that he had a little before, in conversation,
expressed himself as if he were nowise convinced of any guilt in condemning the 
king. Axtel, who had guarded the high court
of justice, Hacker, who commanded on the day of the king's execution, Coke, the 
solicitor for the people of England, and
Hugh Peters, the fanatical preacher, who inflamed the army and impelled them to 
regicide; all these were tried, and
condemned, and suffered with the king's judges. No saint or confessor ever went 
to martyrdom with more assured
confidence of heaven, than was expressed by those criminals, even when the 
terrors of immediate death, joined to many
indignities, were set before them. The rest of the king's judges, by an 
unexampled lenity, were reprieved; and they were
dispersed into several prisons. This punishment of declared enemies interrupted 
not the rejoicings of the court: but the death
of the duke of Gloucester, a young prince of promising hopes, threw a great 
cloud upon them. The king, by no incident in his
life, was ever so deeply affected. Gloucester was observed to possess united the 
good qualities of both his brothers: the
clear judgment and penetration of the king; the industry and application of 

Page 8 
the duke of York. He was also believed to be affietiona,' L, the religion and 
constitution of his country. He was osA twenty
years of age, when the small-pox put an end to his life. The princess of Orange, 
having come to England in order to partake
of the joy attending the restoration of her family, with whom she lived in great 
friendship, soon after sickened and died. The
queen mother paid a visit to her son; and obtained his consent to the marriage 
of the princess Henrietta with the duke of
Orleans, brother to the French king. After a recess of near two months, the 
parliament met, and proceeded in the great
work of the national settlement. They established the post-office, 
wine-licenses, and some articles of the revenue. They
granted more assessments, and some arrears for paying and disbanding the army. 
Business, being carried on with great
unanimity, was soon despatched; and after they had sitten near two months, the 
king, in a speech full of the most gracious
expressions, thought proper to dis. solve them. This house of commons had been 
chosen during the reign of the.old
parliamentary party; and though many royalists had crept in amongst them, yet 
did it chiefly consist of Presbyterians, who
had not yet entirely laid aside their old jealousies and principles. Lenthal, a 
member, having said, that those who first took
arms against the king were as guilty as those who afterwards brought him to the 
scaffold, was severely reprimanded by
order of the house; and the most violent efforts of the long parliament, to 
secure the constitution, and bring delinquents to
justice, were in effect vindicated and applauded.* The claim of the two houses 
to the militia, the first ground of the quarrel,
however exorbitant a usurpa. tion, was never expressly resigned by this 
parliament. They made all grants of money with a
very sparing hand. Great arrears being due, by the protectors, to the fleet, the 
army, the navy office, and every branch of
service, this whole debt they threw upon the crown, without establishing funds 
suffi. cient for its payment. Yet,
notwithstanding this jealous cam expressed by the parliament, there prevails a 
story, that Pop. ham, having sounded the
disposition of the members, under took to the earl of Southampton to procure, 
during the kings life, a grant of two millions a
year, land tax; a sum which, added to the customs and excise, would forever have 
rendere, * iri1ials, toL vii. p. 2i, 

Page 9 
KSRARLS nM 9 this prince independent of his people. Southampton, it is said, 
merely from his affection to the king, had
unwvarilv em. braced the offer; and it was not till he colnmunicated the matter 
to the chancellor, that he was made sensible
of its pernicious tendency. It is not improbable, that such an otiler might have 
been made, and been hearkened to; but it is
nowise probable, that all the interest cf the court would ever, with this house 
of commons, have been able to make it et~Fc.
tual. Clarendon showed his prudence, no less than his integrity, in entirely 
rejecting it. The chancellor, from the same
principles of conduct, hastened to disband the army. When the king reviewed 
these veteran troops, he was struck with their
beauty, order, disci. pline, and martial appearance; and being sensible, that 
regular forces are mce necessary implements of
royalty, he expressed a desire of finding expedients still to retain them. But 
his wise minister set before him the dangerous
spirit by which these troops were actuated, their enthusiastic genius, their 
habits of rebellion and mutiny; and he convinced
the king, that, till they were disbanded, he never could esteem himself securely 
established on his throne. No more troops
were retained than a few guards and garrisons, about one thousand horse and four 
thousand foot. This was the first
appearance, under the monarchy, of a regular standing army in this island. Lord 
Mordaunt said, that the king, being pos.
sessed of that force, might now look upon~himself as the most olonsiderable 
gentleman in England.* The fortifications of
Gloucester, Taunton, and other towns, which had made resist. ance to the king 
during the civil wars, were demolished.
Clarendon not only behaved with wisdom and justice in the office of chancellor; 
all the counsels which he gave the king
tended equally to promote the interest of prince and people. Charles, accustomed 
in his exile to pay entire deference to the
judgment of this faithful servant, continued still to submit to his direction; 
and for some time no minister was ever possessed
of more absolute authority. He moderated the forward zeal of the royalists, and 
tempered their appetite for revenge. With
the opposite party, he endeavored to preserve inviolate all the king's 
engagements: he kept an exact regis* King James's
Memoirs. This prince says, that Venner's insllrrection furnished a reason or 
pretence for keeping up the guards, which were
intended at first to nave been disbanded with the rest of the army. 

Page 10 
Ii MSTORY OF ENGLAND. ter of the promises which had been made for any service, 
he employed all his industry to fulfil
them. This good minister was now nearly allied to the royal family. His 
daughter, Ann lvyde, a woman of spirit and fine
accomplishments, had hearkeined, while abroad, to the addresses of the duke of 
York, and under promise of marriage, had
secretly admitted hil to her bed. Her pregnancy appeared soon after the 
restoration; and though many endeavored to
dissuade the king from consenting to so unequal an alliance, Charles, in pity to 
his firiend and minister, who had been gnoraut
of these engagements, permitted his brother to marry her.* Clarendon expressed 
great uneasiness at the honor which he had
obtained; and said that, by being elevated so much above his rank, he thence 
dreaded a more sudden downfall. Most
circumstances of Clarendon's administration have met with applause: his maxims 
alone in the conduct of ecclesiastical politics
have by many been deemed the effect of prejudices narrow and bigoted. Had the 
jealousy of royal power prevailed so far
with the convention parliament as to make them restore the king with strict 
limitations, there is no question but the
establishment of Presbyterian discipline had been one of the conditions most 
rigidly insisted on. Not only that form of
ecclesiastical government is more favorable to liberty than t6 royal power; it 
was likewise, on its own account, agreeable to
the majority of the house of commons, and suited their religious principles. But 
as the impatience of the people, the danger of
delay, the general disgust towards faction, and the authority of Monk, had 
prevailed over that jealous project of' limitations,
the full settlement of the hierarchy, together with the monarchy, was a 
necessary and infallible consequence. All the royalists
were zealous for that mode of religion; the merits of the Episcopal clergy- 
towards the king, as well as their sufferings on that
account, had been great; the laws which established bishops and the liturgy, 
were as yet unrepealed by legal authority; and
any attempt of the parliament, by new acts, to give the superiority to 
Presbyterianism, had-been sufficient to involve the
nation again in blood and confusion. Moved by these views, the commons had 
wisely postponed the examination of all
religious controversy, and had left the settlement of the church to the king and 
to the ancient laws. * King James's Memoirs. 

Page 11 
CHARLES IL 1I The king at first used great moderation in the execution of the 
laws. Nine bishops still remained alive; and
these were immediately restored to their sees: all the ejected clergy recovered 
their livings: the liturgy, a form of worship
decent, and not without beauty, was again admitted into the churches: but at the 
same time a declaration was issued, in order
to give contentment to the Presbyterians, and preserve-an air of moderation and 
neutrality.* In this declaration, the king
promised, that he'would provide suffragan bishops for the larger dioceses; that 
the prelates should, all of them, be regular
and constant preachers; that they should not confer ordination, or exercise any 
jurisdiction, without the advice and assistance
of presbyters chosen by the diocese; that such alterations should be made in the 
liturgy as would render it totally
unexceptionable, that, in the mean time, the use of that mode of worship should 
not be imposed on such as were unwilling to
receive it; and that the surplice, the cross in baptism, and bowing at the name 
of Jesus, should not be rigidly insisted on. This
declaration was issued by the king as head of the church; and he plainly 
assumed, in many parts of it, a legislative authority in
ecclesiastical matters. But the English government, though more exactly defined 
by late contests, was not as yet reduced in
every particular to the strict limits of law. And if ever prerogative was 
justifiably employed, it semrned to be on the present
occasion; when all parts of the state were torn with past convulsions, and 
required the moderating hand of the chief
magistrate to reduce them to their ancient order. But though these appearances 
of neutrality were maintained, and a
mitigated Episcopacy only seemed to be insisted on, it was far from the 
intention of the ministry always to preserve like
regard to the Presbyterians. The madness of the Fifth Monarchy men afforded them 
a pretence for departing from it.
Venner, a desperate enthusiast; who had often conspired against Cromwell, 
having, by his zealous lectures, inflamed his own
imagination and that of his followers, issued forth at their head into the 
streets of London. They were, to the number of sixty,
completely armed, believed themselves invulnerable and invincible, and firmly 
expected the same success which had
attended Gideon and other heroes cf the Old Testament. Every one at first fled 
before them. One unhappy man, who, being
questioned, said, " he was for God * Parl. Hist. vol. Xiii. p. 173. 

Page 12 
12 HISTORY OF EGLAND,. and King Charles," was instantly murdered by them. They 
went triumphantly from street to
street, every where proclaim. ing King Jesus, who, they said, was their 
invisible leader. At length, the magistrates, having
assembled some train bands, made an attack upon them. They defended themselves 
with order as well as valor.; and after
killing many of the assailants, they made a regular retreat into Cane Wood, near 
Hampstead. Next morning, they were
chased thence by a detachment of the guards; but they ventured again to invade 
the city, which was not prepared to receive
them. After committing great disorder, and traversing almost every street of 
that immense capital, they retired into a house,
which they were resolute to defend to the last extremity. Being surrounded, and 
the house untiled, they were fired upon from
every side; and they still refused quarter. The people rushed in upon them, and 
seized the few who were alive. These were
tried, con. demned, and executed; and to the last they persisted in affirming, 
that, if they were deceived, it was the Lord that
had deceived them. Clarendon and the ministry took occasion, from this insur. 
rection, to infer the dangerous spirit of the
Presbyterians, and of all the sectaries: but the madness of the attempt 
sufficiently proved, that it had been undertaken by no
concert, and never could have proved dangerous. The well-known hatred, too, 
which prevailed between the Presbyterians
and the other sects, should have removed the former from all suspicion of any 
concurrence in the enterprise. But as a
pretence was wanted, besides their old demerits, for justifying the intended 
rigors against all of them, this reason, however
slight, was greedily laid hold of. Affairs in Scotland hastened with still 
quicker steps than those in England towards a
settlement and a compliance with the king. It was deliberated in the English 
council, whether that nation should be restored
to its liberty, or whether the forts erected by Cromwell should not still be 
upheld, in order to curb the mutinous spirit by
which the Scots in all ages had been so much governed. Lauderdale, who, from the 
battle of Worcester to the restoration,
had been detained prisoner in the Tower, had considerable influence with the 
king; and he strenuously opposed this violent
measure. He represented, that it was the loyalty of the Scottish nation which 
had engaged them in an opposition to the
English rebels; and to take advantage of the- calamities into which, on that 
account, they 

Page 13 
CHARLES IT. 13 had fallen, would be regarded as the highest injustice and 
ingratitude: that the spirit of that people was
now fully sub. dued by the servitude under which the usurpers had so long held 
them, and would of itself yield to any
reasonable comrn pliance with their legal sovereign, if, by this means, they 
recovered their liberty and independence: that the
-attachtnent of the Scots towards theirr king, whom they regarded as their native 
prince, was naturally much stronger than
that of the English; and would afford him a sure resource, in case of any 
rebellion among the latter: that republican principles
had long been, and still were, very prevalent with his southern subjects, and 
might again menace the throne with new tumults
and resistance: that the time would probably come, when the king, instead of 
desiring to see English garrisons in Scotland,
would be better pleased to have Scottish garrisons in England; who, supported by 
English pay, would be fond to curb the
seditious genius of that opulent nation: and that a people, such as the Scots, 
governed by a few nobility, would more ~easily
be reduced to submission under monarchy, than one ike the English, who breathed 
nothing but the spirit of dem. ocralical
equality. [ 1661.] These views induced the king to disband all the forces in 
Scotland, and to raze all the forts. which had
been erected. General Middleton, created earl of that name, was sent 
commissioner to the parliament, which was
summoned. A very compliant spirit was there discovered in all orders of men. The 
commissioner had even sufficient
influence to obtain an act, annulling at once all laws which had passed since 
the year 1633; on pretext of the violence which,
during that time, had been employed against the king and his father, in order to 
procure their assent to these statutes. This
was a very large, if not an unexampled concession; and, together with many 
dangerous limitations, overthrew some useful
bar. riers which had been erected to the constitution. But the tide was now 
running strongly towards monarchy; and the
Scot. tish nation plainly discovered, that their past resistance had proceeded 
more from the turbulence of their aristocracy,
and the bigotry of their ecclesiastics, than from any fixed passion towards 
civil liberty. The lords of articles were restored,
with some other branches of prerogative;.and royal authority, fortified with 
more plausible claims and pretences, was, in its
full extent, reestablished in that kingdom. The prelacy likewise, by the 
abrogating of every statute otL. vW. 2 H 

Page 14 
14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. enacted in favor of Presbytery, was thereby tacitly 
restored, and,he king deliberated what
use he should make of this concession. Lauderdale, who at bottom was a 
passionate zealot against Episcopacy, endeavored
to persuade him, ihat the Scots, if gratified in this favorite point of 
ecclesiastical government, would, in every other demand,
be entirely compliant with the king. Charless though he had not so much 
attachment to prelacy as had influenced his father
and grandfather, had suffered such indignities from the Scottish Presbyterians, 
that he ever after bore them a hearty aversion.
He said to Lauderdale, that Presbyterianism, he thought, was not a religion for 
a gentleman; and he could not consent to its
further continuance in Scotland. Middleton too and his othei ministers persuaded 
him, that the nation in general was so
disgusted with the violence and tyranny of the ecclesiastics, that any 
alteration of church government would be universally
grateful. And Clarendon, as well as Ormond, dreading that the Presbyterian sect, 
if legally established in Scotland, would
acquire authority in England and Ireland, seconded the application of these 
ministers. The resolution was therefore taken to
restore prelacy; a measure afterwards attended with many and great 
inconveniencies: but whether in this resolution Charles
chose not the lesser evil, it is very difficult to deter. mine. Sharp, who had 
been commissioned by the Presbyterians in
Scotland to manage their interests with the king was persuaded to abandon that 
party; and, as a reward for his compliance,
was created archbishop of St. Andrews. The conduct of ecclesiastical affairs was 
chiefly intrusted to him; and as he was
esteemed a traitor and a renegade by his old friends, he became on that account, 
as well as from the violence of his conduct,
extremely obnoxious to them. Charles had not promised to Scotland any such 
indemnity as lie had insured to England by the
declaration of Breda: and it was deemed more political for him to hold over 
men's heads, for some time, the terror of
punishment, till they should have made the requisite compliances with the new 
government. Though neither the king's temper
nor plan of administration led him to severity, some examples, after such a 
bloody and triumphant rebellion, seemed
necessary; and the marquis of Argyle and one Guthry were pitched on as the 
victims. Two acts of indemnity, one passed by
the late king in 1641, another by the present in 1651, formed, it was thought, 
invincible obstacles to the punishment of
Argyle, and barred 

Page 15 
CUARLES II. 15 all inquiry into that part of his conduct which might justly be 
regarded as the most exceptionable. Nothing
remained but to try him for his compliance with the usurpation; a crime common 
to him with the whole nation, and such a
one as the most loyal and affectionate subject might frequently by vio. lence be 
obliged to commit. To make this compliance
appear the more voluntary and hearty, there were produced in court letters which 
he had written to Albemrnarle, while that
general commanded in Scotland, and which contained expressions of the most 
cordial attachment to the established
government. But besides the general indignation excited by Albemarle's discovery 
of this private correspondence, men
thought, that even the highest demonstrations of affection might, during jealous 
times, be exacted as a necessary mark of
compliance from a person of such distinction as Argyle, and could not, by any 
equitable construction, imply the crime of
treason. The parliament, however, scrupled not to pass sentence upon him; and he 
died with great constancy and courage.
As he was universally known to have been the chief instrument of the past 
disorders and civil wars, the irregularity of his sen.
tence, and several iniquitous circumstances in the method of conducting his 
trial, seemed on that account to admit of some
apology. Lord Lorne, son of Argyle, having ever preserved his loyalty, obtained 
a gift of the forfeiture. Guthry was a
seditious preacher, and had personally affronted the king: his punishment gave 
surprise to nobody. Sir Archibald Johnstone
of Warriston was attainted and fled; but was seized in France about two years 
after, brought over, and executed. He had
been very active during all the late disorders; and was even suspected of a 
secret correspondence with the English regicides.
Besides these instances of compliance in the Scottish parliament, they voted an 
additional revenue to the king of forty
thousand pounds a year, to be levied by way of excise. A small force was 
purposed to be maintained by this revenue, in
order to prevent like confusions with those to which the kingdom had been 
hitherto exposed. An act was also pas ied,
declaring the covenant unlawful, and its obligation void and null. In England, 
the civil distinctions seemed to be abolished
by,he lenity and equality of Charles's administration. Cav-lier and roundhead 
were heard of no more: all men seemerd to
concur in submitting to the king's lawful prerogatives, ara ma 

Page 16 
16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND cherishing the just privileges of the people and of 
parliament Theological controversy alone
still subsisted, and kept alive some sparks of that flame which had thrown the 
nation intr combustion. While Catholics,
Independents, and other secta. ries were content with entertaining some prospect 
of toleration, Prelacy and Presbytery
struggled for the superiority and the hopes and fears of both parties kept them 
in agitation. A conference was held in the
Savoy between twelve bishops and twelve leaders among the Presbyterian 
ministers, with an inten.tion, at least on pretence,
of bringing about an accommodation between the parties. The surplice, the cross 
in baptism, the kneeling at the sacrament,
the bowing at the name of Jesus, were anew canvassed; and the ignorant multitude 
were in hopes, that so many men of
gravity and learning could not fail, after deliberate argumen'tation, to agree 
in all points of controversy: they were surprised to
see them separate more inflamed than ever, and more confirmed in their several 
prejudices. To enter into particulars would
be super. fluous. Disputes concerning religious forms are, in themselves, the 
most frivolous of any; and merit attention only so
far as they have influence on the peace and order of civil society. The king's 
declaration had promised, that some endeavors
should be used to effect a comprehension of both parties; and Charles's own 
indifference with regard to all such ques. tions
seemed a favorable circumstance for the execution of that project. The partisans 
of a comprehension said, that the
Presbyterians, as well as the Prelatists, having felt by experience the fatal 
effects of obstinacy and violence, were now well
disposed towards an amicable agreement: that the bishops, by relinquishing some 
part of their authority, and dispensing with
the most exceptionable ceremonies, would so gratify their adversaries as to 
obtain their cordial and affec. tionate
compliance, and unite the whole nation in one faith and one worship: that by 
obstinately insisting on forms, in themselves
insignificant, an air of importance was bes!owed on them, and men were taught to 
continue equally obstinate in rejecting
them: that the Presbyterian clergy would go every reasonable length, rather 
than, by parting with their livings expose
themselves to a state of beggary, at best of depend ence: and that if their 
pride were flattered by some seeming alterations,
and a pretence given them for affirming that thley had not abandoned their 
former principles, nothing furthei 

Page 17 
CARLEM ft. 17 Was wanting to produce a thorough union between those two parties, 
which comprehended the bulk of the
nation. It was alleged, on the other hand, that the difference between religious 
sects was founded, not on principle, but on
passion; and till the irregular affections of men could be corrected, 1t was in 
vain to expect, by compliances, to obtain a
perfec unanimity and comprehension: that the more insignificant the objects of 
dispute appeared, with the more certainty
might it be inferred, that the real ground of dissension was different from that 
which was universally pretended: that the love
of novelty, the pride of argumentation, the pleasure of making proselytes, and 
the obstinacy of contradiction, would forever
give rise to sects and disputes; nor was it possible that such a source of 
dissension could ever, by any concessions, be
entirely exhausted: that the church, by departing from ancient practices and 
principles, would tacitly acknowledge herself
guilty of error, and lose that reverence, go requisite for preserving the 
attachment of the multitude; and that if the present
concessions (which was more than probable) should prove ineffectual, greater 
must still be made; and in the issue, discipline
would be despoiled of all its authority, and worship of all its decency, without 
obtaining that end which had been so fondly
sought for by these dangerous indulgences. The ministry were inclined to give 
the preference to the latter arguments; and
were the more confirmed in that intenftion by the disposition which appeared in 
the parliament lately assembled. The royalists
and zealous churchmen were at present the popular party in the nation, and, 
seconded by the efforts of the court, had
prevailed in most elections. Not more than fifty-six members of the Presbyterian 
party had obtained seats in the lower
house;* and these were not able either to oppose or retard the measures of the 
majority. Monarchy, therefore, and
Episcopacy, were now exalted to as great power and splendor as they had lately 
suffered misery and depression. Sir
Edward Turner was chosen speaker. An act was passed for the security of the 
king's person and government. To intend or
devise the king's imprisonment, or bodily harm, or deposition, or levying war 
against him, was declared, during the lifetime of
his present majesty, to be high treason. To affirm him to be a Papist or 
heretic, or tc endeavor by speech or writing to
alienate his subjects' affec. * Carte's Answer to the ByStaus p 7M 

Page 18 
18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tions from him; these offences were made sufficient to 
inca. pacitate the person guilty from
holding any employment in church or state. To maintain that the long parliament 
is not dissolved, or that either or both
houses, without the king, are possessed of legislative authority, or that the 
covenant is binding, was made punishable by the
penalty of premuaire The covenant itself, together with the act for erecting the 
high court of justice, that for subscribing the
engagement, and that for declaring England a commonwealth, were ordered to be 
burnt by the hands of the hangman. The
people assisted with great alacrity on this occasion. The abuses of petitioning 
in the preceding reign had been attended with
the worst consequences; and to prevent such irregular practices for the future, 
it was enacted that no more than twenty
hands should be fixed to any petition, unless with the sanction of three 
justices, or the major part of the grand jury; and that
no 1fetition should be presented to the king or either house by above ten 
persons. The penalty annexed to a transgression of
this law was a fine of a hundred pounds and three months' imprisonment. The 
bishops, though restored to their spiritual
authority, were still excluded from parliament, by the law which the late king 
had passed immediately before the
commencement of the civil disorders. Great violence, both against the king and 
the house of peers, had been employed in
passing this law; and on that account alone the partisans of the church were 
provided with a plausible pretence for repealing
it. Charles expressed much satisfaction when he gave his assent to the act for 
that purpose. It is certain that the authority of
the crown, as well as that of the church, was interested in restoring the 
prelates to their former dignity. But those who
deemed every acquisition of the prince a detriment to the people, were apt to 
complain of this instance of complaisance in
the parliament. After an adjournment of some months, the parliament was again 
assembled, and proceeded in the same spirit
as before. They discovered no design of restoring, in its full extent, the 
ancient prerogative of the crown: they were only
anxious to repair all those breaches which had been made, not by the love of 
liberty, but by the fury of faction and civil war.
The power of the sword had in all ages been allowed to be vested in the crown; 
and though no law conferred this
prerogative, every parliament, till the last of the preceding reign, had 

Page 19 
CHARLES mI. 19 willingly submitted to an authority more ancient, and therefore 
more sacred, than- that of any positive
statute. It was now thought proper solemnly to relinquish the violent 
pretensions of that parliament, and to acknowledge that
neither one house nor both houses, independent of the king, were possessed of 
any military authority. The preamble to this
statute went so far as to renounce tall right even of defensive arms against the 
king; and much observation has been made
with regard to a cdncession esteemed so singular. Were these terms taken in 
their full literal sense, they imply a total
renunciation of limitations to monarchy, and of all privileges in the subject, 
independent of thie will of the sovereign. For as
no rights can subsist without some remedy, still less rights exposed to so much 
invasion from tyranny, or even from ambition;
if subjects must never resist, it follows that every prince, without any effort, 
policy, or violence, is at once rendered absolute
and uncontrollable; the sovereign needs only issue an edict abolishing every 
authority but his own; and all liberty from that
moment is in effect annihilated. But this meaning it were absurd to impute to 
the present parliament, who, though zeal; -
oyalists, showed in their measures that they had not cast t Jil regard to 
national privileges. They were probably sensible, that
to suppose in the sovereign any such invasion of public liberty, is entirely 
unconstitutional; and that therefore expressly to
reserve, upon that event, any right of resistance in the subject, must be liable 
to the same objection. They had seen that the
long parliament, under color of defence, had begun a violent attack upon kingly 
power; and after involving the kingdom in
blood, had finally lost that liberty for which they had so imprudently 
contended. They thought, perhaps erroneously, that it
was no longer possible, after such public and such exorbitant pretensions, to 
persevere in that prudent silence hitherto
maintained by the laws; and that it was necessary, by some positive declaration, 
to bar the return of like inconveniencies.
When they excluded, therefore, the right of defence, they supposed that the 
constitution, remaining firm upon its basis, there
never really could be an attack made'by the sovereign. If such an attack was at 
any time made, the necessity was then
extreme; and the case of extreme and violent necessity, no laws, they thought, 
could comprehend; because to such a
necessity no laws could beforehand point out a proper remedy. The other measures 
of this parliament still discovered a 

Page 20 
20 2nTOsT it Al AD Y-ore anxious care to guard against rebellion in the subject 
than encroachments in the crown; the
recent evils of civil war and usurpation had naturally increased the spirit of 
st.bmission to the monarch, and had thrown the
nation into that dangerous extreme. During the violent and jealous government of 
the parliament and of the protectors, all
magistrates liable to suspicion had been expelled the corporations; and none had 
been admitted who gave not proofs of
affection to the ruling powers, or who refused to subscribe the covenant. To 
leave all authority in such hands seemed
dangerous; and the parliament therefore empowered the king to appoint 
commissioners for regulating the corporations, and
expelling such magistrates as either intruded themselves by violence, or 
professed principles dangerous to the constitution,
civil and ecclesiastical. It was also enacted, that all magistrates should 
disclaim the obligation of the covenant, and should
declare both their belief that it was not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, 
to resist the king, and their abhorrence of the
traitorous position of taking arms by the king's authority against his per. son, 
or against those who were commissioned by
him. [1662.] The care of the church was no less attended to by this parliament 
than that of monarchy; and the bill of
uniformity was a pledge of their sincere attachment to the Episcopal hierarchy, 
and of their antipathy to Presbyterianism.
Different parties, however, concurred in promoting this bill, which contained 
many severe clauses. The Independents and
other sectaries, enraged to find all their schemes subverted by the 
Presbyterians, who had once been their associates,
exerted themnselves to disappoint that party of the favor and indulgence to 
which, from their recent merits in promoting the
restoration, they thought themselves justly entitled. By the Presbyterians, said 
they, the war was raised; by them was the
populace first incited to tumults; by their zeal, interest, and riches, were the 
armies supported; by their force was the king
subdued; and if, in the sequel, they protested against those extreme violences 
committed on his person by the military
leaders, their opposition came too late, after having supplied these usurpers 
with the power and the pretences by which they
maihtained their sanguinary measures. They had indeed concurred with the 
royalists in recalling the king; but ought they to be
esteemed, on that account, more affectionate to the royal cause? Rage and 
animosity, from disappointed ambition, werm
plainly their sole motives; and if the kirg should now 

Page 21 
LCARJS it. 21 Be so imprudent as to distinguish them by any particular 
indulgences, he would soon experience from them
the same hatred and opposition which had proved so fatal to his father. The 
Catholics, though they had little interest in the
nation, were a considerable party at court; and from their services and 
sufferings during the civil wars, it seemed but just to
bear them some favor and regard. These religionists dreaded an entire union 
among the Protestants. Were they the sole
nonconformists in the nation, the severe execution of penal laws upon their sect 
seemed an infallible consequence; and they
used, therefore, all their interest to push matters to extremity against the 
Presbyterians, who had formerly been their most
severe oppressors, and whom they now expected for their companions in 
affliction. The earl of Bristol, who, from
conviction, or interest, or levity, or complaisance for the company with whom he 
lived, had changed his religion during the
king's exile, was regarded as the head of this pnaty. The church party had, 
during so many years, suffered such injuries and
indignities from the sectaries of every denomination, that no moderation, much 
less deference, was on this occasion to be
expected in the ecclesiastics. Even the laity of that communion seemed now 
disposed to retaliate upon their enemies,
according to the usual measures of party justice. This sect or faction (for it 
partook of both) encour aged the rumors of plots
and conspiracies against the govern. ment; crimes which, without any apparent 
reason, they imputed to their adversaries.
And instead of enlarging the terms of communion, in order to comprehend the 
Presbyterians, they gladly laid hold of the
prejudices which prevailed among that sect, in order to eject them from their 
livings. By the bill of uniformity, it was required,
that every clergyman should be reordained, if he had not before received 
Episcopal ordination; should declare his assent to
every thing contained in the Book of Common Prayer; should take the oath of 
canonical obedience; should abjure the
solemn league and covenant; anr should renounce the principle of taking arms on 
any pretence whatsoever against the king.
This bill reinstated the church in the same condition in which it stood before 
the commencement of the civil wars; and as the
old persecuting laws of Elizabeth still subsisted in their full rigor, and new 
clauses of a like nature were now enacted, all the
king's promises of toleration and of indulgence to tender consciences were 
thereby eluded and bmrkea. It is 

Page 22 
22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. true, Charles, in his declaration from Breda, had 
expressed his intention of regulating that
indulgence by the advice and authority of parliament; but this limitation could 
never reasonably be extended to a total
infringement and violation of his engagements. However, it is agreed that the 
king did not voluntarily concur with this violent
measure; and that the zeal of Clarendon and of the church party among the 
commons, seconded by the intrigues of the
Catholics, was the chief cause which extorted his consent. The royalists, who 
now predominated, were very ready to
signalize their victory, by establishing those high principles of monarchy which 
their antagonists had controverted: but when
any real power of revenue was demanded for the crown, they were neither so 
forward nor so liberal in their concessions as
the king would gladly have wished. Though the parliament passed laws for 
regulating the navy, they took no notice of the
army, and declined giving their sanction to this dangerous innovation. The 
king's debts were become intolerable; and the
commons were at last constrained to vote him an extraordinary supply of one 
million two hundred thousand pounds, to be
levied by eighteen monthly assessments. But besides that this supply was much 
inferior to the occasion, the king was obliged
earnestly to solicit the commons, before he could obtain it; and, in order to 
-convince the house of its absolute neccessity, he
desired them to examine strictly into all his receipts and disbursements. 
Finding, likewise, upon-inquiry, that the several
branches of revenue fell much short of the sums expected, they at last, after 
much delay, voted a new imposition of two
shillings on each hearth; and this tax they settled on the king during life. The 
whole established revenue, however, did not for
many years exceed a million;* a sum confessedly too narrow for the public 
expenses. A very rigid frugality at least, which
the king seems to have wanted, would have been requisite to make it suffice for 
the dignity and security of government. After
all business was despatched, the parliament was prorogued. Before the parliament 
rose, the court was employed in making
preparations for the reception of the new queen, Catharine of Portugal, to whom 
the king was betrothed, and who had just
landed at Portsmouth. During the time that the Drotector carried on the war with 
Spain, he was naturally led *D'Estrades,
July 26, 1661. Mr. Ralph's History, vol. i. p. 176. 

Page 23 
CHARLES II. 23 to support the Portuguese in their revolt; and he engaged himself 
by treaty to supply them with ten
thousand men for their defence against the Spaniards. On the king's restoration, 
advances were made by Portugal for the
renewal ot the alliance; and in order to bind the friendship closer, an offer 
was made of the Portuguese princess, and a
portion of five hundred thousand pounds, together with two fortresses, Tan. 
giers in Africa, and Bombay in the East Indies.
Spain, who after the peace of the Pyrenees, bent all her force to recover 
Portugal, now in appearance abandoned by
France, took the alarm, and endeavored to fix Charles in an opposite interest, 
The Catholic king offered to adopt any other
princess as a daughter of Spain, either the princess of Parma, or, what he 
thought more popular, some Protestant princess,
the daughter of Denmark, Saxony, or Orange; and on any of these he promised to 
confer a dowry equal to that which was
offered by Portugal. But many reasons inclined Charles rather to accept of the 
Portuguese proposals. The great disorders in
the government and finances of Spain made the execution of her promises be much 
doubted; and the king's urgent
necessities demanded some immediate supply of money. The interest of the English 
commerce likewise seemed to require
that the independency of Portugal should be supported, lest the union of that 
crown with Spain should put the whole
treasures of America into the hands of one potentate. The claims, too, of Spain 
upon Dunkirk and Jamaica, rendered it
impossible, without further concessions, to obtain the cordial friendship of 
that power; and on the other hand, the offer,
made by Portugal, of two such considerable fortresses, promised a great 
accession to the naval force of England. Above all,
the proposal of a Protestant Drincess was no allurement to Charles, whose 
inclinations led hinm strongly to give the
preference to a Catholic alliance. According to the most probable accounts,* the 
resolution of marrying the daughter of
Portugal was taken by the king, unknown to all his minis. * Carte's Ormond, vol. 
ii. p. 254. This account seems better
supported than that'in Ablancourt's Memoirs, that the chancellor chiefly pushed 
the Portuguese alliance. The secret
transactions of the court of England could not be supposed to bb much known to.a 
French resident at Lisbon: and whatever
opposition the chancellor might make, he would certainly endeavor to conceal it 
from the queen and all her family; and even
in the parliament and council would support the resolution already taken. 
Clarendon himself says, in his Memoiras that.
never' either opposed or pronwoted the Portuguese match. 

Page 24 
2 rHISTORY OF ENGLAND. ters; and no remonstrances could prevail with him to 
alter hui intentions. When the matter
was laid before the council, all voices concurred in approving the resolution; 
and the parliament expressed the same
complaisance. And thus was concluded, seemingly with universal consent, the 
inauspicious marriage with Catharine, a
princess of virtue, but who was never able, either by the graces of her person 
or humor, to make herself agreeable to the
king. Tile report, however, of her natural incapacity to have children, seems to 
have been groundless, since she was twice
declared to be pregnant.* The festivity of these espousals was clouded by the 
trial and execution of criminals. Berkstead,
Cobbet, and Okey, three regicides, had escaped beyond sea; and after wandering 
some time concealed in Germany, came
privately to Delft, having appointed their families to meet them in that place. 
They were discovered by Downing, the king's
resident in Holland, who had formerly served the protector and commonwealth in 
the same station, and who once had even
been chaplain to Okey's regiment. He applied for a warrant to arrest them. It 
had been usual for the states to grant these
warrants; though at the same time, they had ever been careful secretly to 
advertise the persons, that they might be enabled to
make their escape. This precaution was eluded by the vigilance and despatch of 
Downing. He quickly seized the criminals,
hurried them on board a frigate which lay off the coast, and sent them to 
England. These three men behaved with more
moderation and submission than any of the other regicides who had suffered. Okey 
in particular, at the place of execution,
prayed for the king, and expressed his intention, had he lived, of submitting 
peaceably to the established government. He had
risen, during the wars, from being a chandler in London, to a high rank in the 
army; and in all his conduct appeared to be a
man of humanity and honor. In consideration of his good character and of his 
dutiful behavior, his body was given to his
friends to be buried. The attention of the public was much engaged by the trial 
of two distinguished criminals, Lambert and
Vane. These men, though none of the late king's judges, had been excepted from 
the general indemnity, and committed to
prison. The * Lord Lansdowne's Defence of General Monk. Temple, vol. i p. 164. 

Page 25 
CHARLEHS 1. 25 convention parliament, however, was so favorable to them, as to 
petition the king, if they should be
found guilty, to suspend their execution: but this new parliament, more zealous 
for monarchy, applied for their trial and
condemnation. Not to revive disputes which were better buried in oblivion, the 
indictment of Vane did not comprehend any
of his actions during the war between the king and parliament: it extended only 
to his behavior after the late king's death, as
member of the council of state, and-secretary of the navy, where fidelity to the 
trust reposed in him required his opposition
to monarchy. Vane wanted neither courage nor capacity to avail himself of this 
advantage. He urged, that, if a compliance
with the government at that time established in England, and the acknowledging 
of its authority, were to be regarded as
criminal, the whole nation had incurred equal guilt, and none would remain whose 
innocence could entitle them to try or
condemn him for his pretended treasons: that, accordinr to these maxims, 
wherever an illegal authority was established by
force, a total and universal destruction must ensue; while the usurpers 
proscribed one part of the nation for disobedience, the
lawful prince punished the other for compliance: that the legislature of 
England, foreseeing this violent situation, had provided
for public security by the famous statute of Henry VII.; in which it was 
enacted, that no man, in case of any revolution,
should ever be questioned for his obedience to the king in being: that whether 
the established government were a monarchy
or a commonwealth, the reason of the thing was still the same; nor ought the 
expelled prince to think himself entitled to
allegiance, so long as he could not afford protection: that it belonged not to 
private persons, possessed of no power, to dis.
cuss the title of their governor's; and every usurpation, even the most 
flagrant, would equally require obedience with the most
legal establishment: that the controversy between the late king and his 
parliament was of the most delicate nature; and men of
the greatest probity had been divided in' their choice of the party which they 
should embrace: that the par. liament, being
rendered indissoluble but by its own consent, was become a kind of coordinate 
power with the king; and as the case was
thus entirely new and unknown to the constitution, it ought not to be tried 
rigidly by the letter of the ancient laws: that for his
part, all the violences which had been put upon the parliament, and upon the 
person of the sovereign, he had ever
condemned; nor had he once appeared voL. VI. a H 

Page 26 
26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. in the house for some time before and after the execution 
of the king: that, finding the whole
government thrown into dis. order, he was still resolved, in every revolution, 
to adhere to the commons, the root, the
foundation, of all lawful authority: that in prosecution of this principle, he 
had cheerfully undergone all the violence of
Cromwell's tyranny; and would now, with equal alacrity, expose himself to the 
rigors of perverted law and justice: that
though it was in his power, on the king's restoration, to have escaped from his 
enemies, he was determined, in imitation of
the most illustrious names of antiquity, to perish in defence of liberty, and to 
give testimony with his blood for that honorable
cause in which he had been enlisted; and that, besides the ties by which God and 
nature had bound him to his native country,
he was voluntarily engaged by the most sacred covenant, whose obligation no 
earthly power should ever be able to make
him relinquish. All the defense which Vane could make was fruitless. The court, 
considering more the general opinion of his
active guilt in the beginning and prosecution of the civil wars, than the 
articles of treason charged against him, took advantage
of the letter of the law, and brought him in guilty. His courage deserted him 
not upon his condemnation. Though timid by
nature, the persuasion of a just cause supported him against the terrors of 
death, while his enthusiasm, excited by the
prospect of glory, embellished the conclusion of a life, which, through the 
whole course of it, had been so much disfigured by
the prevalence of that principle. Lest pity for a courageous sufferer should 
make impression on the populace, drum. mers
were placed under the scaffold, whose noise, as he began to launch out in 
reflections on the government, drowned his voice,
and admonished him to temper the ardor of his zeal. Hie was not astonished at 
this unexpected incident. In all his behavior
there appeared a firm and animated intrepidity; and he considered death but as a 
passage to that eternal felicity which he
believed to be prepared for him. ~ This man, so celebrated for his parliamentary 
talents, and for his capacity in business, has
left some writings behind him: they treat, all of them, of religious subjects, 
and are absolutely unintelligible: no traces 6f
eloquence, or even of common sense, appear in them. A strange paradox! did we 
not know, that men of the greatest genius,
where they relinquish by princi. pie the use of their reason, are only enabled, 
by their vigor of mind, to work themselves the
deeper into error and absurd 

Page 27 
CHARLES II. 27 ity. It was remarkable, that as Van>, by being the chief 
instrument of Strafford's death, had first opened
the way for that destruction which overwhelmed the nation, so by his death he 
closed the scene of blood. He was the last
that suffered on account of the civil wars. Lambert, though condemned, was 
reprieved at the bar; and the judges declared,
that if Vane's behavior had been equally dutiful and submissive, he would have 
experienced like lenity in the king. Lambert
survived his condemnation near thirty years. He was confined to the Isle of 
Guernsey, where he lived contented, forgetting all
his past schemes of greatness, and entirely forgotten by the nation. He died a 
Roman Catholic. However odious Vane and
Lambert were to the Presbyterians, that party had no leisure to rejoice at their 
condemnation. The fatal St. Bartholomew
approached; the day when the clergy were obliged. by the late law, either to 
relinquish their livings, or to sign the articles
required of them. A combination had been entered into by the more zealous of the 
Presbyterian ecclesiastics to refuse the
subscription, in hopes that the bishops would not venture at once to expel so 
great a number of the most popular preachers.
The Catholic party at court, who desired a great rent among the Protestants, 
encouraged them in this obstinacy, and gave
them hopes that the king would protect them in their refusal. The king him. 
self, by his irresolute conduct, contributed, either
from design or accident, to increase this opinion. Above all, the terms of 
subscription had been made strict and rigid, on
purpose to disgust all the zealous and scrupulous among the Presbyterians, and 
deprive them of their livings. About two
thousand of the clergy, in one day, relinquished their cures; and, to the 
astonishment of the court, sacrificed their interest to
their religious tenets. Fortified by society in their sufferings, they were 
resolved to undergo any hardships, rather than openly
renounce those principles, which, on other occasions, they were so apt, from 
interest, to warp or elude. The church enjoyed
the pleasure of retaliation; and even pushed, as usual, the vengeance farther 
than the offence. During the dominion of the
parliamentary party, a fifth of each living had been left to the ejected 
clergyman; but this indulgen e, though at first insisted on
by the house of peers, was? v)w refused to the Presbyterians. However difficult 
to conciliate peace among theologians, it
was hoped'by many, that some relaxa lion in the terms of communion might have 
kept the Presby 

Page 28 
28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. terians united to the church, and have cured those 
ecclesiasti cal factions which had been
so fatal, and were still so danger ous. Bishoprics were offered to Calamy, 
Baxter, and Rey. nolds, leaders among the
Presbyterians: the last only could be prevailed on to accept. Deaneries and 
other preferments were -refused by many. The
next measure of the king has not had the good fortune to be justified by any 
party, but is often considered, on what grounds
I shall not determine, as one of the greatest mistakes, if not blemishes, of his 
reign. It is the sale of Dunkirk to the French.

The parsimonious maxims of the parliament, and the liberal, or rather careless 
disposition of Charles, were ill suited to each
other; and notwithstanding the supplies voted him, his treasury was still very 
empty and very much indebted. He had secretly
received the sum of two hundred thousand crowns fiom France for the support of 
Portugal, but the forces sent over to that
country, and the fleets maintained in order to defend it, had already cost the 
king that sum, and, together with it, near double
the money which had been paid as the queen's portion.* The time fixed for 
payment of his sister's portion to the duke of
Orleans was approaching. Tangiers, a fortress from which great benefit was 
expected, was become an additional burden to
the crown; and Rutherford, who now commanded in Dunkirk, had increased the 
charge of that garrison to a hundred and
twenty thousand pounds a year. These considerations had such influence, not only 
on the king, but even on Clarendon, that
this uncorrupt minister was the most forward to advise accepting a sum of money 
in lieu of a place which, he thought, the
king, from the narrow state of his revenue, was no longer able to retain. By the 
treaty with Portugal, it was stipulated that
Dunkirk should never be yielded to the Spaniards; France was therefore the only 
purchaser that remained.'D'Estrades was
invited over by a letter from the chancellor himself, in order to conclude tne 
bargain. Nine hundred thousand pounds were
demanded: one hundred thousand were offered. The English by degrees lowered 
their demand; the French raised their offer:
and the bargain was concluded at four hundred thousand pounds. The artill ry and 
stores were valued at a fifth of the sum.f
The * D'Estrades, 17th of August, 1662. There was above half of five Hundred 
thousand pounds really paid as the queen's
portion. t D'Estrades, 21st of August, 12th of September, 1662. 

Page 29 
CHIARLS It. 29 Importance of this sale was not, at this time, sufficient;y 
known, either abroad or at home.* The French
monardui himself, so fond of acquisitions. and so g(ood a judge of iis own 
interests, thought that he had made a hard
bargain;i and this sumi, in apnl)enlanee so small, was the utmost which, he 
would allow his ambassador to offer. A new
incident discovered such- a glimpse of the king's character and principles as, 
at first, the nation was somewhat at a loss how
to interpret, bult such as subsequent events, by degrees, rendered sufficiently 
plain and manifest. H-le issuco a declaration on
pretence of mitigating the rigors contained in the act of uniformity. After 
expressing his firm resolution to observe the general
indemnity, and to trust entirely to the affections of his subjects, not to any 
military power, for the support of his throne, he
mentioned the promises of liberty of conscience contained in his declaration of 
Breda. And he subjoined, that, " as in the first
place he had been zealous to settle the uniformity of the church of England, in 
discipline, ceremony, and government, and
shall ever constantly maintain it, so, as for what concerns the penalties upon 
those who, living peaceably, do not conform
themselves thereunto, through scruple and tenderness of misguided conscience, 
but modestly and without scandal perform
their devotions in their own way, he should make it his special care, so far as 
in him lay, without invading the freedom of
parliament, to incline their wisdom, next approaching sessions, to concur with 
him in making some such act for that purpose,
as may enable him to exercise with a more universal satisfaction, that power of 
dispensing, * It appears, however, from
many of D'Estrades's letters, particularly that of the 21st of August, 1661, 
that the king might have transferred Dunkirk to the
parliament, who would not have refused to bear the charges of it, but were 
unwilling to give money to the king for that
purpose. The king, on the other hand, wasjealous lest the parliament should 
acquire any separate dominion or authority in a
branch of administration which seemed so little to belong to them; a proof that 
the government was not yet settled into that
composure and mutual confidence which is absolutely requisite for conducting it. 
t D'Estrades, 3d of October, 1662. The
chief importance, indeed, of Dunkirk to the English was, that it was able to 
distress their trade when in the hands of the
French: but it was Lewis XIV. who first made it a good seaport. If ever England 
have occasion to transport armies to the
continent, it must be in support of some ally whose towns serve to the same 
purpose as D)unkirk would, if in the hands of
the Enxglish 3* 

Page 30 
HISTORY OF ENGLAND. which he conceived to be inherent in him." * Here a most 
important prerogative was exercised
by the king; but under such artful reserves and limitations as might prevent the 
full discussion of the claim, and obviate a
breach between him and his parliament. The foundation of this measure lay much 
deeper, and was of the utmost
consequence. The king, during hlis exile, had imbibed strong prejudices in favor 
of the Catholic religion; and, according to
the most probable accounts, had already been secretly reconciled in form to the 
church of Rome. The great zeal expressed
by the parliamentary party against all Papists, had always, from a spirit of 
opposition, inclined the court and all the royalists
to adopt more favorable sentiments towards that sect, which, through the whole 
course of the civil wars, had strenuously
supported the rights of the sovereign. The rigor, too, which the king, during 
his abode in Scotland, had experienced from the
Presbyterians, disposed him to run into the other extreme, and to bear a 
kindness to the party most opposite in its genius to
the severity of those religionists. The solicitations and importunities of the 
queen mother, the contagion of the company which
he frequented, the view of a more splendid and courtly mode of worship, the 
hopes of indulgence in pleasure; all these
causes operated powerfully on a young prince, whose careless and dissolute 
temper made him incapable of adhering closely
to the principles of his early education. But if the thoughtless humor of 
Charles rendered him an easy convert to Popery, the
same disposition ever prevented the theological tenets of that sect from taking 
any fast hold of him. During his vigorous state
of health, while his blood was warm and his spirits high, a contempt and 
disregard to all religion held possession of his mind;
and he might more properly be denominated a deist than a Catholic. But in those 
revolutions of temper, when the love of
raillery gave place to reflection, and his penetrating, but negligent 
understanding was clouded with fears and apprehensions,
he had starts of more sincere conviction; and a sect which always possessed his 
inclination, was then master of his judgment
and opinion.t But though the king thus fluctuated, during his whole reign, 
between irreligion, which he more openly
professed, and * Kennet's Register, p. 850. t The author confesses, that the 
king's zeal for Popery was apt at intervals to go
further than is here supposed, as appears from many passages in James II.'s 
Memoirs. 

Page 31 
CHARLES II. 31 Popery, to which he retained a secret propensity, his brother, 
the duke of York, had zealously adopted all
the principles of that theological party. His eager temper and narrow under. 
standing made him a thorough convert, without
any reserve from interest, or doubts from reasoning and inquiry. By his 
application to business, he had acquired a great
ascendant over the king; who, though possessed of more discernment, was glad to 
throw the burden of affairs on the duke,
of whom he entertained little jealousy. On pretence of easing the Protestant 
dissenters, they agreed upon a plan for
introducing a general toleration, and giving the Catholics the free exercise of 
their religion; at least the exercise of it in private
houses. The two brothers saw with pleasure so numerous and popular a body of the 
clergy refuse conformity; and it was
hoped that, under shelter of their name, the small and hated sect of the 
Catholics might meet with favor and protection.
[1663.] But while the king pleaded his early promises of toleration, and 
insisted on many other plausible topics, the
parliament, who sat a little after the declaration was issued, could by no means 
be satisfied with this measure. The declared
intention of easing the dissenters, and the secret purpose of favoring the 
Catholics, were equally disagreeable to them; and in
these prepossessions they were encouraged by the king's ministers themselves, 
particularly the chancellor. The house of
commons represented to the king, that his declaration of Breda contained no 
promise to the Presbyterians and other
dissenters, but only an expression of his intentions, upon supposition of the 
concurrence of parliament: that even if the
nonconformists had been entitled to plead a promise, they had intrusted this 
claim, as all their other rights and privileges, to
the house of commons, who were their representatives, and who now freed the king 
from that obligation: that it was not to
be supposed, that his majesty and the houses were so bound by that declaration, 
as to be incapacitated from making any
laws which might be contrary to it: that even at the king's restoration, there 
were laws of uniformity in force, which could not
be dispensed with but by act of parliament: and that the indulgence intended 
would prove most pernicious both to church
and state, would open the door to schism, encourage faction, disturb the public 
peace, and discredit the wisdom of the
legislature. The king did not think proper, after this remonstrance, to insist 
any further at present on the project of indulgence,

Page 32 
32. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. In order to deprive the Catholics of all hopes, the two 
houset concurred in a remonstrance
against them. The king gave a gracious answer; though he scrupled not to profess 
his gratitude towards many of that
persuasion, on account of their faithful services in his father's cause and in 
his own. A proclamta. tion, for form's sake, was
soon after issued against Jesuits and Romish priests: but care was taken, by the 
very terms of it to render it ineffectual. The
parliament had allowed, thai all foreign priests, belonging to the two queens, 
should be excepted, and that a permission for
them to remain in England should still be granted. In the proclamation, the word 
foreign was purposely omitted; and the
queens were thereby authorized to give protection to as many English priests as 
they should think proper. That the king
might reap some advantage from his compliances, however fallacious, he engaged 
the commons anew into an examination of
his revenue, which, chiefly by the negligence in levying it, had proved, he 
said, much inferior to the public charges.
Notwithstanding the price of Dunkirk, his debts, he complained, amounted to a 
considerable sum; and to satisfy the
commons that the money formerly granted him had not been prodigally expended, he 
offered to lay before them the whole
account of his disbursements. It is, however, agreed on all hands, that the 
king, though during his banish. ment he had
managed his small and precarious income with great order and economy, had now 
much abated of these virtues, and was
unable to make his royal revenues suffice for his expenses. The commons, without 
entering into too nice a disquisition, voted
him four subsidies; and this was the last time that taxes were levied in that 
manner. Several laws were made this session with
regard to trade. The militia also came under consideration, and some rules were 
established for ordering and arming it. It
was enacted that the king should have no power of keeping the militia under arms 
above fourteen days in the year. The
situation of this island, together with its great naval power, has alwaya 
occasioned other means of security, however
requisite, to be mueh neglected among us: and the parliament showed hers a very 
superfluous jealousy of the king's strictness
in dis ciplining the militia. The principles of liberty rather require a 
contrary jealousy. The earl of Bristol's friendship with
Clarendon, which had subsisted, with great intimacy, during their exile and the 

Page 33 
CHARLES II. 33 distresses of the royal party, had been considerably impaired, 
since the restoration, by the chancellor's
refusing his assent to some grants which Bristol had applied for to a court 
lady: and a little after, the latter nobleman,
agreeably to the impetuosity and indiscretion of his temper, broke out against 
the minister in the most outrageous manner. He
even entered a charge of treason against him before the house of peers; but had 
concerted his measures so imprudently, that
the judges, when consulted, declared, that neither for its matter nor its form 
could the charge be legally received. The articles
indeed resemble more the incoherent altercations of a passionate enemy, than a 
serious accusation, fit to be discussed by a
court of judicature; and Bristol himself was so ashamed of his conduct and 
defeat, that he absconded during some time.
Notwithstanding his fine talents, his eloquence, his spirit, and his courage, he 
could never regain the character which he lost
by this hasty and precipitate measure. But though Clarendon was able to elude 
this rash assault, his credit at court was
sensibly declining; and in proportion as the king found himself established on 
the throne, he began to alienate himself from a
minister whose character was so little suited to his own. Charles's favor for 
the Catholics was always opposed by
Clarendon, public liberty was secured against all attempts of the over-zealous 
royalists, prodigal grants of the king were
checked or refused, and the dignity of his own character was so much consulted 
by the chancellors that he made it an
inviolable rule, as did also his friend Southampton, never to enter into any 
connection with the royal mistresses. The king's
favorite was Mrs. Palmer, afterwards created duchess of Cleveland; a woman 
prodigal, rapacious, dissolute, violent,
revengeful. She failed not in her turn to undermine Clarendon's credit with his 
master; and her success was at this time made
apparent to the whole world. Secretary Nicholas, the chancellor's great friend, 
was removed from his place; and Sir Harry
Bennet, his avowed enemy, was advanced to that office. Bennet was soon after 
created Lord Arlington. Though the king's
conduct had hitherto, since his restoration been in the main laudable, men of 
penetration began to observe, that those virtues
by Which he had at first so much dazzled and enchanted the nation, had great 
show, but not equal solidity. His good
understanding lost much.of its influence by his want of application; his bounty 
was more the result of a 

Page 34 
34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. facility of disposition than any generosity of character; 
his social humor led him frequently to
neglect hi; dignity; his love of )leasuLre was not attended with proper 
sentiment and decency; and while he seemed to bear a
good will to every one that approached him, he had a heart not very capable of 
friendship, and he had secretly entertained a
very bad opinion and distrust of mankind. But above -all, what sullied his 
character in the eyes of good judges, was his
negligent ingratitude towards the unfortunate cavaliers, whose zeal and 
sufferings in the royal cause had known no bounds.
This conduct, however, in the king may, from the circumstances of his situation 
and temper, admit of some excuse; at least,
of some alleviation. As he had been restored more by the efforts of his 
reconciled enemies than of his ancient friends, the
former pretended a title to share his favor; and being from practice acquainted 
with public business, they were better
qualified to execute any trust committed to them. The king's revenues were far 
from being large, or even equal to his

necessary expenses; and his mistresses, and the companions of his mirtn and 
pleasures, gained by solicitation every request
from his easy temper. The very poverty to which the more zealous royalists had 
reduced themselves, by rendering them
insignificant, made them unfit to support the king's measures, and caused him to 
deem them a useless encumbrance. And as
many false and ridiculous claims of merit were offered, his natural indolence, 
averse to a strict discuysion or inquiry, led him
to treat them all with equal indifferenee. The parliament took some notice of 
the poor cavaliers. Sixty thousand pounds were
at one time distributed among them; Mrs. Lane also and the Penderells had 
handsome presents and pensions from the king.
But the greater part of the royalists still remained in poverty and distress, 
aggravated by the cruel disappointment in their
sanguine hopes, and by seeing favor and preferment bestowed upon their most 
inveterate foes. With regard to the act of
indemnity and oblivion, they universally said, that it was an act of indemnity 
to the king's enemies, and of oblivion to his
friends. 

Page 35 
CHARLES II. 35 CHAPTER LXIV. CHARLES II. [1664.] THIE next session of parliament 
discovered a con tinuance of
the same principles which had prevailed in all the foregoing. Monarchy and the 
church were still the objects of regard and
affection. During no period of the present reign did this spirit more evidently 
pass the bounds of reason and moderation. The
king, in his speech to the parliament, had ventured openly to demand a repeal of 
the triennial act; and he even went so far as
to declare that, notwithstanding the law, he never would allow any parliament to 
be assembled by the methods prescribed in
that statute. The parliament, without taking offence at this declaration, 
repealed the law; and in lieu of all the securities
formerly provided, satisfied themselves with a general clause, " that parliament 
should not be interrupted above three years at
the most." As the English parliament had now raised itself to be a regular check 
and control upon royal power, it is evident
that they ought still to have preserved a regular security for their meeting, 
and not have trusted entirely to the good will of the
king, who, if ambitious or enterprising, had so little reason to be pleased with 
these assemblies. Before the end of Charles's
reign, the nation had occasion to feel very sensibly the effects of this repeal. 
By the act of uniformity, every clergyman who
should officiate without being properly qualified, was punishable by fine and 
imprisonment: but this security was not thought
sufficient for the church. It was now enacted, that, wherever five persons above 
those of the same household should
assemble in a religious congregation, every one of them was liable, for the 
first offence, to be imprisoned three months, or
pay five pounds; for the second, to be imprisoned six months, or pay ten pounds; 
and for the third, to be transported seven
years, or pay a hundred pounds. The parliament had only in their eye the 
malignity of the sectaries; they should have carried
their attention further, to the chief cause of that malignity, the restraint 
under which they labored. 

Page 36 
86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The commons likewise passed a vote, that the wrongs, 
dishonors, and indignities offered to
the English by the subjects of the United Provinces, were the greatest 
obstructions to all foreign trade: and they promised to
assist the king with thei: lives and fortunes in asserting the rights of his 
crown against all opposition whatsoever. This was the
first open step towards a Dutch war. We must explain the causes and motives of 
this measure. That close union and
confederacy which, during a course of near seventy years, has subsisted, almost 
without interruption or jealousy, between
England and Holland, is not so much founded on the natural, unalterable 
interests of these states, as on their terror of the
growing power of the French monarch, who, without their combination, it is 
apprehended, would soon extend his dominion
over Europe. In the first years of Charles's reign, when the ambitious genius of 
Lewis had not as yet displayed itself, and
when the great force of his people was in some measure unknown even to 
themselves, the rival. ship of commerce, not
checked by any other jealousy or apprehension, had in England begotten a violent 
enmity against the neighboring republic.
Trade was beginning among the English to be a matter of general concern; but 
notwithstanding all their efforts and
advantages, their commerce seemed hitherto to stand upon a footing which was 
somewhat precarious. The Dutch, who by
industry and frugality were enabled to undersell them in every market, retained 
possession of the most lucrative branches of
commerce; and the English merchants had the mortification to find, that all 
attempts to extend their trade were still turned, by
the vigilance of their rivals, to their loss and dishonor. Their indignation 
increased, when they considered the superior,Paval
power of England; the bravery of her officers and seamen; her favorable 
situation, which enabled her to intercept the whole
Dutch commerce. By the prospect of these advantages, they were strongly 
prompted, from motives less just and political, to
make war upon the states; and at once to ravish from them by force what they 
could not obtain, or ccild obtain but slowly,
by superior skill and industry. The careless, unambitious temper of Charles 
rendered him little capable of forming so vast a
project as that of engrossing the commerce and naval power of Europe; yet could 
he not remain altogether insensible to such
obvious and such temptwag prospects. His genius, happily turned towards 
mechanics, 

Page 37 
CHARLES II. 87 had inclined him to study naval affairs, which, of all branches 
of business, he both loved the most and
understood the best. Though the Dutch, during his exile, had expressed towards 
him more civility and friendship than he had
receied from any other foreign power, the Louvestein or aristocratic faction, 
which at this time ruled the commonwea th, had
fallen into close union with France; and could that party be subdued, lihe might 
hope that his nephew, the young prince of
Orange, would be reintated in the authority possessed by his ancesors, and woula 
oring the states to a dependence under
England. HEis narrow revenues made it still requisite for him to study the 
humors of his people, which now ran violently
towards war; and it has been suspected, though the suspicion was not justified 
by the event, that the hopes of diverting some
of the supplies to his private use were not overlooked by this necessitous 
monarch. The duke of York, more active and
enterprising, pushed more eagerly the war with Holland. He desired an 
opportunity of distinguishing himself: he loved to
cultivate commerce: he was at the head of a new African company, whose trade was 
extremely checked by the settlements
of the Dutch: and perhaps the religious prejudices by which that prince was 
always so much governed, began, even so early,
to instil into him an antipathy against a Protestant commonwealth, the bulwark 
of the reformation. Clarendon and
Southampton, observing that the nation was not supported by any foreign 
alliance, were averse to hostilities; but their credit
was now on the decline. By these concurring motives, the court and parliament 
were both of them inclined to a Dutch war.
The parliament was prorogued without voting supplies: but as they had been 
induced, without any open application from the
crown, to pass that vote above mentioned against the Dutch encroachments, it was 
reasonably considered as sufficient
sanction for the vigorous measures which were resolved on. Down.ng, the English 
minister at the Hague, a man of an
insolent, impetuous temper, presented a memorial to the states, containing a 
list of those depredations of which the English
complained. It is remarkable, that all the pretended depreda-,ions preceded the 
year 1662, when a treaty of league and
alliance had been renewed with the Dutch; and these complaints were then thought 
either so ill grounded or so frivolous, that
they had not been mentioned in the treaty..Two ships VOL. VI. 4 H 

Page 38 
38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. alone, the Bonaventure and the Good Hope, had been 
claimed by the English; and it was
agreed that the claim should be prosecuted by the ordinary course of justice. 
The states had consigned a sumr of money, in
case the cause should be decided against them; but the matter was still in 
dependence. Cary, who was intrusted by the
proprietors with the management of the lawsuit for the Bonaventure, had resolved 
to accept of thirty thousand pounds,
which were offered him; but was hin. dered by Downing, who told him that the 
claim was a matter of state between the two
nations, not a concern of private persons.* These circumstances give us no 
favorable idea of the justice of the English
pretensions. Charles confined not himself to memorials and remonstrances. Sir 
Robert Holmes was secretly despatched with
a squadron of twenty-two ships to the coast of Africa. He not only expelled the 
Dutch from Cape Corse, to which the
English had some pretensions; he likewise seized the Dutch settlements of Cape 
Verde and the Isle of Goree, together with
several ships trading on that coast. And having sailed to America, he possessed 
himself of Nova Belgia, since called New
York; a territory which James 1. had given by patent to the earl of Stirling, 
but which had never been planted but by the
Hollanders. When the states complained of these hostile measures, the king, 
unwilling to avow what he could not well justify,
pretended to be totally ignorant of Holmes's enter. prise. He likewise confined 
that admiral to the Tower; but some time after
released him. The Dutch, finding that their applications for redress were likely 
to be eluded, and that a ground of quarrel was
industriously sought for by the English, began to arm with diligence. They even 
exerted, with some precipitation, an act of
vigor which hastened on the rupture. Sir Johp Lawson and De Ruyter had been sent 
with combined squadrons into the
MedIterranean, in order to chastise the piratical states on the coast of 
Barbary; and the time of their separation and return
was now approaching. The states secretly despatched orders to De Ruyter, that he 
should take in provisions at Cadiz; and
sailing towards the coast of Guinea, should retaliate on the English, and put 
the Dutch in possession of those settlements
whence Holmes had expelled them. De Ruyter, having a considerable force on 
board, met with no opposition in Guinea. *
Temple, vol. ii. p. 42. 

Page 39 
CHARLES 1I. 39 All the new acquisitions of the English, except Cape Corse, were 
recovered from them. They were even
dispossessed of some old settlements. Such of their ships as fell into his hands 
were seized by De Ruyter. That admiral sailed
next to America. He attacked Barbadoes, but was repulsed. He afterwards 
committed hostilities on Long Island. Meanwhile
the English preparations for war were advancing with vigor and industry. The 
king had received no supplies from parliament;
but by his own funds and credit he was enabled to equip a fleet: the city of 
London lent him one hundred thousand pounds:
the spirit of the nation seconded his armaments: he himself went from port to 
port, inspecting with great diligence, and
encouraging the work; and in a little time the English navy was put in a 
formidable condition. Eight hundred thousand pounds
are said to have been expended on this armament. When Lawson arrived, and 
communicated his suspicion of De Ruyter's
enterprise, orders were issued for seizing all Dutch ships; and one hundred and 
thirty-five fell into the hands of the English.
These were not declared pri-zes till afterwards, when war was proclaimed. The 
parliament, when it -met, granted a supply,
the largest by far that had ever been given to a king of England, yet scarcely 
sufficient for the present undertaking. Near two
millions and a half were voted, to be levied by quarterly pay. ments in three 
years. The avidity of the merchants, together
with the great prospect of success, had animated the whole nation against the 
Dutch. A great alteration was made this
session in the method of taxing the clergy. In almost all the other monarchies 
of Europe, the assemblies, whose consent was
formerly requisite to the enacting of laws, were composed of three estates, the 
clergy, the nobility, and the commonalty,
which formed so many members of the political body, of which the king was 
considered as the head. In England too, the
parliament was. always represented as consisting of three estates; but their 
separation was never so distinct as in other
kingdoms. A convocation, however, had usually sitten at the same time with the 
parliament; though they possessed not a
negative voice in the passing of laws, and assumed no other temporal power than 
tnat of imposing taxes on the clergy. By
reason of ecclesiastical preferments, which he could bestow, the king's 
influence over the church was more considerable
than over the laity; so that the subsidies granted by the convocation 

Page 40 
40 HrSTORY OF EIGLANNI were commonly greater than those which were voted by par. 
liament. The church, therefore,
was not displeased to depart tacitly from the right of taxing herself, and allow 
the commons to lay impositions on
ecclesiastical revenues, as on the rest of the kingdom. In recompense, two 
subsidies, which the convocation had formerly
granted, were remitted, and tilhe parochial clergy were allowed to vote at 
elections. Thus the church of England made a
barter of power for profit. Their convocations, having become ins gnificant to 
the crown, have been much disused of late
years. The Dutch saw, with the utmost regret, a war approaching, whence they 
might dread the most fatal consequences, but
which afforded no prospect of advantage. They tried every art of negotiation, 
before they would come to extremities. Their
measures were at that time directed by John de Wit, a minister equally eminent 
for greatness of mind, for capacity, and for
integrity. Though moderate in his private deportment, he knew how to adopt in 
his public counsels that mag. nanimity which
suits the minister of a great state. It was ever his maxim, that no independent 
government should yield to another any evident
point of reason or equity; and that all such concessions, so far from preventing 
war, served to no other purpose than to
provoke fresh claims and insults. By his management a spirit of union was 
preserved in all the provinces; great sums were
levied; and a navy was equipped, composed of larger ships than the Dutch had 
ever built before, and able to cope with the
fleet of England. [1665.] As soon ascertain intelligence arrived of De Ruyter's 
enterprises, Charles declared war against the
states. His fleet, consisting of one hundred and fourteen sail, besides 
fireships and ketches, was commanded by the duke of
York, and under him by Prince Rupert and the earl of Sandwich. It lhad about 
twenty-two thousand men on board. Obdam,
who was admiral of the Dutch navy, of nearly equal force, declined not the 
combat. In the heat of action, when engaged in
close fight with the duke of York, Obdam's ship blew up. This accident much 
discouraged the Dutch, who fled towards their
own coast. Tromp alone, son of the famous admiral killed during the former war, 
bravely sustained with his squadron the
efforts of the English, and protected the rear of his countrymen. The vanquished 
had nineteen ships sunk and taken. The
victors lost only one. Sir John Lawson died soon after of his wounds. 

Page 41 
CtARLES It. 41 It is affirmed, and with an appearance of reason, that this 
victory might have been rendered more complete,
had not orders been issued to slacken sail by Brounker, one of the duke's 
bed-chamber, who pretended authority from his
master. The duke disclaimed the orders; but Brounker never was sufficiently 
punished for his temerity.* It is allowed,
however, that the duke behaved with great bravery during the action. He was long 
in the thickest of the fire. Tile earl of Fal.
mouth, Lord Muskerry, and Mr. Boyle, were killed by one shot at his side, and 
covered him all over with their brains and
gore. And it is not likely, that, in a pursuit, where even persons of interior 
station, and of the most cowardly disposition,
acquire courage, a commander should feel his spirits to flag, and should turn 
from the back of an enemy, whose face he had
not been afraid to encounter. This disaster threw the Dutch into consternation, 
and determined De Wit, who was the soul of
their councils, to exert his military capacity, in order to support the 
declining courage of his countrymen. He went on board
the fleet, which he took under his command; and he soon remedied all those 
disorders which had been occasioned by the
late misfortune. The genius of this man was of the most extensive nature. He 
quickly became as much master of naval affairs,
as if he had from his infancy been educated in them; and he even made 
improvements in some parts of pilotage and sailing,
beycad what men expert in those arts had ever been able to attain. The 
misfortunes of the Dutch determined their allies to
act for their assistance and support. The king of France was engaged in a 
defensive alliance with the states; but as his * King
James, in his Memoirs, gives an account of this affair different from what we 
meet with in any historian.'He says, that, while
he was asleep, Brounker brought orders to Sir John Harman, captain of the ship, 
to slacken sail. Sir John remonstrated, but
obeyed. After sorr- time, finding that his falling back was likely to produce 
confusion in the fleet, he hoisted the sail as
before; so that the prince, coming soon after on the quarter deck, and finding 
all things as he left them, knew nothing of what
had passed during his repose. Nobody gave him the least intimation of it. It was 
long after that he heard of it, by a kind of
accident; and he intended to have punished Brounker by martial law; but just 
about that time, the house of commons took up
the question, and impeached him, which made it impossible for the duke to punish 
him otherwise than by dismissing him his
service. Brounker, before the house, never pretended that he had received any 
orders fiom the duke. 4* 

Page 42 
42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. naval force was yet in its infancy, he was extremely 
averse at that time, from entering into a
war with so formidable a power as England. He long tried to mediate a peace 
between the.states, and for that purpose sent
an embassy to London, which returned without effecting any thing. Lord Hollis, 
the English ambassador at Paris, endeavored
to draw over Lewis to the side of England; and, in his master's name, made him 
the most tempting offers. Charles was
content to abandon all the Spanish Low Countries to the French, without 
pretending to a foot of ground for himself,
provided Lewis would allow him to pursue his advantages against the. Dutch.* But 
the French monarch, though the
conquest of that valuable territory was the chief object of his ambition, 
rejected the offer as contrary to his interests: he
thought, that if the English had once established an uncontrollable dominion 
over the sea and over commerce, thev would
soon be able to render his acquisitions a dear purchase to him. When De Lionne, 
the French secretary, assured Van
Beuninghen, ambassador of the states, that this offer had been pressed on his 
master during six months, "I can readily believe
it," replied the Dutchman; " I am sensible that it is the interest of England." 
t Such were the established maxims at that time
with regard to the interests of princes. It must, however, be allowed, that the 
politics of Charles, in making this offer, were
not a little hazardous. The extreme weakness of Spain would have rendered the 
French conquests easy and infallible; but the
vigor of the Dutch, it might be foreseen, would make the success of the English 
much more precarious. And even were the
naval force of Holland totally annihilated, the acquisition of the Dutch 
commerce to England could not be relied on as a
certain consequence; nor is trade a constant attendant of power, but depends on 
many other, and, some of them very
delicate, circumstances. Though the king of France was resolved to support the 
Hollanders in that unequal contest in which
they were engaged, he yet protracted his declaration, and employed the time in 
naval preparations, both in the ocean and the
Mediterranean. The king of Denmark, meanwhike, was resolved not to remain an 
idle spectator of the contest between the
maritime powers. The part which he acted was the most extraordinary: he * 
D'Estrades, December 19, 1664. t D'Estrades,
August 14, 1666, 

Page 43 
CHARLES II. 43 made a secret agreement with Charles to seize all the Dutch ships 
in his harbors, and to share the spoils
with the English provided they would assist him in executing this measure. In 
order to increase his prey, he perfidiously
invited the Dutch to take shelter in his polrts; and accordingly the East India 
fleet, very richlv laden, had put into Bergen.
Sandwich, who now commanded the English navy, (the duke having gone ashore,) 
despatched Sir Thomas Tiddiman with a
squadron to attack them; but whether from the king of Denmark's delay in sending 
orders to the governor, or, what is more
probable, from his avidity in endeavoring to engross the whole booty, the 
English admiral, though he behaved with great
bravery, failed of his purpose. The Danish governor fired upon him; and the 
Dutch, having had leisure to fortify themselves,
made a gallant resistance. The king of Denmark, seemingly ashamed of his 
conduct, concluded with Sir Gilbert Talbot, the
English envoy, an offensive alliance against the states; and at the very same 
time, his resident at the Hague, by his orders,
concluded an offensive alliance against England. To this latter alliance he 
adhered, probably from jealousy of.the increlasing
naval power of England; and he seized and confiscated all the English ships in 
his harbors. This was a sensible check to the
advantages which Charles had obtained over the Dutch. Not only a blow was given 
to the English commerce; the king of
Denmark's naval force was also considerable, and threatened every moment a 
conjunction with the Hollanders. T-hat prince
stipulated to assist his ally with a fleet of thirty sail; and he received in 
return a yearly subsidy of one million five hundred
thousand crowns, of which three hundred thousand were paid by France. The king 
endeavored to counterbalance these
confederacies by acquiring new friends and allies. He had despatched Sir Richard 
Fanshaw into Spain, who met with a very
cold reception. That monarchy was sunk into a state of weakness, and was menaced 
with an invasion from France; yet
could not any motive prevail with Philip to enter into cordial friendship with 
England. Charles's alliance with Portugal, the
detention of Jamaica and Tangiers, the sale of Dunkirk to the French; all these 
offences sunk so deep in the mind of the
Spanish monarch, that no motive of interest was sufficient to outweigh them. The 
bishop of Munster was the only ally that
Charles could 

Page 44 
Aq HISTORY OF ENGLAND. acquire. This prelate, a man of restless enterprise and 
ambl tion, had entertained a violent
animosity against the states; and he was easily enygaged, by the promise of 
subsidlies from England, to 1make all
incursionon itha rtel)ul)lic. \\'ih a tu m1ltiituary army of near twenty 
tliousallld men, lie intvaded het territories, and met wihbh
weak resistance. Th' landl forces of the states were as feeble anti ill,overned, 
as their fleets were gallant and formidable. But
after his coMtnitting great ravages in several of the provinces, a stop was puit 
to tle prongress of this warlike prelate. He had
not military skill sufficient to improve the advantages which fortune had put 
into his hands: the king of France sent a body of
six thousand men to oppose him: subsidies were not regularly remitted f;a from 
England; and many of his troops deserted for
war cl pay: the elector of Brandenburgh threatened him witi. an invasion in his 
own state; and on the whole, he was ginJ to
conclude a peace under the mediation of France. O the first surmise of his 
intentions, Sir William Tremple was sent from
London with money to fix him in his former alliance; but found that he arrived 
too late. The Dutch, encouraged by all these
favorable circumstances, continued resolute to exert themselves to the utmost in 
their own defence. De Ruyter, their great
admiral, was arrived from his expedition to Guinea: their Indian fleet was come 
home in safety: their harbors were crowded
with merchant ships: faction at home was appeased: the young prince of Orange 
had put himself under the tuition of tile
states of Holland, and of De Wit, their pensionary, who executed his trust with 
honor and fidelity; and the animosity which
the Hollanders entertained against the attack of the English, so unprovoked, as 
they thought it, made them thirst for revenge,
and hope for better success in their next enterprise. Such vigor was exerted in 
the common cause, that, in order to man the
fleet, all merchant ships were prohibited to sail, and even the fisheries were 
suspended.* The English likewise continued in
the same disposition, though another more grievous calamity had joined itself to 
that of war. The plague had broken out in
London; and that with such violence as to cut off, in a year, near ninety 
thousand inhabitants. The king was obliged to
summon the parliament at Oxford. * Tromp's Life. D'Estrades, February E, 1665. 

Page 45 
CHARLES II. 45 A good agreement still subsisted between the king and par. 
lament. They, on their part, unanimously
voted him the supply demanded, twelve hundred and fifty thousand pounds, to be 
levied in two years by monthly
assessments. And he, to gratify them, passed the five-mile act, which has given 
occasion to grievous and not unjust
complaints. The church, under pretence of guarding monarchy against its 
inveterate enemies, persevered in the project of
Wreaking her own enmity against the nonconformists. It was enacted, that no dis. 
senting teacher, who took not the
nonresistance oath above mentioned, should, except upon the road, come within 
five miles of any corporation, or of any
place, where he had preached after the act of oblivion. The penalty was a fine 
of fifty pounds, and six months' imprisonment.
By ejecting the nonconforming clergy from their churches, and prohibiting -ill 
separate congregations, they had been
rendered incapable of gaining any livelihood by their spiritual profession. And 
now, under color of removing them from
places where their influence might be dangerous, an expedient was fallen upon to 
deprive them of all means of subsistence.
Had not the spirit of the nation undergone a change, these violences were 
preludes to the most furious persecution. However
prevalent the hierarchy, this law did not pass without opposition. Besides 
several peers, attached to the old parliamentary
party, Southampton himself, though ClarenJon's great friend, expressed his 
disapprobation of these measures. But the
church party, not discouraged with this opposition, introduced into the house of 
commons a bill for imposing the oath of
nonresistance on the whole nation. It was rejected only by three voices. The 
parliament, after a short session, was
prorogued. [1666.] After France had declared war, England was evidently 
overmatched in force. Yet she possessed this
advantage by her situation, that she lay between the fleets of her enemies, and 
might be able, by speedy and well-concerted
operations, to prevent their junction. But such was the un happy conduct of her 
commanders, or such the want of intelligence

in her ministers, that this circumstance turned rather to her prejudice. Lewis 
had given orders to the duke of Beaufort, his
admiral, to sail from Toulon; and the French squadron under his command, 
consisting of above forty sail,* was now
commonly supposed to be entering the Channel. * D'Estrades, May 21, 1666. 

Page 46 
46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, The Dutch fleet, to the number of seventy-six sail, was 
at sea, under the command of De
Ruyter and Tromp, in order to join him. The duke of Albemarle and Prince Rupert 
coinmanded the English fleet, which
exceeded not seventy-four sail. Albemarle, who, from his successes under the 
protector, had too much learned to despise
the enemy, proposed to detach Prince Rupert with twenty ships, in order to 
oppose the duke of Beaufort. Sir Ge6rge
Ayscue, wvell acquainted with the bravery and conduct of De Ruyter, protested 
against the temerity of this resolution: but
Albemarle's authority prevailed. The remainder of the English set sail to give 
battle to the Dutch; who, seeing the enemy
advance quickly upon them, cut their cables, and prepared for the combat. The 
battle that ensued is one of the most
memorable that we read of in story; whether we consider its long duration, or 
the desperate courage with which it was
fought. Albemarle made here some atonement by his valor for the rashness of the 
attempt. No youth, animated by glory and
ambitious hopes, could exert himself more than did this man, who was now in the 
decline of life, and who had reached the
summit of honors. We shall not enter minutely into particulars. It will be 
sufficient to mention the chief events of each day's
engagement. In the first day, Sir William Berkeley, vice-admiral, leading the 
van, fell into the thickest of the enemy, was
overpowered, and his ship taken. He himself was found dead in his cabin, all 
covered with blood. The English had the
weather-gage of the enemy; but as the wind blew so hard that they could not use 
their lower tier, they derived but small
advantage from this circumstance. The Dutch shot, however, fell chiefly on their 
sails and rigging; and few ships were sunk or
much damaged. Chain- shot was at that time a new invention; commonly attributed 
to De Wit. Sir John Harman exerted
himself extr'mely on this day. The Dutch admiral, Evertz, was killed in engaging 
him. Darkness parted the combatants. The
second day, the wind was somewhat fallen, and the combat became more steady and 
more terrible. The English now found,
that the greatest valor cannot compensate the superiority of numbers, against an 
enemy who is well con. ducted, and who is
not defective in courage. De Ruyter and Van Tromp, rivals in glory and enemies 
from faction, exerted themselves in
emulation of each other; and De Ruyter had the advantage of disengaging and 
saving his antagonist, who had been
surrounded by the English, and was in the most 

Page 47 
CHARLES IT. 47 imminent danger. Sixteen fresh ships joined the Dutch fleet 
during the action: and the English were so
shattered, that their fighting ships were reduced to twenty-eight, and they 
found themselves obliged to retreat towards their
own coast. The Dutch followed them, and were on the point of renewing the 
combat; when a calm, which came a little
before night, prevented the engagement. Next morning, the English were obliged 
to continue their retreat; and a proper
disposition was made for that purpose. The shattered ships were ordered to- 
stretch ahead; and sixteen of the most entire
followed them in good order, and kept the enemy in awe. Albemarle himself closed 
the rear, and presented an undaunted
countenance to his victorious foes. The earl of Ossory, son of Ormond, a gallant 
youth, who sought honor and experience in
every action throughout Europe, was then on board the admiral. Albemarle 
confessed to him his intention rather to blow up
his ship and perish gloriously, than yield to the enemy. Ossory applauded this 
desperate resolution. About two o'clock, the
Dutch had come up with their enemy, and were ready to renew the fight; when a 
new flbet was descried from the south,
crowding all their sail to reach the scene of action. The Dutch flattered 
themselves that Beaufort was arrived to cut off the
retreat of the vanquished: the English hoped, that Prince Rupert had come, to 
turn the scale of action. Albemarle, who had
received intelligence of the prince's approach, bent his course towards him. 
Unhappily, Sir George Ayscue, in a ship of a
hundred guns, the largest in the fleet, struck on the Galloper sands, and could 
receive-no assistance from his friends, who
were hastening to join the reinforcement. He could not even reap the consolation 
of perishing with honor, and revenging his
death on his enemies. They were preparing fireships to attack him, and he was 
obligedito strike. The English sailors, seeing
the necessity, with the utmost indignation surrendered themselves prisoners. 
Albemarle and Prince Rupert were now
determined to face the enemy; and next morning, the battle began afresh, with 
more equal force than ever, and with equal
valor. After long cannonading, the fleets came to a close combat; which was 
continued with great violence, till parted by a
mist. The English retired first into their harbors. Though the English, by their 
obstinate courage, reaped the chief honor in this
engagement, it is somewhat uncertain who 

Page 48 
48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. obtained the victory. The Hollanders took a few ships; 
and having some appearances of
advantage, expressed their satis. faction by all the signs of triumph and 
rejoicing. But as the English fleet was repaired in a
little time, and put to sea more formidable than ever, together with many of 
those ships which the Dutch had boasted to have
burned or destroyed, all Europe saw, that those two brave-nations were engaged 
in a contest which was not likely,- on
either side, to prove decisive. It was the conjunction alone of the French, that 
could give a decisive superiority to the Dutch.
In order to facilitate this conjunction, De Ruyter, having repaired his fleet, 
posted himself at the mouth of the Thames. The
English, under Prince Rupert and Albemarle, were not long in coming to the 
attack. The numbers of each fleet amounted to
about eighty sail; and the valor and experience of the commanders, as well as of 
the seamen, rendered the engagement fierce
and obstinate. Sir Thomas Allen, who commanded the white squadron of the 
English, attacked the Dutch van, which he
entirely routed; and he killed the three admirals who commanded it. Van Tromp 
engaged Sir Jeremy Smith; and during the
heat of action, he was separated from De Ruyter and the main body, whether by 
accident or design was never certainly
known. De Ruyter, with conduct and valor, maintained the combat against the main 
body of the English; and, though over.
powered by numbers, kept his station, till night ended the engagement. Next day, 
finding the Dutch fleet scattered and
discouraged, his high spirit submitted to a retreat, which yet he conducted with 
such skill, as to render it equally honorable to
himself as the greatest victory. Full of indignation, however, at yielding the 
superiority to the enemy, he frequently exclaimed,
" My God! what a wretch am I! Among so many thousand bullets, is there not one 
to put an end to my miserable life?" One
De Witte, his son-in-law, who sfood near, exhorted him, since he sought death, 
to turn upon the English, and render his life a
dear purchase to the victors. But De Ruyter esteemed it more worthy a brave man 
to persevere to the uttermost, and, as
long as possible, to render service to his country. All that night and next day, 
the English pressed upon the rear of the Dutch;
and it was chiefly by the redoubled efforts of De Ruyter, that the latter saved 
themselves'n their harbors. The loss sustained
by the Hollanders in this action was not very considerable; but as violent 
animosities had broken out 

Page 49 
OIIARLE II49 between the two admirals, who engaged all the officers on one side 
or other, the consternation which took
place was great among the provinces. Tromp's commission was at last taken from 
him; but though several captains had
misbehaved they were s9 effectually protected by their friends in the magistracy 
of the towns, that most of them escaped
punish. ment, and many were still continued in their commands. The English now 
rode incontestable masters of the sea, and
insulted the Dutch in their harbors. A detachment under Hohnes was sent into the 
road of Vlie, and burned a hundred and
forty merchantmen, two men-of-war, together with Brandarit, a large and rich 
village on the coast. The Dutch merchants,
who lost by this enterprise, uniting themselves to the Orange faction, exclaimed 
against an administration which, they
pretended, had brought such disgrace and ruin on their country. None but the 
firm and intrepid mind of De Wit could have
supported itself under such a complication of calamities. The king of France, 
apprehensive that the Dutch would sink under
their misfortunes, at least that De Wit, his friend, might be dispossessed of 
the administration, hastened the advance of the
duke of Beaufort. The Dutch fleet likewise was again equipped; and under the 
command of De Ruyter, cruised near the
Straits of Dover. Prince Rupert with the English navy, now stronger than ever, 
came full sail upon them. The Dutch admiral
thought proper to decline the combat, and retired into St. John's road, near 
Bulloigne. Here he sheltered himself, both from
the English, and from a furious storm which arose. Prince Rupert, too, was 
obliged to retire into St. Helens; where he staid
some time, in order to repair the damages which he had sustained. Meanwhile the 
duke of Beaufort proceeded up the
Channel, and passed the English fleet unperceived; but he did not find the 
Dutch, as he expected. De Ruyter had been seized
with a fever: many of the chief officers had fallen into sickness: a contagious 
distemper was spread through the fleet: and the
states thought it necessary to recall them into their harbors, before the enemy 
should be refitted. The French king, anxious
for his navy, which with so much care and industry he had so lately built, 
despatched orders to Beaufort, to make the best of
his way to Brest. That admiral had again the good fortune to pass the English. 
One ship alone, the Ruby, fell into the hands
of the enemy. EVOm VL HPI 

Page 50 
56 RISIOUt O B bLAND. While the war continued without any decisive success on 
either side, a calamity happened in
London which threw,he people into great consternation. Fire, breaking out in a 
baker's house near the bridge, spread itself
on all sides with such rapidity, that no efforts could extinguish it, till it 
laid in ashes a considerable part of the city. The
inhabitants, with. out being able to provide effectually for their relief, were 
reduced to be spectators of their own ruin; and
were pursued from street to street by the flames, which unexpectedly gathered 
round them. Three days and nights did the
fire advance; and it was only by the blowing up of houses that it was at last 
extinguished. The king and duke used their
utmost endeavors to stop the progress of the flames; but all their industry was 
unsuccessful. About four hundred streets and
thirteen thousand houses were reduced to ashes. The causes of this calamity were 
evident. The narrow streets of London,
the houses built entirely of wood, the dry season, and a violent east wind which 
blew; these were so many concurring
circumstances, which rendered it easy to assign the reason of the destruction 
that ensued. But the people were not satisfied
with this obvious account. Prompted by blind rage, some ascribed the guilt to 
the republicans, others to the Catholics;
though it is not easy to conceive how the burning of London could serve the 
purposes of either party. As the Papists were
the chief objects of public detes. tation, the rumor which threw the guilt on 
them was more favorably received by the people.
No proof, however, or even presumption, after the strictest inquiry by a 
committee of parliament, ever appeared to authorize
such a calumny; yet, in order to give countenance to the popular prejudice, the 
inscription, engraved by authority on the
monument, ascribed this calamity to that hated sect. This clause was erased by 
vrder of King James, when he came to the
throne; but after he revolution it was replaced: so credulous, as well as 
obstinate, are the. people in believing every thing
which flatters their prevailing passion. The fire of London, though at that time 
a great calamity, Ias proved in the issue
beneficial both to the city and the kingdom. The city was rebuilt in a very 
little time; and care was taken to make the streets
wider and more regular than before. A discretionary power was assumed by the 
king to regulate the distribution of the
buildings, and to forbid the use of lath and timber, the materials ~f which the 
house. 

Page 51 
CHARLES;I. 51 were formerly composed. The necessity was so urgent, and the 
occasion so extraordinary that no
exceptions were taken at an exercise of authority which otherwise might have 
been deemed, illegal. Had the king been
enabled to carly his power still further, and made the houses be rebuilt with 
perfect regularity, and entirely upon one plan, he
had much contributed to the convenience, as well as embellishment of the city. 
Great advantages, however, have resulted
from the alterations, though not carried to the full length. London became much 
more healthy after the fire. The plague, which
used to break out with great fury twice or thrice every century, and indeed was 
always lurking in some corner or other of the
city, has scarcely ever appeared since that calamity. The parliament met soon 
after, and gave the sanction of law to those
regulations made by royal authority; as well as appointed commissioners for 
deciding all such questions of property as might
arise from the fire. They likewise voted a supply of one million eight hundred 
thousand pounds, to be levied, partly by a
poll-bill, partly by assessments. Though their inquiry brought out no proofs 
which could fix on the Papists the burning of
London, the general aversion against that sect still prevailed; and complaints 
were made, probably without much foundation,
of its dangerous increase. Charles, at the desire of the commons, issued a 
proclamation for the banishment of all priests and
Jesuits; but the bad execution of this, as well as of former edicts, destroyed 
all confidence in his sincerity, whenever he
pretended an aversion towards the Catholic religion. Whether suspicions of this 
nature had diminished the king's popularity,
is uncertain; but it appears that the supply was voted much later than Charles 
expected, or even than the public necessities
seemed to require. The in. trigues of the duke of Buckingham, a man who wanted 
only steadiness to render him extremely
dangerous, had somewhat embarrassed the measures of the court: and this was the 
first time that the king found any
considerable reason to complain of a failure of confidence in this house of 
commons. The rising symptoms of ill humor
tended, no doubt, to quicken the steps which were already making towards a peace 
with foreign enemies. Charles began to
be sensible, that all the ends for which the war had been undertaken were likely 
to prove entirely abortive. The Dutch, even
when single, had defended them. selves with vigor, and were every day improving 
in their 

Page 52 
ft2 M-BItSTORY OF ENGLANf. miltqry skill anc preparations. [1667.] Though their 
trade had suffered extremely, their
extensive credit enabled them to lev' great sumns; and while the seamen of 
England loudly complained of want of pay, the
Dutch navy was regularly sup. plied with money and every thing requisite for its 
subsistence. As two powerful kings now
supported them, every place, from the extremity of Norway to the coasts of 
Bayonne, was become hostile to the English.
And Charles, neither fond of action, nor stimulated by any violent ambition, 
earnestly sought for means or restoring
tranquillity to his people, disgusted with a war, which, being joined with the 
plague and fire, had proved so fruitless and
destructive. The hrst advances towards an accommodation were made by England. 
When the king sent for the body of Sir
William Berkeley. he insinuated to the states his desire of peace on reasonable 
terms; and their answer corresponded in the
same amicable Intentions. Charles, however, to maintain the appearance of 
superiority, still insisted that the states should
treat at London; and they agreed to make him this compli. ment so ta:r as 
concerned themselves: but being engaged in
alliance with two crowned heads, theycould not, they said, prevail witn these to 
depart in that respect from their dignity. On
a sudden, the king went so far on the other side as to offer the sending of 
ambassadors to the Hague; but this proposal,
which seemed honorable to the Dutch, was meant only to divide and distract them, 
by affording the English an opportunity to
carry on cabals with the disaffected party. The offer was therefore rejected; 
and conferences were secretly held in the queen
mother's apartments at Paris, where the pretensions of both parties were 
discussed. The Dutch made equitable proposals;
either that all things should be restored to the same condition in which they 
stood before the war, or that both parties should
continue in possession of their present acquisitions. Charles accepted of the 
latter proposal; and almost every thing was
adjusted, except the disputes with regard to the Isle of Polerone. This island 
lies in the East Indies. and was formerly
valuable for its produce of spices. The English had been masters of it, but were 
dispossessed at the time when the violences
were committ6d against them at Amboyna. Crorfiwell had stipulated to have it 
restored; and the Hollanders. having first
entirely destroyed all the spice trees, maintained that they had executed the 
treaty, but that the English had been anew
expelled during the course of the 

Page 53 
CHARLES II. 53 war. Charles renewed his pretensions to this island; and as the 
reasons on both sides began to multiply,
and seemed to require a long discussion, it was agreed to transfer the treaty to 
some olther plauce; and Charles made choice
of Breda. Lord [-ollis and Henry Coventry were the English ambassadors. They 
immediately desired that a susl)ension of'
armns should be agreed to, till the several claims should be adjusted; but this 
proposal, seemingly so natural, was rejected by
the credit of De Wit. That penetrating and active minister, thoroughly 
acquainted with the characters of princes and the
situation of affairs, had discovered an opportunity of striking a blow, which 
might at once restore to the Dutch the honor lost
during the war, and -severely revenge those injuries which he ascribed to the 
wanton ambition and injustice of the English.
Whatever projects might have been formed by Charles for secreting the money 
granted him by parliament, he had hitherto
failed in his intention. The expenses of such vast armaments had exhausted all 
the supplies,* and even a great debt was
contracted to the seamen. The king, therefore, was resolved to save, as far as 
possible, the last supply of one million eight
hundred thousand pounds; and to employ it for payment of his debts, as well 
those which had been occasioned by the war,
as those which he had formerly contracted. He observed, that the Dutch had been 
with great reluctance forced into tle war,
and that the events of it were not such as to inspire them with great desire of 
its continuance. The French, he knew, had been
engaged into hostilities by no other motive than that of supporting their ally; 
and were now more desirous than ever of putting
an end to the quarrel. The differences between the parties were so 
inconsiderable, that the conclusion of peace appeared
infallible; and nothing but forms, at least some vain points of honor, seemed to 
remain for the ambassadors at Breda to
discuss. In this situ. ation, Charles, moved by an ill-timed frugality, remitted 
his preparations, and exposed England to one of
the greatest iffronts which it has ever received. Two small squadrons * The 
Dutch had spent on the war near forty millions of
livres a year, about three millions sterling; a much greater sum than had been 
granted by the English parliament. D'Estrades,
December 24, 1665. January 1, 1666. Temple, vol.i. p. 71. It was probably the 
want of money which engaged the king to
pay the seamen with tickeS; a citzrivance which proved so much to their loss. 5* 


Page 54 
54 &.ISTORY OF ENGLAND. alone were equipped; and during a war with such potent 
ana martial enemies, every thing
was left almost in the same situation as in times of the most profound 
tranquillity. De Wit protracted the negotiations at
Breda, and hastened the naval preparations. The Dutch fleet appeared in the 
Thames, under the command of De Ruyter,
and threw the English into the utmost consternation. A chain had been drawn 
across the River Medway; some fortifications
had been added to Sheerness and Upnore Castle; but all these preparations were 
unequal to the present necessity.
Sheerness was soon taken; nor could it be saved by the valor of Sir Edward 
Sprague, who defended it. Having the
advantage of a sprirrg tide and an easterly wind, the Dutch pressed on, and 
broke the chain, though fortified by some ships,
which had been there sunk by orders of the duke of Albemarle. They burned the 
three ships which lay to guard the chain —
the Matthias, the Unity, and the Charles V. After damaging several vessels, and 
possessing themselves of the hull of the
Royal Charles, which the English had burned, they advanced with six men-of-war 
and five fireships as far as Upnore Castle,
where they burned the Royal Oak, the Loyal London, and the Great James. Captain 
Douglas, who commanded on board
the Royal Oak, perished in the flames, though he had an easy opportunity of 
escaping. "Never was it.known," he said, " that
a Douglas had left his post without orders." * The Hollanders fell down the 
Medway without receiving any considerable
damage; and it was apprehended, that they might next tide sail up the Thames, 
and extend their hostilities even to the bridge
of London. Nine ships were sunk at Woolwich, four at Blackwall: platforms were 
raised in many places, furnished with
artillery; the train bands were called out, and every place was in a violent 
agitation. The Dutch sailed next to Portsmouth,
where they made a fruitless attempt: they met with no better success at 
Plymouth: they insulted Harwich: they sailed again up
the Thames as far as Tilbury, where they were repulsed. The whole coast was in 
alarm; and had the French thought proper
at this time to join the Dutch fleet, and to invade England, consequences the 
most fatal might justly have been apprehended.
But Lewis had no intention to push the victory to such extremities. His interest 
required that a balance should be kept
between the two marl * Temple, vol. ii. p. 41. 

Page 55 
CHARLES II. 5t time powers; not that an uncontrolled superiority should by given 
to either. Great indignation prevailed
amongst the English, to see an enemy, whom they regarded as ilferior, whom they 
had expected totally to subdue, and over
whom they had gained many honorable advantages, now of a sudden ride undisputed 
masters of the ocean, burn their ships
in their very harbors fill every place with confusion, and strike a terror into 
the capital itself. But though the cause of all these
disaster, could be ascribed neither to bad fortune, to the misconduct of 
admirals, nor to the ill behavior of seamen, but solely
to the avarice, at least to the improvidence, of the government, no dangerous 
symptoms of discontent appeared, and no
attempt for an insurrection was made by any of those numerous sectaries who had 
been so openly branded for their
rebellious principles, and who, upon that supposition, had been treated with 
such severity.* In the present distress, two
expedients were embraced: an army of twelve thousand men was suddenly levied; 
and the parliament, though it lay under
prorogation, was summoned to meet. The houses were very thin; and the only vote 
which the commons passed, was an
address for breaking the army; which whas complied with. This expression 
ofjealousy sliowed tile court what they might
expect from that assembly; and it was thliolght more prudent to prorogue them 
till next winter. But the signing of the treaty at
Breda extricated the king from his present difficulties. The English ambassadors 
received orders to recede from those
demands, which, however frivolous in themselves, could not now be relinquished 
without acknowledging a superiority in the
enemy. Polerone remained with the Dutch; satisfaction for the ships Bonaven. 
ture and Good Hope, the pretended grounds
of the quarrel, was no longer insisted on; Acadie was yielded to the French. The 
acquisition of New York, a settlement so
important by its situation, was the chief advantage which the English reaped 
from a war, in which the national character of
bravery had shone out with lustre, but where the misconduct of the * Some 
nonconformists, however, both in Scotland and
England, had kept a correspondence with the states, and had entertained projects 
for insurrections; but they were too weak
even to attempt the execution of them. D'Estrades, OctQber 18, 1665. 

Page 56 
HTETOLb OF ENGLAND. government, especially in the conclusion, had been no less 
app:rent. To appease the people by
some sacrifice seemed' requisite before the meeting of parliament; and the 
prejudices of the nation pointed out the victim.
The chancellor was at this time much exposed to the hatred of the public, and of 
every party which divided the nation. All
the numerous sectaries regarded him as their determined enemy; and ascribed to 
his advice and influence those persecuting
laws to which they had lately been exposed. The Catholics knew, that while he 
retained any authority, all their credit with the
king and the duke would be entirely useless to them, nor must they ever expect 
any favor or indulgence. Even the royalists,
disappointed in their sanguine hopes of preferment, threw a great load of envy 
on Clarendon, into whose hands the king
seemed at first to have resigned the whole power of government. The sale of 
Dunkirk, the bad payment of the seamen, the
disgrace at Chatham, the unsuccessful conclusion of the war; all these 
misfortunes were charged on the chancellor, who,
though he had ever opposed the rupture with Holland, thought it still his duty 
to justify what he could not prevent. A building,
likewise, of more expense and magnificence than his slender fortune could 
afford, being unwarily undertaken by him, much
exposed him to public reproach, as if he had acquired great riches by 
corruption. The populace gave it commonly the
appellation of Dunkirk House. The king himself, who had always more revered than 
lovea the chancellor, was now totally
estranged from him. Amidst the dissolute manners of the court, that minister 
still main. tained an inflexible dignity, and would
not submit to any condescensions which he deemed unworthy of his age and 
character. Buckingham, a man of profligate
morals, happy in his talent for ridicule, but exposed in his own conduct to all 
the ridicule which he threw on others, still made
him the object of his raillery, and gradually lessened in the king that regard 
which he bore to his minister. When any
difficulties arose, either for want of power or money, the blame was still 
thrown on him, who, it was believed, had carefully
at the restoration checked all lavish concessions to the king. And what, per. 
haps, touched Charles more nearly, he found in
Clarendon, it is said, obstacles to his pleasures, as well as to his ambition. 
The king, disgusted with the homely person of his
consort, and desirous of having children, had hearkened to proposals 

Page 57 
~ CRLES I. 57 of obtaining a divorce, on pretence either of her being preengaged 
to another, or having made a vow of
chastity before her marriage. He was further stimulated by his passion for Mrs. 
Stuart, daughter of a Scotch gentleman; a
lady of great beauty, and whose virtue he had hitherto found impregnable: but 
Clarendon, apprehensive of the consequences
attending a disputed title, and perhaps anxious for the succession of his own 
grandchildren, engaged the duke of Richmond
to marry Mrs. Stuart, and thereby put an end to the king's hopes. It is 
pretended that Charles never forgave this
disappointment.. W\hen politics, therefore, and inclination both concurred to 
make the king sacrifice Clarendon to popular
prejudices, the memory of his past services was not able any longer to delay his 
fall. The great seal was taken from him, and
given to Sir Orlando Bridgeman, by the title of lord keeper. Southampton, the 
treasurer, was now dead, who had
persevered to the utmost in his attachments to the chancellor. The last time he 
appeared at the council table, he exerted his
friendship with a vigor which neither age nor infirmities could abate. " This 
man," said he, speaking of Clarendon, " is a true
Protestant, and an honest Englishman; and while lie enjoys power, we are secure 
of our laws, liberties, and religion. I dread
the consequences of his removal." But the fall of the chancellor was not 
sufficient to gratify the malice of his enemies: his total
ruin was resolved on. The duke of York in vain exerted his interest in behalf of 
his father-in-law. Both prince and people
united in promoting that violent measure; and no means were thought so proper 
for ingratiating the court with a parliament,
which had so long been governed by that very minister who was now to be the 
victim of their prejudices. Some popular acts
paved the way for the session; and the parliament, in their first address, gave 
the king thanks for these instances of his
goodness; and, among the rest, they took care to mention his dismission of 
Clarendon. The king, in reply, assured the
houses, that he would never again employ that nobleman in any public office 
whatsoever. Immediately the charge against him
was opened in the house of commons by Mr. Seymour, afterwards Sir Edward, and 
consisted of seventeen articles. The
house, without examining particulars, further than hearing general affirmaLions 
that all would be proved, immediately voted
his impeach. 

Page 58 
s8 MISTOt'Y t GZMAID. ment. Many- of the articles # we know to be either faIse 
or frivolous; and such of them as we
are less acquainted with, we may fairly presume to be no better grounded. His 
advising the sale of Dunkirk seems the
heaviest and truest part of the charge; but a mistake in judgment, allowing it 
to be such, where there appear no symptoms of
corruption or bad intentions, it would be very hard to impute as a crime: to any 
minister. The king's necessities, which
occasioned that measure, cannot with any appearance of reason be charged on 
Clarendon; and chiefly proceeded from the
over frugal maxims of the parliament itself, in not granting the proper 
supplies.to the crown. When the impeachment was
carried up to the peers, as it contained an accusation of treason in general, 
without specifying any particulars, it seemed not a
sufficient ground for committing Clarendon to custody. The precedents of 
Strafford and Laud were not, by reason of the
violence of the times, deemed a proper authority; but as the commons still 
insisted upon his commitment, it was necessary to
appoint a free conference between the houses. The lords persevered in their 
resolution; and the commons voted this conduct
to be an obstruction to public justice, and a precedent of evil and dan. gerous 
tendency. They also chose a committee to
draw up a vindication of their own proceedings. Clarendon, finding that the 
popular torrent, united to the violence of power,
ran with impetuosity against him, and that a defence offered to such prejudiced 
ears would be entirely ineffectual, thought
proper to withdraw. At Calais he wrote a paper addressed to the house of lords. 
He there said, that his fortune, which
was.but moderate, had been gained entirely by the lawful, avowed profits of his 
office, and by the voluntary bounty of the
king; that, during the first years after the restoration, he had always 
concurred in opinion with the other counsellors, men of
such reputation that no one could entertain suspicions of their wisdom or 
integrity: that his credit soon declined; and however
he might disapprove of some measures, he found it vain to oppose them; that his 
repugnance to the Dutch war, the source of
all the public grievances, was always generally known, as well as his disap. 
probation of many unhappy steps taken in
conducting it: and that, whatever pretence might be made of public offences, * 
See note A, at the end of the volume. 

Page 59 
CHARLES 11. his real crime, that which had exasperated his powerful enemies, was 
his frequent opposition to exorbitant
grants, which the importunity of suitors had extorted from his majesty. The 
lords transmitted this paper to the commons,
under the appellation of a libel; and by a vote of both houses it was condemned 
to be burned by the hands of the hangman.
The parliament next proceeded to exert their legislative power against 
Clarendon, and passed a bill of banishment and inca.
pacity, which received the royal assent. He retired into France, where he lived 
in a private mahner. He survived his
banishment six years; and he employed his leisure chiefly in reducing into order 
the History of the Civil Wars, for which he
had before collected materials. The performance does honor to his memory; and, 
except Whitlocke's Memorials, is the most
candid account of those times composed by any contemporary author. Clarendon was 
always a friend to the liberty and
constitution of his country. At the commencement of the civil wars, he had 
entered into the late king's service, and was
honored with a great share in the esteem and friendship of that monarch: he was 
pursued with unrelenting animosity by the
long parliament: he had shared all the fortunes and directed all the counsels of 
the present king during his exile: he had been
advanced to the highest trust and offices after the restoration: yet all these 
circumstances, which might naturally operate with
such force, either on resentment, gratitude, or ambition, had no influence on 
his uncorrupted mind. It is said, that when he
first engaged in the study of the law, his father exhorted him with great 
-earnestness to shun the practice, too  common in that
profession, of straining every point in favor of prerogative, and perverting so 
useful a science to the oppression -of liberty;
and in the midst of these rational and virtuous counsels, which he reiterated, 
he was suddenly seized with an apoplexy, and
expired in his son's presence. This circumstance gave additional weight to the 
principles which he inculcated. The
combination of king and subject to oppress so good a minister, affords to men of 
opposite dispositions an equal occasion of
inveighing against the ingratitude of princes, or ignio. rance of the people. 
Charles seems never to have mitigated nis
resentment against Clarendon; and the national prejudices oursued him to his 
retreat in France. A company of Enrlish
soldiers, being quartered near him, assaulted his house, broke 

Page 60 
60 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. open the doors, gave him a dangerous wound on the head, 
and would have proceeded to
the last extremities, had not their officers, hearing of the violence, happily 
interposed. [1668.] The next expedient which the
king embraced in order to acquire popularity, is more deserving of praise; and, 
had it been steadily pursued, would probably
have rendered his reign happy, certainly his memory respected. It is the triple 
alliance of which I speak; a measure which
gave entire satisfaction to the public. The glory of France, which had long been 
eclipsed, either by domestic factions, or by
the superior force of the Spanish monarchy, began now to break out with great 
lustre, and to engage the attention of the
neighboring nations. The independent power and mutinous spirit of the nobility 
were subdued; the popular pretensions of the
parliament restrained; the Hugonot party reduced to subjection: that extensive 
and fertile country, enjoying every advantage
both of climate and situation, was fully peopled with ingenious and industrious 
inhabitants: and while the spirit of the nation
discovered all the vigor and bravery requisite for great enterprises, it was 
tamed to an entire submission under the will of the
sovereign. The sovereign who now filled the throne was well adapted, by his 
personal character, both to increase and to
avail himself of these advantages. Lewis XIV., endowed with every quality which 
could enchant the people, possessed many
which merit the approbation of the wise. The masculine beauty of his person was 
embellished with a noble air: the dignity of
his behavior was tempered with affability and politeness: elegant without 
effeminacy, addicted to pleasure without neglecting
business, decent in his very vices, and beloved in the midst of arbitrary power, 
he surpassed all contemporary monarchs, as
in grandeur, so likewise in fame'and glory. His ambition, regfilated by 
prudence, not by justice, had carefully provided every
means of conquest; and before he put himself in motion, he seemed to have 
absolutely insured success. His finances were
brought into order; a naval power created; his armies increased and disciplined; 
magazines and military stores provided; and
though the magnificence of his court was supported beyond all former example, so 
regular was the economy observed, and
so willingly did the people, now enriched by arts and commerce, submit to 
multiplied taxes, that his military force much
exceeded what in any preceding age had ever been employed by any European 
monarch. 

Page 61 
CHARLES II. 61 The sudden decli.ne, and almost total fall of the Spanish 
monarchy, opened an inviting field to so
enterprising a prince, and seemed to promise him easy and extensive conquests. 
The other nations of Europe, feeble or ill
governed, were astonished at the greatness of his rising empire; and all of them 
cast their eyes towards England, as the only
power which could save them from that subjection with which they seemed to be so 
nearly threatened. The animosity which
had anciently subsisted between the English and French nations, and which had 
been suspended for above a century by the
jealousy of Spanish greatness, began to revive and to exert itself. The glory of 
preserving the balance of Europe, a glory so
much founded on justice and humanity, flattered the ambition of England; and the 
people were eager to provide for their own
future security, by opposing the progress of so hated a rival. The prospect of 
embracing such measures had contributed,
among other reasons, to render the peace of Breda so universally acceptable to 
the nation. By the death of Philip IV., king
of Spain an inviting opportunity, and some very slender pretences, had been 
afforded to call forth the ambition of Lewis. At
the treaty of the Pyrenees, when Lewis espoused the Spanish princess, he had 
renounced every title of succession to every
part of the Spanish monarchy; and this renunciation had been couched in the most 
accurate and most precise terms that
language could afford. But on the death of his father-inlaw, he retracted his 
renunciation, and pretended that'natural rights,
depending on blood and succession, could not be annihilated by any extorted deed 
or contract. Philip had left a son, Charles
II. of Spain; but as the queen of France was of a former marriage, she laid 
claim to a considerable province of the Spanish
monarchy, even to the exclusion of her brother. By the customs of some parts of 
Brabant, a female of a first marriage was
preferred to a male of a second, in the succes. sion to private inheritances; 
and Lewis thence inferred, that his queen had
acquired a right to the dominion of that impor. tant duchy. A claim of this 
nature was more properly supported by military
force than by argument and reasoning. Lewis apt peared on the frontiers of the 
Netherlands with an army of forty thousand
men, commanded by the best generals of the age, and provided with every thing 
necessary for action. The Spaniards, though
they might have foreseen this measure, VOL. VI. 6 H 

Page 62 
62 MISTORY OF ENGLAND. were totally unprepared. Their towns, without magazines 
fortifications, or garrisons, fell
into the hands of the French king, as soon as he presented himself before them. 
Athe, Lisle, Tournay, Oudenarde, Courtray,
Charleroi, Binche, were immediately taken: and it was visible, that no force in 
the Low Countries was. able to stop or retard
the progress of the French arms. This measure, executed with such celerity and 
success. gave great alarm to almost every
court in Europe. It had been observed with what dignity, or even haughtiness, 
Lewis, from the time he began to govern, had
ever supported all his rights and pretensions. D'Estrades, the French 
ambassador, and Watteville, the Spanish, having
quarrelled in London, on account of their claims for precedency, the French 
monarch was not satisfied, till Spain sent to
Paris a solemn embassy, and promised never more to revive such contests. Crequi, 
his ambassador at Rome, had met with
an affront from the pope's guards: the pope, Alexander VII., had been 
constrained to break his guards, to send his nephew
to ask pardon, and to allow a pillar to be erected in Rome itself, as a monument 
of his own humiliation. The king of England
too had experienced the high spirit and unsubmitting temper of Lewis. A 
pretension to superiority in the English flag having
been advanced, the French monarch remonstrated with such vigor, and prepared 
himself to resist with such courage, that
Charles found it more prudent to desist from his vain and antiquated claims. 
"The king of England," said Lewis to his
ambassador D'Estrades, " may know my force, but he knows not the sentiments of 
my heart: every thing appears to me
contemptible in comparison of glory." These measures of conduct had given strong 
indications of his character: but the
invasion of Flanders discovered an ambition, which, being supported by such 
overgrown power, menaced the general
liberties of Europe. As no state lay nearer the danger, none was seized with 
more terror than the United Provinces. They
were still engaged, together with France, in a war against England; and Lewis 
had promised them, that he would take no
step against Spain without previously informing them: but, contrary to this 
assurance, he kept a total silence, till on the very
point of entering upon action. If the renunciation made at * January 25, 1662 

Page 63 
the treaty of the. Pyrenees wa* not valid,. it waa foreseen, that spon the death 
of the king of Spain, a sickly infant, the whole
monarchy would be claimed by Lewis; after which it would be vainly expected to 
set bounds to his pretensions. Charles.
acquainted with these well-grounded apprehensions of the Dutch, had been the 
more obstinate in insisting on nls own
conditions at Breda; and by delaying to sign the treaty, had imprudently exposed 
himself to the signal disgrace wnlch he
received at Chatham. De Wit, sensible that a few weeks' delay would be of no 
consequence in the Low Countries, took this
opportunity of striking an important blow, and of finishing the war with honor 
to himself and to his country. Negotiations
meanwhile commenced for the saving of Flanders; but no resistance was made to 
the French arms. The Spanish ministers
exclaimed every where against the flagrant injustice of Lewis's pretensions, and 
represented it to be the interest of every
power in Europe, even more than of Spain itself, to prevent his conquest of the 
Low Countries. The emperor and the
German princes discovered evident symptoms of discontent; but their motions were 
slow and backward. The states, though
terrified at the prospect of having their frontier exposed to so formidable a 
foe, saw no resource, no means of safety.
England indeed seemed disposed to make opposition to the French; but the 
variable and impolitic conduct of Charles kept
that republic from-making him any open advances, by which she might lose the 
friendship of France, without acquiring any
new ally. And though Lewis, dreading a combination of all Europe, had offered 
terms of accommodation, the Dutch
apprehended lest these, either from the obstinacy of the Spaniards, or the 
ambition of the French, would never be carried
into execution. Charles resolved with great prudence to take the first step 
towards a confederacy. Sir William Temple, his:
resident at Brussels, received orders to go secretly to the Hague, and to 
concert with the states the-means of saving the
Netherlands. This man, whom philosophy had taught to despise the world, without 
rendering him unfit for it, was frank,
open, sincere, superior to the little tricks of vulgar politicians; and meeting 
in De Wit with a man of the same generous and
enlarged sentiments, he immediately opened his master's intentions, and pressed 
a speedy conclusion. A treaty was from the
first negotiated between these two statesmen with the same cordiality as if it 
were a private transaction between intimate 

Page 64 
HISTORY OF ENGLAND. companions. Deeming the interests of their countiy the same 
they gave full scope to that
sympathy of character, which dis. p6sed ihem to an entire reliance on each 
other's professions and engagements. And
though jealousy against the house of Orange might inspire De Wit with an 
aversion to a strict union with England, he
generously resolved to sacrifice all private considerations to the public 
service.'lemlple insisted on an offensive league
between England and Holtand, in order to oblige France to relinquish all her 
conquests: but De Wit told him, that this
measure was too bold and precipitate to be agreed to by the states. Ile said 
that the French were the old and constant allies
of the republic; and tiR matters came to extremities, she never would deem it 
prudent to abandon a friendship so well
established, and rely entirely on a treaty with England, which had lately waged 
so cruel a war against her: that ever since the
reign of Elizabeth, there had been such a fluctuation in the English councils, 
that it was not possible, for two years together,
to take any sure or certain measures with that kingdom: that though the present 
ministry, having entered into views so
conformable to national interest, promised greater firmness and constancy, it 
might still be unsafe, in a business of such
consequence, to put entire confidence in them: that the French monarch was 
young, haughty, and powerful; and if treated in
so imperious a manner, would expose himself to the greatest extremities rather 
than submit: that it was sufficient, if he could
be constrained to adhere to the offers which he himself had already made, and if 
the remaining provinces of the Low
Countries could be thereby saved from the danger with which they. were at 
present threatened: and that the other powers in
Germany and the north, whose assistance they might expect, would be satisfied 
with putting a stop to the French conquests,
without pretending to recover the places already lost. The English minister was 
content to accept of the terms proposed by
the pensionary. Lewis had offered to relinquish all the queen's rights, on 
condition either of keeping the conquests which he
had made last campaign, or of receiving, in lieu of them, Franche Compte, 
together with Cambray, Aire, and St. Omers. De
Wit and Temple founded their treaty upon this proposal. They agreed to offer 
their mediation to the contending powers, and
oblige France to adhere to this alternative, and Spain to accept of it. If Spain 
refused, they 

Page 65 
CIHRLD II. 65 agreed that France should not prosecute her claim by arms, but 
leave it entirely to England and Holland to
employ force for making the terms effectual. And the remainder of the Low 
Countries they thenceforth guarantied to Spain.
A defensive alliance was likewise concluded between Holland and England. The 
articles of this confederacy were soon
adjusted by such candid and able negotiators: but the greatest difficulty still 
remained. By the constitution of the republic, all
the towns in all the provinces must give their consent to every alliance; and 
besides that this formality could not be
despatched in less tlian two months, it was justly to be dreaded that the 
influence of France would obstruct the passing of the
treaty in some of the smaller cities. D'Estrades, the French ambassador, a man 
of abilities, hearing of the league which was
on the carpet, treated it lightly. " Six weeks bence," said he, "we shall speak 
to it." To obviate this difficulty, De Wit had the
courage, for the public good, to break through the laws in so fundamental an 
article; and by his authority, he prevailed with
the states general at once to sign and ratify the league: though they 
acknowledged that, if that measure should displease their
constituents, they risked their heads by this irregularity. After sealing, all 
parties embraced with great cordiality. Temple cried
out, " At Breda, as friends: here, as brothers." And De Wit added, that now the 
matter was finished, it looked like a miracle.
Room had been left in the treaty for the accession of Sweden, which was soon 
after obtained; and thus was concluded in
five days the triple league; an event received with equal surprise and 
approbation by the world. Notwithstanding the
unfortunate conclusion of the last war, England now appeared in her proper 
station, and, by this wise conduct, had
recovered all her influence and credit in Europe. Temple likewise received great 
applause; but to all the compliments made
him on the occasion, he modestly replied, that to remove things from their 
centre, or proper element, required force and
labor; but that of themselves they easily returned to it. The French monarch was 
extremely displeased with this measure. Not
only bounds were at present set to his ambition; such a barrier was also raised 
as seemed forever impregnable. And though
his own offer was made the foundation of the treaty, he had prescribed so short 
a time for the accept. Race of it, that he still
expected, from the delays and relu'" 6* 

Page 66 
66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tance of Spain, to find some opportunity of eluding it. 
The court of Madrid showed equal
displeasure. To relinquish any part of the Spanish provinces, in lieu of claims 
so apparently unjust, and these urged with such
violence and haughtiness inspired the highest disgust. Often did the Spaniards 
threaten to abandon entir!y the Low
Countries, rather than submit to so cruel a mortification; and they endeavored, 
by this menace, to terrify the mediating
powers into more vigorous measures for their support. But Temple and De Wit were 
better acquainted with the views and
interests of Spain. They knew that she must still retain the Low Countries, as a 
band of connection with the other European
powers, who alone, if her young monarch should happen to die without issue, 
could insure her independency against the
pretensions of France. They still urged, therefore, the terms of the triple 
league, and threatened Spain with war in case of
refusal. The plenipotentiaries of all the powers met at Aix-la-Chapelle. Temple 
was minister for England; Van Beuninghen
for Holland; D'Ohna for Sweden. Spain at last, pressed on all hands, accepted of 
the alternative offered; but in her very
compliance, she gave strong symptoms of ill humor and discontent. It had been 
apparent that the Hollanders, entirely
neglecting the honor of the Spanish monarchy, had been anxious only for their 
own security; and, provided they could
remove Lewis to a distance from their frontier, were more indifferent what 
progress he made in other places. Sensible of
these views, the queen regent of Spain resolved still to keep them in an 
anxiety, which might for the future be the foundation
of a union more intimate than they were willing at present to enter into. 
Franche Compte, by a vigorous and well-concerted
plan of the French king, had- been conquered in fifteen days, during a rigorous 
season, and in the midst of winter. She chose
therefore to recover this province, and to abandon all the towns conquered in 
Flanders during the last campaign. By this
means Lewis extended his garrisons into the heart of the Low Countries; and a 
very feeble barrier remained to the Spanish
provinces. But notwithstanding the advantages of his situation, the French 
monarch could entertain small hopes of ever
extend. ing his conquests on that quarter, which lay the most exposed to his 
ambition, and where his acquisitions were of
most importance. The triple league guarantied the remaining prov 

Page 67 
CHARLES II. 67 inces to Spain; and the emperor and other powers of Germany, 
whose interest seemed to be intimately
concerned, were invited to enter into the same confederacy. Spain herself, 
having about tnis time, under the mediation of
Charles, made peace on equal terms with Portugal, might be expected to exart 
more vigor and opposition to her haughty
and triumlphan rival. The great satisfaction expressed in England on account of 
the counsels now embraced by the court,
promised the hearty concurrence of parliament in every measure which could be 
proposed for opposition to the grandeur of
France. And thus all Europe seemed to repose herself with security under the 
wings of that powerful confederacy which had
been so happily formed for her protection. It is now time to give some account 
of the state of affairs in Scotland and in
Ireland. The Scottish nation, though they had never been subject to the 
arbitrary power of their prince, had but very
imperfect notions of law and liberty; and scarcely in any age had they ever 
enjoyed an administration which had confined
itself within the proper boundaries. By their final union alone with England, 
their once hated adversary, they have happily
attained the experience of a government perfectly regular, and exempt from all 
violence and injustice. Charles, from his
aversion to business, had intrusted the affairs of that country to his 
ministers, particularly Middleton; and these could not
forbear making very extraordinary stretches of authority. The had been 
intercepted a letter, written by Lord Lorne to Lord
Duffus, in which, a little too plainly, but very truly, he complained, that his 
enemies had endeavored by falsehood to
prepossess the king against him. But he said, that he had now discovered them, 
had defeated them, and had gained the
person, meaning the earl of Clarendon, upon whom the chief of them depended. 
This letter was produced before the
parliament; and Lorne was tried upon an old, tyrannical, absurd law against 
leasing.-making; by which it was rendered
criminal to belie the subjects to the king, or create in him an ill opinion of 
them. He was condemned to die: but Charles was
much displeased with the sentence, and granted him a pardon.* It was carried in 
parliament, that twelve persons, without
crime, witness, trial, or accuser, should be declared incapable of all trust or 
office; and to render this injustice more egre*
Burnet, p. 149. 

Page 68 
e8 IISTORY OP ENGLAND. gious, it was agreed, that these persons should be named 
by ballot; a method of voting
which several republics had adopted at elections, in order to prevent faction 
and intrigue; but which could serve only as a
cover to malice and iniquity in the inflicting of punishments. Lauderdale, 
Crawford, and Sir Robert Murray, among others,
were incapacitated: but the king, who disapproved of this injustice, refused his 
assent.* An act was passed against all
persons who should move the king for restoring the children of those who were 
attainted by parliament; an unheard-of
restraint on applications for grace and mercy. No penalty was affixed; but the 
act was but the more violent and tyrannical on
that account. The court lawyers had established it as a maxim, that the 
assigning of a punishment was a limitation of the
crown; whereas a law forbidding any thing, though without a penalty, made the 
offenders criminal. And in that case, they
determined that the punishment was arbitrary; only that it could not extend to 
life. Middleton, as commissioner, passed this
act; though he had no instructions for that purpose. An act of indemnity passed; 
but at the same time it was voted, that all
those who had oflended during the late disorders, should be subjected to fines; 
and a committee of parliament was
appointed for imposing them. These proceeded without any regard to some 
equitable rules which the king had prescribed to
them.t The most obnoxious compounded secretly. No consideration was had, either 
of men's riches or of the degrees of
their guilt: no proofs were produced: inquiries were not so much as made: but as 
fast as inf:orma tion was given in against any
man, he was marked down for a particular fine: and all was transacted in a 
secret committee. When the list was read in
parliament, exceptions were made to several: some had been under age durihg the 
civil wars, some had been abroad. But it
was still replied, that a proper time would come when every man should be heard 
in his own defence. The only intention, it
was said, of setting the fines was, that such persons should have no benefit by 
the act of indemnity, unless they paid the sum
demanded: every one that chose to stand upon his innocence, and renounce the 
benefit of the indemnity, might do it at his
peril. It was well known, that no one would dare so far to set at defiance se 
arbitrary an administration. The king wrote to
the council, * Burnet, p. 102. t Burnet, p. 147. 

Page 69 
CHARLES Il. 6 ordering them to supersede the levying of those fines: but Mid 
dleton found means, during some time, to
elude these orders.* And at last, the king obliged his ministers to compound for 
half the sums which had been imposed. In all
these trans actions, and in most others which passed during the present reign, 
we still find the moderating hand of the king
interposed to protect the Scots from the oppressions which their own countrymen, 
employed in the ministry, were desirous
of exercising over them. But the chief circumstance whence were derived all the 
subsequent tyranny and disorders in
Scotland, was the execution of the laws for the establishment of Episcopacy; a 
mode of government to which a great part of
the nation had entertained an unsurmountable aversion. The rights of patrons had 
for some years been abolished; and the
power of electinig ministers had been vested in the kirk session and lay elders. 
It was now enacted, that all incumbents who
had been admitted upon this title, should receive a presentation from the 
patron, and should be instituted anew by the
bishop, under the penalty of deprivation. The more rigid Presbyterians concerted 
measures among themselves, and refused
obedience: they imagined that their number would protect them. Three hundred and 
fifty parishes, above a third of the
kingdom, were at once declared vacant. The western counties chiefly were 
obstinate in this particular. New ministers were
sought for all over the kingdom; and no one was so ignorant or vicious as to be 
rejected. The people, who loved extremely
and respected their former teachers; men remarkable for the severity of their 
manners, and their fervor in preaching; were
inflamed against these intruders, who had obtained their livings under such 
invidious circumstances, and who took no care,
by the regularity of their manners, to soften the prejudices entertained against 
them. Even most of those who retained their
livings by compliance, fell under the imputation of hypocrisy, either by their 
showing a disgust to the new niodel of ecclesi
astical government which they had acknowledged; or, on the oth(er hand, by 
declaring, that their former adherence to
Prcsbytery and the covenant had been the result of violence and necessiyv. And 
as Middleton and the new ministry indulged
themselves in great riot and disorder, to which the nation had been little 
accustomed, an opinion universally prevailed, that *
Burnet, p. 201. 

Page 70 
70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. any form of religion, offered by such hands, must be 
profane and impious. The people,
notwithstanding their discontents, were resolved to give no handle against them, 
by the least symptom of mutiny or sedition:
but this submissive disposition, instead of procuring a mitigation of the 
rigors, was made use of as an argument for continuing
the same measures, which, by their vigor, it was pretended, had produced so 
prompt an obedience. The king, however, was
disgusted with the violence of Middleton; * and he made Rothes commissioner in 
his place This nobleman was already
president of the council; and soon after was made lord keeper and treasurer. 
Lauderdale still continued secretary of state,
and commonly resided at London. Affairs remained in a peaceable state, till the 
severe law was made in England against
conventicles.t The Scottish parliament imitated that violence, by passing a like 
act. A kind of high commission court was
appointed by the privy council, for executing this rigorous law, and for the 
direction of ecclesiastical affairs. But even this
court, illegal as it might be deemed, was much preferable to the method next 
adopted. Military force was let.loose by the
council. Wherever the people had generally forsaken their churches, the guards 
were quartered throughout the country. Sir
James Turner commanded them, a man whose natural ferocity of temper was often 
inflamed by the use of strong liquors. He
went about, and received from the clergy lists of those who absented themselves 
from church, or were supposed to frequent
conventicles. Without' any proof or legal conviction, he demanded a fine from 
them, and quartered soldiers on the supposed
delinquents, till he received payment. As an insurrection was dreaded during the 
Dutch war, new forces were levied, and
intrusted to the command of Dalziel and Drummond; two officers who had served 
the king during the civil wars, and had
afterwards engaged in the service of Russia, where they had increased the native 
cruelty of their disposition. A full career
was given to their tyranny by the Scottish ministry. Representations were made 
to the king against these enormi. tics. He
seemed touched with the state of the country; and besides giving orders that the 
ecclesiastical commission shoula be
discontinued, he signified his opinion, that another way of proceeding was 
necessary for his service.. * Burnet, p, 202. t
1664. $ Burnet, p. 213. 

Page 71 
CHARLES II. 71 This lenitv of the king's came too late to remedy the disorders. 
The people, inflamed with bigotry, and
irritated by ill usage, rose in arms. - They were instigated by Guthry, Semple, 
and other preachers. They surprised Turner in
Dumfries, and resolved to have put him to death; but finding that his orders, 
which fell into their hands, were more violent
than his execution of them, they spared his life. At Laneric, after many 
prayers, they renewed the covenant, ana published
their manifesto; in which they professed all submission to the king: they 
desired only the reestablishment of Presbytery, and
of their former ministers. As many gentlemen of their party had been confined on 
suspicion, Wallace and Learmont, two
officers who had served, but in no high rank, were intrusted by the populace 
with the command. Their force never exceeded
two thousand men; and though the country in general bore them favor, men's 
spirits were so subdued, that the rebels could
expect no further accession of numbers. Dalziel took the field to oppose their 
progress. Their numbei was now diminished to
eight hundred; and these, having advanced near Edinburgh, attempted to find 
their way bfbtk into the west by Pentland Hills.
They were attacked by the king's forces.* Finding that they could not escape, 
they stopped their march. Their clergy
endeavored to infuse courage into them. After singing some psalms, the rebels 
turned on the enemy; and beinog assisted by
the advantage of the ground, they received the first charge very resolutely. But 
that was all the action: immediately they fell
into disorder, and fled for their lives. About forty were killed on the spot, 
and a hundred and thirty taken prisoners. The rest,
favored by the night, and by the weariness, and even by the pity of the king's 
troops, made their escape. The oppressions
which these people had suffered, the delusions under which they labored, and 
their inoffensive behavior during the
insurrection, made them the objects of compassion: yet were the king's 
ministers, particularly Sharpe, resolved to take
severe vengeance. Ten were hanged on one gibbet at Edinburgh; thirty-five before 
their own doors in different places. These
criminals might all have saved their lives, if they would have renounced the 
covenant. The executions were going on, when
the king put a stop to them. He said,.that blood enough had already been shed; 
and he wrote a letter to the privy council, in
which he ordered, that such of * November 28, 1666. 

Page 72 
P72 HISTORY OF ENGLAI~D. the prisoners as should simply promise to obey the laws 
for the future, should be set at
liberty, and that the incorrigible should be sent to the plantations.* This 
letter was brought by Burnet, archbishop of
Glasgow; but not being immediately delivered to the council by Sharpe, the 
president,t one Maccail had in the interval been
put to the torture, under which he expired. He seemed to die in an ecstasy of 
joy. " Farewell, sun, moon, and stars; farewell,
world and time; farewell, weak and frail body: welcome, eternity; welcome, 
angels and saints; welcome, Savior of the world;
and welcome, God, the Judge of all!" Such were his last words: and these 
animated speeches he uttered with an accent and
manner which struck all the bystanders with astonishment. The settlement of 
Ireland, after the restoration, was a work of
greater difficulty than that of England, or even o Scotland. Not only the power, 
during the former usurpations had there been
vested in the king's enemies; the whole property, in a manner, of the kingdom 
had also been changed; aid it became
necessary to redress, but with as little violence as possible, many grievous 
hardships and iniquities which were there
complained of. The Irish Catholics had in 1648 concluded a treaty with Ormond, 
the king's lieutenant; in which they had
stipulated pardon for their past rebellion, and had engaged, under certain 
conditions, to assist the royal cause: and though the
violence of the priests and the bigotry of the people had prevented, in a great 
measure, the execution of this treaty, yet were
there many, who, having strictly, at the hazard of their lives, adhered to it, 
seemed on that account well entitled to reap the
fruits of their loyalty. Cromwell, having without distinction expelled all the 
native Irish from the three provinces of Munster,
Leinster, and Ulster, had confined them to Connaught and the county of Clare; 
and among those who had thus been
forteited, were many whose innocence was altogether unquestionable. Several 
Protestants likewise, and Ormond among the
rest, had all along opposed the Irish rebellion; yet having afterwards embraced 
the king's cause against the parliamer., they
were all of them attainted by Cromwell. And there were many officers wh- had 
from the commencement of the insurrection
served in Ireland, and who, because they would not desert the king, had been 
refused all their arrears by the English
commonwealth. * Burnet, p. 237. t Wodrow's History, vol. i p.1 250. 

Page 73 
CHARLES II. 73 To all these unhappy sufferers some justice seemed to be due: but 
the difficulty was, to find the means of
redressing such great and extensive iniquities. Almost all the valuable parts of 
Ireland had been measured out and divided,
either to the adventurers, who had lent money to the parliament for the 
suppression of the Irish rebellion, or to the soldiers,
who had received land in lieu of their arrears. These could not be dispossessed, 
because they were the most powerful and
only armed part of Ireland; because it was requisite to favor them, in order to 
support the Protestant and English interest in
that kingdom; and because they had generally, with a seeming zeal and alacrity, 
concurred in the king's restoration. The king,
therefore, issued a proclamation, in which he promised to maintain their 
settlement, and at the same time engaged to give
redress to the innocent sufferers. There was a quantity of land as yet undivided 
in Ireland; and from this and some other
funds, it was thought possible for the king to fulfil both these engagements. A 
court of claims was erected, consisting
altogether of English commissioners, who had no connection with any of the 
parties into which Ireland was divided. Before
these were laid four thousand claims of persons craving restitution on account 
of their innocence; and the commissioners had
found leisure to examine only six hundred. It already appeared, that if all 
these were to be restored, the funds, whence the
adventurers and soldiers must get reprisals, would fall short of giviqg them any 
tolerable satisfaction. A great alarm and
anxiety seized all ranks of men: the hopes and fears of every phrty were 
excited: these eagerly grasped at recovering their
paternal inheritance; those were resolute to maintain their new acquisitions. 
The duke of Ormond was created lord
lieutenant; being the only person whose prudence and equity could compose such 
jarring interests. A parliament was
assembled at Dub. lin; and as the lower house was almost entirely chosen by the 
soldiers and adventurers, who still kept
possession, it was extremely favoraile to that interest. The house of peers 
showed greater impartiality. An insurrection was
projected, together with a surprisa! of the Castle of Dublin, by some of the 
disbanded soldiers; but this design was happily
defeated by the vigilance of Ormond. Some of the criminals were punished. Blood, 
the most des. perate of them, escaped
into England. VOL. VT 7 II 

Page 74 
'4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. But affairs could not long remain in the confusion and 
uncertainty into which they had fallen.
All parties seemed willing to abate somewhat of their pretensions, in order to 
attain some stability; and Ormond interposed
his authority for that purpose. The soldiers and adventurers agreed to 
relinquish a third of their possessions; and as they had
purchased their lands at very low prices, they had reason to think themselves 
favored by this composition. All those who had
been attainted on account of their adhering to the king, were restored; and some 
of the innocent Irish. It was a hard situation
that a man was obliged to prove himself innocent, in order to recover possession 
of the estate which he and his ancestors
had ever enjoyed: but the hardship was augmented by the difficult conditions 
annexed to this proof. If the person had ever
lived in the quarters of the rebels, he was not admitted to plead his innocence; 
and he was, for that reason alone, supposed
to have been a rebel. The heinous guilt of the Irish nation made men the more 
readily overlook any iniquity which might fall
on individuals; and it was considered that, though it be always the interest of 
all good govern. ments to prevent injustice, it is
not always possible to remedy it, after it has had a long course, and has been 
attended with great successes. Ireland began
to attain a state of some composure, when it was disturbed by a violent act 
passed by the English parliament, which
prohibited the importation of Irish cattle into England.* Ormond remonstrated 
strongly against this law. He said, that the
present trade carried on between England and Ireland was extremely to the 
advantage of the former kingdom, which
received only provisions or rude materials in return for every species of 
manufacture: that if the cattle of Ireland were
prohibited, the inhabitants of that island had no other commodity by which they 
could pay England for their importations, and
must have recourse to other nations for a supply: that the industrious 
inhabitants of England, if deprived of Irish provisions,
which made living cheap, would be obliged to augment the price of labor, and 
thereby render their manu. factures too dear
to be exported to foreign markets: that the indolent inhabitants of Ireland, 
finding provisions fall almost lo nothing, would
never be induced to labor, but would per. petuate to all generations their 
native sloth and barbarism: In 1666. 

Page 75 
CHARLES II 75 that by cuttirg off almsst entirely the trade between the king. 
doms, all the natural bands of union were
dissolved, and nothing remained to keep the Irish in their duty but force and 
violence: and that by reducing that kingdom to
extreme poverty, it would be even rendered incapable of maintaining that 
military power, by which, during its well-grounded
dis contents, it must necessarily be retained in subjection. The king was so 
much convinced of the justness of these reasons,
that he used all his interest to oppose thie bill; and he openly declared, that 
he could not give his assent to it with a safe
conscience. But the commons were resolute in their purpose. Some of the rents of 
England had fallen of late years, which
had been ascribed entirely to the importation of Irish cattle: several intrigues 
had contributed to inflame that prejudice,
particularly those of Buckingham and Ashley, who were desirous of giving Ormond 
disturbance in his government: and the
spirit of tyranny, of' which nations are as susceptible as individuals, had 
extremely animated the English to exert their
superiority over their dependent state. No affair could be conducted with 
greater violence than this was by the commons.
They even went so far, in the preamble of the bill, as to declare the 
importation of Irish cattle to be a nuisance. By this
expression they gave scope to their passion, and at the same time barred the 
king's prerogative, by which he might think
himself entitled to dispense with a law so full of injustice and bad policy. The 
lords expunged the word; but as the king was
sensible that no supply would be given by the commons, unless they were 
gratified in their prejudices, he was obliged both
to employ his interest with the peers for making the bill pass, and to give the 
royal assent to it. He could not, however,
forbear expressing his displeasure at the jealousy entertained against him, and 
at the intention which the commons discovered
of retrenching his pre. rogative. This law brought great distress for some time 
upon the Irish; but it has occasioned their
applying with greater indus try to mar ufactures, and has proved in the issue 
beneficial tU that kingdom. 

Page 76 
76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND CIA PTER LXV. CHARLES II. [1668.] SINCE the restoration, 
England had attained a
situation which had never been experienced in any former period of her 
government, and which seemed the only one that
could fully insure, at once, her tranquillity and her liberty: the king was in 
continual want of supply from the parliament, and
he seemed willing to accommodate himself to that dependent situation. Instead of 
reviving those claims of prerogative, so
strenuously insisted on by his predecessors, Charles had strictly confined 
himself within the limits of law, and had courted, by
every art of popularity, the affections of his subjects. Even the severities, 
however blamable, which he had exercised against
nonconformists, are to be considered as expedients by which he strove to 
ingratiate himself with that party which
predominated in parliament. But notwithstanding these promising appearances, 
there were many cir. cumstances which kept
the government from resting steadily on that bottom on which it was placed. The 
crown, having lost almost all its ancient
demesnes, relied entirely on voluntary grants of the people; and the commons, 
not fully accustomed to this new situation,
were not yet disposed to supply, with sufficient liberality, the necessities of 
the crown. They imitated too strictly the example
of their predecessors in a rigid frugality of public money; and neither 
sufficiently con. sidered the indigent condition of their
prince, nor the general state of Europe, where every nation, by its increase 
both of magnificence and force, had made great
additions to all public expenses. Some considerable sums, indeed, were bestowed 
on Charles; and the patriots of that age,
tenacious of ancient maxims, loudly upbraided the commons with prodigality; but 
if we may judge by the example of a later
period, when the government has become more regular, and the harmony of Its 
parts has been more happily adjusted, the
parliaments of this reign seem rather to have merited a contrary reproach. The 
natural consequence of the poverty of the
crown was, 

Page 77 
CHARLES II. 77 besides feeble, irregular transactions in foreign affairs, a 
continiial uncertainty in its domestic
administration. No one could answer with any tolerable assurance for the 
measures of the house of commons. Few of the
members were attached to the court by any other band than that of inclination. 
Royalists indeed ia their principles, but
unexperienced in business, they lay exposed to every rumor or insinuation; and 
were driven by momentary gusts cr currents,
no less than the populace themselves. Even the attempts made to gain an 
ascendant over them by offices, and, as it is
believed, by bribes and pensions, were apt to operate in a manner contrary to 
what was intended by the ministers. The
novelty of the practice conveyed a general, and indeed a just alarm; while, at 
the same time, the poverty of the crown
rendered this influence very limited and precarious. The character of Charles 
was ill fitted to remedy those defects in the
constitution. He acted in the administration of public affairs, as if government 
were a pastime, rather than a serious
occupation; and, by the uncertainty of his conduct he lost that authority which 
could alone bestow constancy on the
fluctuating resolutions of the parliament. His expenses, too, which sometimnes, 
perhaps, exceeded the proper bounds, were
directed more by inclination than by policy; and while they increased his 
dependence on the parliament, they were not
calculated fully to satisfy either the interested or disinterested part of that 
assembly. The parliament met after a long
adjournment, and the king promised himself every thing from the attachment of 
the commons. All his late measures had been
calculated to acquire the good will of his people; and, above all, the triple 
league, it was hoped, would be able to efface all
the disagreeable impressions left by the unhappy conclusion of the Dutch war. 
But a new attempt made by the court, and a
laudable one, too, lost him for a time the effect of all these endeavors. 
Buckingham, who was in great favor with the king,
and carried on many intrigues among the commons, had also endeavored to support 
connections with the nonconformists;
and he now formed a scheme, in concert with the lord keeper, Sir Orlando 
Bridgeman, and the chief justice, Sir Matthew
-lale, two worthy patriots, to put an eend to those severities under which these 
religionists had so long labored. It was
proposed to reconcile the Presbyterians by a comprehension, and to grant * 
toleration to the Independents and other
sectaries, Favor 7* 

Page 78 
78.HfISTORY -)OF ENGLAND. seems not, by this scheme, as by others embraced 
during the present reign, to have been
intended the Catholics: yet were the zealous commons so disgusted, that they 
could not be prevailed on even to give the king
thanks for the triple league, however laudable that measure was then, and has 
ever since been esteemed. They immediately
voted an address for a proclamation against conventicles. Their request was 
complied with; but as the king still dropped
some hints of his desire to reconcile his Protestant subjects, the commons 
passed a very unusual vote, that no man should
bring into the house any bill of that nature. The king in vain reiterated his 
solicitations for supply; represented the necessity of
equipping a fleet; and even offered, that the money which they should grant 
should be collected and issued for that purpose
by commissioners appointed by the house. Instead of complying, the commons voted 
an inquiry into all the miscarriages
during the late war; the slackening of sail after the duke's victory from false 
orders delivered by Brounker, the miscarriage at
Bergen, the division of the fleet under Prince Rupert and Albemarle, the 
disgrace at Chatham. Brounker was expelled the
house, and ordered to be impeached. Commissioner Pet, who had neglected orders 
issued for the security of Chatham, met
with the same fate. These impeachments were never prosecuted. The house at 
length, having been indulged in all their
prejudices, were prevailed with to vote the king three hundred and ten thousand 
pounds, by an imposition on wine and other
liquors; after which they were adjourned. Public business, besides being 
retarded by the disgust of the commons against the
tolerating maxims of the court, met with obstructions this session from a 
quarrel between the two houses. Skinner, a rich
merchant in London, having suffered some injuries from the East India Company, 
laid the matter by petition before the house
of lords, by whom he was relieved in costs and damages to the amount of five 
thousand pounds. The commons voted, that
the lords, in taking cognizance of this afilir, originally, without any appeal 
from inferior courts, had acted in a manner not
agreeable to the laws of the land, and tending to deprive the subject of the 
right, ease, and benefit due to him by these laws;
and that Skinner, in prosecuting the suit after this manner, had infringed the 
privileges of the commons; for which offence they
ordered him to be taken into custoly. Some conferences ensued between the 
houses; 

Page 79 
CHARLES II. 79 whe-e the lords were tenacious of their right of judicature, and 
maintained, that the method in which they
had exercised it was quite regular. The commons rose into a great ferment; and 
went so far as to vote, that " whoever should
be aiding or assisting in putting in execution the order or sentence of the 
house of lords, in the case of Skinner against the
East India Company, should be deemed a betrayer of the rights and liberties of 
the commons of England, and an infringer of
the privileges of the house of commons." They rightly judged, that it would no, 
be easy, after this vote, to find any one who
would venture to incur their indignation. The proceedings indeed of the lords 
seem in this case to have been unusual and
without precedent. [1669.] The king's necessities obliged him again to assent 
ble the parliament, who showed some
disposition to relieve him. The price, however, which he must pay for this 
indulgence, was his yielding to new laws against
conventicles. His complaisance in this particular contributed more to gain the 
commons. than all the pompous pretences of
supporting the triple alliance, that popular measure by which he expected to 
make such advantage. The quarrel between the
two houses was revived; and as the commons had voted only four hundred thousand 
pounds, with which the king was not
satisfied, he thought proper, before they had carried their vote into a law. to 
prorogue them. The only business finished this
short session, was the receiving of the report of the committee appointed fir 
C:,:;,mining the public accounts. On the first
inspection of this report, there appears a great sum, no less than a million and 
a half, unaccounted for; and the natural
inference is, that the king had much abused the trust reposed in him by 
parliament. But a more accurate inspection of
particulars serves, in a great measure, to remove this imputation. The king 
indeed went so far as to tell the parliament from
the throne, " that he had fully informed himself of that matter, and did affirm, 
that no part of those moneys which they had
given him had been diverted to other uses; but, on the contrary, besides all 
those supplies, a very great sum had been raised
out of his standing revenue and credit, and a very great debt contracted; and 
all for the war." Though artificial pretences have
often been employed by kings in their speeches to parliament, and by none more 
than Charles, it is somewha' difficult to
suspect him of a direct lie and falsehood. He must hare had some reasons, and 
perhaps not unplausible ones, for this
affirmation, of which all his hearers, as they 

Page 80 
DO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. had the accounts lying before them, were at that time 
compe, tent judges.* The method
which all parliaments had hitherto followed, was to vote a particular sum for 
the supply, without any distinction, or any
appropriation to particular services. So long as the demands of the crown were 
small and casual, no great inconveniencies
arose from this practice. But as all the measures of government were now 
changed, it must be confessed that, if the king
made a just application of public money, this inaccurate method of proceeding, 
by exposing him to suspicion, was prejudicial
to him. it' he were inclined to act otherwise, it was equally hurtful to the 
people. For these reasons, a contrary practice,
during all the late reigns, has constantly been followed by the comminons. 
[1670.] TWhen the parliament met after the
prorogation, they entered anew upon the business of supply, and granted the king 
an additional duty, during eight years, of
twelve pounds on each tun of S)panish wine imported, eight on each tun of 
French. A law also passed, empowering him to
sell the fee-farm rents; the last remains of the demesnes, by which the ancient 
kings of England had been supported. By this
expedient, he obtained some supply for his present necessities, but left the 
crown, if possible, still more dependent than
before. How much money might be raised by these sales is uncertain; but it could 
not be near one million eight hundred
thousand pounds, the sum assigned by some writers.t The act against conventicles 
passed, and received the royal assent. It
bears the appearance of mitigating the former persecuting laws; but if we may 
judge by the spirit which had broken out
almost every session during this parliament, it was not intended as any favor to 
the nonconformists. Experience probably had
taught, that laws over rigid and severe could not be executed. By this act, the 
hearer in a conventicle (that is. in a dissenting
assembly, where more than five were present, besides the family) was fined five 
shillings for the first offence, ten for the
second; the preacher, twenty pounds for the first offence, forty for the second. 
The person in whose house the conventicle
met, was amerced a like sum with the preacher. One clause is remarkable; that if 
any dispute should arise * See note B, at
the end of the volume. t Mr. Carte, in his vindication of the Answer to the 
Bystander, (p. 99,) says, that the sale of the
fee-farm rents would not yield above mne hundred tho'isand pounds; and his 
reasons appear well founded 

Page 81 
CHARLES II. 81 with regard to the interpretation of any part of the act, the 
iudges should always explain the doubt in the
sense least favorable to conventicles, it being the intention of parliament 
entirely to suppress them. Such was the zeal of the
corn. meins, that they violated the plainest and most established maxinms of 
civil policy, which require that in all criminal

prosecutions favor should always be given to the prisoner. The affair of Skinner 
still remained a ground of quarrel between
the two houses; but the king prevailed with the peers to accept of the expedient 
proposed by the commons, that a general!
razure should be made of all the transactions with regard to that disputed 
question. Some attempts were made by the king to
effect a union between England and Scotland; though they were too feeble to 
remove all the difficulties which obstructed that
useful and imnportant undertaking. Commissioners were appointed to meet, in 
order to regulate the conditions: but the
design, chiefly by the intrigues of Lauderdale, soon after came to nothing. The 
king about this time began frequently to attend
the debates of the house of peers. He said, that they amused him, and that he 
found them no less entertaining than a play.
But deeper designs were suspected. As he seemed to interest himself extremely in 
the cause of Lord Roos, who had
obtained a divorce from his wife on the accusation of adultery, and applied to 
parliament for leave to marry again, people
imagined that Charles intended to make a precedent of the case, and that some 
other pretence would be found for getting rid
of the queen. Many proposals to this purpose, it is said, were made him by 
Buckingham; but the king, how little scru. pulous
soever in some respects, was incapable of any action harsh or barbarous; and he 
always rejected every scheme of this
nature. A suspicion, however, of such intentions, it was observed, had at this 
time begotten a coldness between the two
royal brothers. IWVe now come to a period when the king's counsels, which had 
hitherto in the main been good, though
negligent and fluctuLting, became, during some time, remarkably bad, or even 
crimina; and breeding incurable jealousies in
all men, were followed by such consequences as had almost terminated in the ruin 
both of prince and people. Happily, the
same negli. gence still attended him; and, as it had lessened the influence of' 
the good, it also diminished the effect of the bad
measures'which he embraced. 

Page 82 
,82Q HISTORY 0F EZWGLAND. It was remarked, that the committee of council 
established for foreign affairs was
entirely changed; and that Prince Rupert, the duke of Ormond, Secretary Trevor, 
and Lord Keeper Bridgeman, men in
whose honor the nation had great confidence, were never called to any 
deliberations. The whole secret was intrusted to five
persons, Clifford, Ashley, Buckingham, Arlington, and Lauderdale. These men were 
known by the appellation of the "
cabal," a word which the initial letters of their names happened to compose. 
Never was there a more dangerous ministry in
England, nor one more noted for pernicious counsels. Lord Ashley, soon after 
known by the name of earl of Shaftesbury,
was ofie of the most remarkable characters of the age, and the chief spring of 
all the succeeding movements.During his early
youth, he had engaged in the late king's party; but being disgusted with some 
measures of Prince Maurice, he soon deserted
to the parliament. He insinuated himself into the confidence of Cromwell; and as 
he had great influence with the
Presbyterians, he was serviceable in supporting, with his party, the authority 
of that usurper. He employed the same credit in
promoting the restoration; and on that account both deserved and acquired favor 
with the king. In all his changes, he still
maintained the character of never betraying those friends whom he deserted; and 
whichever party he joined, his great
capacity and singular talents soon gained him their confidence, and enabled him 
to take the lead among them. No station
could satisfy his ambition, no fatigues were insuperable to his industry. Well 
acquainted with the blind attachment of faction,
he surmounted all sense of shame; and relying on the subtilty of his 
contrivances, he was not startled with enterprises the
most hazardous and most criminal. His talents, both of public speaking and 
private insinuation, shone out in an eminent
degree; and amidst all his furious passions, he possessed a sound judgment of 
business, and still more of men. Though fitted
by nature for beginning and pushing the greatest undertakings, he was never able 
to conduct any to a happy period; and his
eminent abilities, by reason of his insatiable desires, were equally dangerous 
to himself, to the prince, and to the people. The
duke of Buckingham possessed all the advantages which a graceful person, a high 
rank, a splendid fortune, and a lively wit
could bestow; but by his wild conduct, unrestrained either by prudence or 
principle, he found means.. ""' 

Page 83 
CHARLES II, 83 nimself m the end odious, and even insignificant. The least 
interest could make him abandon his honor; the
smallest pleasure could seduce him from his interest; the most frivolous caprice 
was sufficient to counterbalance his pleasure.
By his want of secrecy and constancy, he destroyed his character in public life; 
by his contempt of order and economy, he
dissipated his private fortune; by riot and debauchery, he ruined his health; 
and he remained at last as incapable of doing
hurt. as he had ever been little desirous of doing good to mankind. The earl, 
soon after created duke of Lauderdale, was not
defective in natural, and still less in acquired talents; but neither was his 
address graceful, nor his understanding just. His
principles, or, more properly speaking, his prejudices, were obstinate, but 
unable to restrain his ambition: his ambition was
still less dangerous than the tyranny and violence of his temper. An implacable 
enemy, but a lukewarm friend; insolent to his
inferiors, but abject to his superiors; though in his whole character and 
deportment he was almost diametrically opposite to
the king, he had the fortune, beyond any other minister, to maintain, during the 
greater part of his reign, an ascendant over
him. The talents of parliamentary eloquence and intrigue had raised Sir Thomas 
Clifford; and his daring, impetuous spirit
gave him weight in the king's councils. Of the whole cabal, Arlington was the 
least dangerous, either by his vices or his
talents. His judgment was sound, though his capacity was but moderate; and his 
intentions were good, though he wanted
courage and integrity to persevere in them. Together with Temple and Bridgeman, 
he had been a great promoter of the triple
league; but he threw himself with equal alacrity into opposite measures, when he 
found them agreeable to his master. Clifford
and he were secretly Catholics: Shaftesbury, though addicted to astrology, was 
reckoned a deist: Buckingham had too little
reflection to embrace any steady principles: Lauderdale had long been a bigoted 
and furious Presbyterian; and the opinions
of that sect still kept possession of his mind, how little soever they appeared 
in his conduct. The dark counsels of the cabal,
though from the first they gave anxiety to all men of reflection, were not 
thoroughly known but by the event. Such seem to
have been the views which they, in concurrence with some Catholic courtiers who 
had the ear of their sovereign, suggested
to the king and the 

Page 84 
84 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. duke, and which these princes too greedily embraced. They 
said, that the parliament,
though the spirit of party, for the present, attached them to the crown, were 
still more attached to those powers and
privileges which their predecessors had usurped from tile sovereign: that after 
the first flow of kindness was spent, they had
discovered evident symptoms of dis. content; and would be sure to turn against 
the king all the authority which they yet
retained, and still more those pretensions which it was easy for them in a 
moment to revive: that they not only kept the king in
dependence by means of his precarious revenue, but had never discovered a 
suitable generosity, even in those temporary
supplies which they granted him n: that it was high time for the prince to rouse 
himself from his lethargy, and to recover that
authority which his predecessors, during so many ages, had peaceably enjoyed: 
that the great error or misfortune of his
father was, the not having formed any close connection with foreign princes, 
who, on the breaking out of the rebellion, might
have found their interest in supporting him: that the present alliances, being 
entered into with so many weaker potentates,
who themselves stood in need of the king's protection, could never serve to 
maintain, much less augment, the royal authority:
tht the French monarch alone, so generous a prince, and by blood so nearly 
allied to the king, would be found both able and
willing, if gratified in his ambition, to defend the common cause of kings 
against usurping subjects: that a war undertaken
against Holland by the united force of two such mighty potentates, would prove 
an easy enterprise, and would serve all the
purposes which were aimed at: that, under pretence of that war, it would not be 
difficult to levy a military force, without
which, during the prevalence of republican principles among his subjects, the 
king would vainly expect to defend his
prerogative: that his naval power might be maintained, partly by the supplies 
which on other pretences would previously be
obtained from parliament; partly by subsidies from France; partly by captures, 
which might easily be made on that opulent
republic: that, in such a situation, attempts to recover the lost authority of 
the crown would be attended with success; nor
would any malecontents dare to resist a prince fortified by so powerful an 
alliance; or, if they did, they would only draw
more certain ruin on themselves and on their cause; and tha+ by subduing the sta 
es, a great step would be made towards a
reformation of the governmen since it was apparent, tha 

Page 85 
ChARLES IL. *that republic, by its fame and grandeur, fortified in his factious 
subjects their attachment to what they vainly
termed their civil and religious liberties. These suggestions happened fatally 
to concur with all the inclinations arid prejudices
of the king; his desire of,more extensive authority, his propensity to the 
Catholic religion, his avidity for money. H-e seems,
likewise, fiom the very beginning of his reign, to have entertained great 
jealousy of his own subjects, and, on that account, a
desire of fortifying himself by an intimate alliance with France. So early as 
1664, he had offered the French monarch to allow
him without opposition to conquer Flanders, provided that prince would engage to 
furnish hini with ten thousand infantry,
and a suitable number of cavalry, in case of any rebellion in England.* As no 
dangerous symptoms at that time appeared, we
are left lo conjecture, from this incident, what opinion Charles had conceived 
of the factious disposition of his people. Even
during the time when the triple alliance was the most zealously cultivated, the 
king never seems to have been entirely cordial
in those salutary measures, but still to have cast a longing eye towards the 
French alliance. Clifford, who had much of his
confidence, said imprudently, "Notwithstanding all this joy, we must have a 
second war with Holland." The accession of the
emperor to that alliance had been refused by England on frivolous pretences. And 
many unfriendly cavils were raised against
the states with regard to Surinam and the conduct of the East India Company.t 
But about April, 1669, the strongest
symptoms appeared of those fatal measures which were afterwards more openly 
pursued. De Wit at that time came to
Temple, and told him, that he paid him a visit as a friend, not as a minister. 
The occasion was, to acquaint him with a
conversation which he had lately had with Puffendorf, the Swedish agent, who had 
passed by the Hague in the way from
Paris to his own country. The French ministers, Puffendorf said, had taken much 
pains to persuade him, that the Swedes
would very ill find their account - those measures which they had lately 
embraced: that Spai. would fail them in all her
promises of subsidies; nor would i- land alone be able to support them: that 
England would ce; ainly fail them, and had
already adopted counsels directly op)osite * D'Estrades, July 21, 1667. t See 
note C, at the end of the volume. VOL. VI. 8
H 

Page 86 
HISTORY OF ENGLAND. to those which by the triple league she had bound herself to 
pursue: and that the resolution was
not the less fixed and certain, because the secret was as yet communicated to 
very few either in the French or English court.
When Puffendorf seemed incredulous, Turenne showed him a letter from Col. bert 
de Crossy, the French minister at
London; in which, after mentioning the success of his negotiations, and the 
favorable disposition of the chief ministers there,
he added, " And I have at last made them sensible of the full extent of his 
majesty's bounty."* From this incident it appears,
that the infamous practice of selling themselves to foreign princes, a praztice 
which, notwithstanding the malignity of the
vulgar, is certainly rare among men in high office, had not been scrupled by 
Charles's ministers, who even obtained their
master's consent to this dishonorable corruption. But while all men of 
penetration, both abroad and at home, were alarmed
with these incidents, the visit which the king received from his sister, the 
duchess of Orleans, was the foundation of still
stronger suspicions. Lewis, knowing the address and insinuation of that amiable 
princess, and the great influence which she
had gained over her brother, had engaged her to employ all her good offices in 
order to detach Charles from the triple
league, which, he knew, had fixed such un surmountable barriers to his ambition; 
and he now sent her to put the last hand to
the plan of their conjunct operations. That he might the better cover this 
negotiation, he pretended to visit his frontiers,
particularly the great works which he had undertaken at Dunkirk: and he carried 
the queen and the whole court along with
him. While he remained on the opposite shore, the duchess of Orleans went over 
to England; and Charles met her at Dover,
where they passed ten days together in great mirth and festivity. By her 
artifices and caresses, she prevailed on Charles to
relinquish the most settled maxims of honor and policy, and to finish his 
engagemnents with Lewis for the destruction of
Holland, as well as for the subsequent change of religion in England. But Lewis 
well knew Charles's character, and the usual
fluctuations of his counsels. In order to fix him in the French interests, he 
resolved to bind him by the ties of pleasure, the
only ones which with him were irresistible; and he made him a present of a 
French mistress, by whose means he hoped for *
Temple, vol. ii. p. 179. 

Page 87 
MCRLES U. 87 the future to govern -him. The duchess of Orleans brought with her 
a young lady of the name of
Querouaille, whom the king carried to London, and soon after created duchess of 
Portsmouth. He was extremely attached
to her during the whole course of his life; and she proved a great means of 
support. ing his connections with her native
country. The satisfaction which Charles reaped from his new alliance received a 
great check by the death of his sister, and
still more by those melancholy circumstances which attended it. Her death was 
sudden, after a few days' illness; and she was
seized with the malady upon drinking a glass of succory water. Strong suspicions 
of poison arose in the court of France, and
were spread all over Europe; and as her husband had discovered many symptoms of 
jealousy and discontent on account of
her conduct, he was universally believed to be the author of the crime. Charles 
himself, during some time, was entirely
convinced Qf his guilt; but upon receiving the attestation of physicians, who, 
on opening her body, found no foundation for
the general rumor, he was, or pretended to be, satisfied. The duke of Orleans 
indeed did never, in any other circurmstance
of his life, betray such dispositions as might lead him to so criminal an 
action; and a lady, it is said, drank the remains of the
same glass, without feeling any inconvenience. The sudden death of princes is 
commonly accompanied with these dismal
surmises; and therefore less weight is in this case to be laid on the suspicions 
of the public. Charles, instead of breaking with
France upon this incident took advantage of it to send over Buckingham, under 
pretence of condoling with the duke of
Orleans, but in reality to concert further measures for the projected war. Never 
ambassador received greater caresses. The
more destructive the present measures were to the interests of England, the more 
natural was it for Lewis to load with
civilities, and even with favors, those whom he could engage to promote them. 
The journey of Buckingham augmented the
suspicions in Holland, which every circumstance tended still further to confirm. 
Lewis made a sudden irruption into Lorraine;
and though he missed seizing the duke himself, who had no surmise of the danger, 
and who narrowly escaped, he was soon
able, without resistance, to make himself master of the whole country. The 
French monarch was so far unhappy, that, though
the most tempting opportunities offered themselves, he 

Page 88 
88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. had not commonly so much as the pretence of equity 
and:ustice to cover his ambitious
measures. This acquisition of Lorraine ought to have excited tile jealousy of 
the contracting powers in the triple league, as
much as an invasion of Flan-U ders itself; yet did Charles turn a deaf ear to 
all remonstrances made him upon that subject.
But what tended chiefly to open the eyes of De Wit and the states with regard to 
the measures of England, was the sudden
recall of Sir William Temple. This minister had so firmly established his 
character of honor and integrity, that fhe was
believed incapable even of obeying his master's comman:ls in promoting measures 
which he esteemed pernicious to his
country; and so long as he remained in employment De W'it thought hlirnself 
assured of the fidelity of England. Charles was
so sensible of this prepossession, that he ordered 1'emple to leave his family 
at the Hague, and pretended that that minister
would immediately return, after having conferred with the king about some 
business where his negotiation hadt met with
obstructions. De Wit made the Dutch resident inform the English court, that he 
should consider the recall of Temple as an
express declaration of a change of measures in England; and should even know 
what interpretation to put upon any delay of
his return. While these measures were secretly in agitation, the parliament met, 
according to adjournment. The king made a.
short speech, and left the business to be enlarged upon by the keeper. That 
minister much insisted on the king's great want of
supply; the mighty increase of the naval power of France, now triple to what it 
was before the last war with Holland; the
decay of the E'nglish navy; the necessity of fitting out next year a fleet of 
fifty sail; the obligations which the king lay under by
several treaties to exert himself for the common good of Christendom. Among 
other treaties, he mentioned the triple alliance,
and the defensive league with the states. The artifice succeeded. The house of 
commons, entirely satisfied with the king's
measures, voted him considerable supplies. A land tax for a year was imposed of 
a shilling a pound; two shillings a pound on
two thirds of the salaries of offices; fifteen shillings on every hundred pounds 
of bankers money and stock; an additional
excise upon beer for six years and certain impositions upon law proceedings for 
nine' years. The parliament had never
before been in a more liberal humor; 

Page 89 
CHARLES II. 89 and never surelb sT7 it less merited by the counsels of the king 
and of his r,.aters,* The commons prt sed
another bill, for laying a duty on tobacco, Scotch salt, classes, and some other 
commodities. Against this bill the n,: (chants
of London appeared by petition before the house (t' lords. The lords entered 
into their reasons, and began to iln if~
amendments on the bill sent up by the commons.'fhs'atempt was highly resented by 
the lower house as an encroachnrent on
the right, which they pretended to possess alone, of granting money to the 
crown. Mlany remonstrances paste4l tetiween the
two houses; and by their altercations the king ua,. o.bliged to prorogue the 
parliament; and he thereby lost ti e money which
was intended him. [1671.] This is the l]a3 tme that the peers have revived any 
pretensions of that xrvlre. Ever since, the
privilege of the commons, in all otlhr pivices except in the house of peers, has 
passed for uncontrov itod. * This year, on the
3d of Januarv, 1i W1' Ceorge Monk, duke of Albelnarle, at Newhall, in Essex, 
after a 1t1.a rshing illness, and in the
sixty-third year of his age. lIe leAt L...eat estate of fifteen thousand pounds 
a year in land, and sixt) t', L.; rad pounds in
money, acquired by the bounty of the king, and incr'ta.cd by his own frugality 
in his later years. Bishop Burnet, who,
ag,:rcebly to his own factious spirit, treats this illustrious personage Mil.l 
great malignity, reproaches him with avarice: but as
he appears no;, to have been in the least tainted with rapacity, his frugal 
conduct rn a more candidly be imputed to the habits
acquired in early life, whil t.. was possessed of a very narrow fortune. It is 
indeed a singular pi,\,t' cf the strange power of
faction, that any malignity should pursue th 1 mremory of a noblenlan, the tenor 
of whose life was so unexceptiornx, e, and
who, by restoring the ancient, and legal, and free government t,,'hre king. doms 
plunged in the most destructive anarchy, may
sste>if be said t., be the subject, in these islands, who, since the begirniunat 
oi timi rendered the most durable and most
essential services to h:s nstiv country. The means also by which he achieved his 
grCat. u.eli takings, were almost entirely
unexceptionable. His temporn ry.ir simulation, being absolutely necessary, could 
scarcely be bla-,aibL He had received no
trust from that mongrel, pretended, usarp.i.% parliament whom he dethroned; 
therefore could betray none: h_ even refused
to carry his dissimulation so far as to take the oath oi abjuration against the 
king. I confess, however, that the Reverene Dr.
Douglas has shown me, from the Clarendon papers, an original letter of his to 
Sir Arthur Hazelrig, containing very earnest,
and certainly false protestations of his zeal for a commonwealth. It is to be 
lamented, that so worthy a man, and of such plain
manners, should ever have found it necessary to carry his dissimulation to such 
9 height. His family ended with his son. 8* 

Page 90 
90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. There was a private affair, which, during this session, 
dis. gusted the house of commons,
and required some pains to accommodate it. The usual method of those who opposed 
the court in the money bills, was, if
they failed in the main vote, as to the extent of the supply, to levy the money 
upon such funds as they expected would be
unacceptable, or would prove deficient. It was proposed to lay an imposition 
upon playhouses: the courtiers objected, that
the players were the king's servants, and a part of his pleasure. Sir John 
Coventry, a gentleman of the country party, asked, "
whether the king's pleasure lay among the male or the female players." This 
stroke of satire was aimed at Charles, who,
besides his mistresses of higher quality, entertained at that time two 
actresses, Davis and Nell Gwin. The king received not
the raillery with the good humor which might have been expected. It was said 
that this being the first time that respect to
majesty had been publicly violated, it was necessary, by some severe 
chastisement, to make Coventry an example to all who
might incline to tread in his footsteps. Sands, Obrian, and some other officers 
of the guards, were ordered to waylay him,
and to set a mark upon him. He defended himself with bravery, and after wounding 
several of the assailants, was disarmed
with some difficulty. They cut his nose to the bone, in order, as they said, to 
teach him what respect he owed to the king.
The commons were inflamed by this indignity offered to one of their members, on 
account of words spoken in the house.
They passed a law which made it capital to maim any person; and they enacted, 
that those criminals, who had assaulted
Coventry, should be incapable of receiving a pardon from the crown. There was 
another private affair transacted about this
time, by which the king was as much exposed to the imputation of a capricious 
lenity, as he was here blamed for
unnecessary severity. Blood, a disbanded officer of the protector's, had been 
engaged in the conspiracy for raising an
insurrection in Ireland; and on account of this crime, he himself had been 
attainted, and some of his accomplices capitally
punished. The daring villain meditated revenge upon Ormond, the lord lieutenant. 
Having by artifice drawn off the duke's
footmen, he attacked his coach in the night time, as it drove along St. James's 
Street in London; and he made himself master
of his person. He might here have finished the crime, had he not meditated 
refinements in his vengeance: he was resolved to 

Page 91 
CHARLES II. 91 hang the duke of Tyburn; and for that purpose bound him and 
mounted him on horseback behind one of
his companions. They were advanced a good way into the fields, when the duke, 
making efforts for his liberty, threw himself
to the ground, and brought down with him the assassin to whom he was fastened. 
They were struggling together in the mire,
when Ormond's servants, whom the alarm had reached, came and saved him. Blood 
and his companions, firing their pistols
in a hurry at the duke, rode off, and saved themselves by means of the darkness. 
Buckingham was at first, with some
appearances of reason, suspected to be the author of this attempt. His 
profligate character, and his enmity against Ormond,
exposed him to that imputation. Ossory soon after came to court, and seeing 
Buckingham stand by the king, his color rose,
and he could not forbear expressing himself to this purpose: " My lord, I know 
well that you are at the bottom of this late
attempt upon my father: but I give you warning; if by any means he come to a 
violent end, I shall not be at a loss to know the
author: I shall consider you as the assassin: I shall treat you as such; and 
wherever I meet you, I shall pistol you, though you
stood behind the king's chair; and I tell it you in his majesty's presence, that 
you may be sure I shall not fail of performance."
* If there was here any indecorum, it was easily excused in a generous youth, 
when his father's life was exposed to danger A
little after, Blood formed a design of carrying off the crown and regalia from 
the Tower; a design to which he was prompted,
as well by the surprising boldness of the enterprise, as by the views of profit. 
He was near succeeding. He had bound and
wounded Edwards, the keeper of the jewel-office, and had gotten out of the Tower 
with his prey; but was overtaken and
seized, with some of his associates. One of them was known to have been 
concerned in the attempt upon Ormond; and
Blood was immediately concluded to be the ringleader. When questioned, he 
frankly avowed the enterprise; but refused to
tell his accomplices. " The fear of death,"she said, "should never engage him 
either to deny a guilt or betray a friend." All
these extraordinary circumstances made him the general subject of conversation; 
and the king was moved by an idle
curiosity to see and speak with a person so noted for his courage and his 
crimes. Blood might now esteem * Carte's
Ormond, vol. ii. p. 225. 

Page 92 
92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. himself secure of pardon; and he wanted not address to 
Improve the opportunity. He told
Charles, that he had been engaged, with others, in a design to kill him with a 
carabine above Buttersea, where his majesty
often went to bathe: that the cause of this resolution was the severity 
exercised over the consciences of the godly, in
restraining the liberty of their religious assemblies: that when he had taken 
his stand among the reeds, full of these bloody
resolutions, he found his heart checked with an awe of majesty; and he not only 
relented himself, but diverted his associates
from their purpose: that he had long ago brought himself to an entire 
indifference about life, which he now gave for lost; yet
could lie not forbear warning the king of the danger which might attend his 
execution: that his associates had bound
themselves by the strictest oaths to revenge the death of any of the 
confederacy; and that no precaution or power could
secure any one from the effects of their desperate resolutions. Whether these 
considerations excited fear or admiration in the
king, they confirmed his resolution of' granting a pardon to Blood; but he 
thought it a point of decency first to obtain the
duke of Ormond's consent. Arlington came to Ormond in the king's name, and 
desired that lie would not prosecute Blood,
for reasons which he was commanded to give him. The duke replied, that his 
majesty's commands were the only ieason that
could be given, and being sufficient,, he might therefore spare the res+. 
Charles carried his kindness to Blood still further: he
granted him an estate of five hundred pounds a year in Ireland; he encouraged 
his attendance about his person; he showed
him great countenance; and many applied to him for promoting their pretensions 
at court. And while old Edwards, who had
bravely ventured his life, and had been wounded, in defending the crown and 
regalia, was forgotten and neglected, this man,
who deserved only to be stared at and detested as a monster, became a kind of 
favorite. Errors of this nature in private life
have often as bad an influence as miscarriages in which the public is more 
immediately concerned. Another incident
happened this year, which infused a general displeasure, and still greater 
apprehensions, Into all men. The duchess of York
died; and in her last sickness, she made open profession of the Romish religion, 
and finished her life in that communion. This
put an end to that thin disguise which the duke had hitherto worn; and he now 
openly declared his conversion to the church
of 

Page 93 
CIIARLES II 93 Rome. Unaccountable terrors of Popery, ever since the accession 
of the house of Stuart, had prevailed
throughout the nation; but these had formerly been found so groundless, and had 
been employed to so many bad purposes,
that sur. mises of this nature were likely to meet with the less credit among 
all men of sense; and nothing but the duke's
impru. dent bigotry could have convinced the whole nation of his change of 
religion. Popery, which had hitherto been only a
hideous spectre, was now become a real ground of terror; being openly and 
zealously embraced by the heir to the crown, a
prince of industry and enterprise; while the king himself was not entirely free 
from like suspicions. It is probable that the new
alliance with France inspired the luke with the courage to make open profession 
of his religion, and centered him more
careless of the affections and esteem of tile English. This alliance became 
every day more apparent. Tealpltc was declared to
be no longer ambassador to tle states, and Downing, whom the Dutch regarded as 
the inveterate enemy of their republic,
was sent over in his stead. A ground of quarrel was sought by means of a yacht, 
despatched for Lady Temple. The captain
sailed through the Dutch fleet, which lay on their own coasts; and he had orders 
to make them strike, to fire on them, arid to
persevere till they should return his fire. The Dutch admiral, Van Ghent, sur. 
prised at this bravado, came on board the
yacht, and expressed his willingness to pay respect to the British flag, 
according to former practice: but that a fleet on their
own coasts should strike to a single vessel, and that not a ship of war, was, he 
said, such an innovation, that he durst not
without express orders agree to it. The captain, thinking it dangerous, as well 
as absurd, to renew firing in the midst of the
Dutch fleet, continued his course; and for that neglect of orders was committed 
to the Tower. This incident, however,
furnished.Downing with a new article to increase those vain pretences on which 
it v'as pu:posed to ground the intended
rupture. The Englisnh court delayed several months before they complained' lest, 
if they had demanded satisfaction more
early, the Dwsch might have had time to grant it. Even when Downing delivered 
his memorial, he was bound by his
instructions not to accept of any satisfaction after a certain number of days: a 
very imperious manner of negotiating, and
impracticable in Hol. land, where the forms of the republic render delays 
absolutely 

Page 94 
94 HISTORY OF ENGLANDunavoidable. An answer, however, though refused by Down 
ing, was sent over to London;
with an ambassador extraordi nary, who had orders to use every expedient that 
might give satisfaction to the court of
England. That court replied, that the answer of the Hollanders was ambiguous and 
obscure; but they would not specify the
articles or expressions which were liable to that objection. The Dutch 
ambassador desired the Engiish ministry to draw the
answer in what terms they pleased; and he engaged to sign it: the English 
ministry replied, that it was not their business to
draw papers for the Dutch. The ambassador brought them the draught of an 
article, and asked them whether it were
satisfactory: the English answered, that when he had signed and delivered it, 
they would tell him their mind concerning it. The
Dutchman resolved to sign it at a venture; and on his demanding a new audience, 
an hour was appointed for that purpose:
but when he attended, the English refused to enter upon business, and told him 
that the season for negotiating was now
past.* [1672.] Long and frequent prorogations were made of the parliament; lest 
the houses should declare themselves with
vigor against counsels so opposite to the inclination as well as interests of 
the public. Could we suppose that Charles, in his
alliance against Holland, really meant the good of his people, that measure must 
pass for an extraordinary, nay, a romantic
strain of patriotism, which could lead him, in spite of all difficulties, and 
even in spite of themselves, to seek the welfare of the
nation. But every step which he took in this affair became a proof to all men of 
penetration, that the present war was
intended against the religion and liberties of his own subjects, even more than 
against the Dutch themelves. He now acted in
every thing as if he were already an absolute monarch, and was never more to lie 
under the control of national assemblies.
The long prorogations of parliament, if they freed the king from the importunate 
remonstrances of that assembly, were,
however, attended with this inconvenience, that no money could be procured to 
carry on the military preparations against
Holland. Under pretence of maintaining the triple league, * England's Appeal, p. 
22. This year, on the 12th of November,
died, in his retreat, and in the sixtieth year of his age, Thomas Lord Fairfax, 
who performed many great actions without being
a memorable personage, and allowed himself to be carried into many criminal 
enterprises with the best and most upright
intentions. His daughter and heir was rrarried to George Villiers, duke of 
Buckingham. 

Page 95 
CHARLES II. 95 which at that very time he had firmly resolved to break, Charles 
had obtained a large supply from the
commons; but tnis money was soon exhausted by debts and expenses. France nad 
stipulated to pay two hundred thousand
pounds a year during the war; but that supply was inconsiderable, compared to 
the immense charge of the English navy. It
seemed as yet premature to venture on levying money without consent of 
parliament; since the power of taxing themselves
was the privilege of which the English were with reason particularly jealous. 
Some other resource must be fallen on. The king
had declared, that the staff of treasurer was ready for any one that could find 
an expedient for supplying the present
necessities. Shaftesbury dropped a hint to Clifford, which the latter 
immediately seized, and carried to the king, who granted
him the promised reward, together with a peerage. This expedient was the 
shutting up of the exchequer and the retaining of
all the payments which should be made into it. It had been usual for the bankers 
to carry their money to the exchequer, and
to advance it upon security of the funds by which they were afterwards 
reimbursed when the money was levied on the
public. The bankers by this traffic got eight, sometimes ten per cent., for sums 
which either had been consigned to them
without interest, or which they had bor rowed at six per cent.; profits which 
they dearly paid for b) thills egregious breach of
public faith. The measure was so suddenly taken, that none had warning of the 
danger. A general confusion prevailed in the
city, followed by the ruin of many. The bankers stopped payment; the merchants 
could answer no bills; distrust took place
every where, with a stagnation of commerce, by which the public was universally 
affected. And men, full of dismal
apprehensions, asked each other what must be the scope of those mysterious 
counsels, whence the parliament and all men
of honor Were excluded, and which commenced by the forfeiture of public credit, 
and an open violation of the most solemn
engagements, both foreign and domestic. Another measure of the court contains 
something laudable when considered in
itself; but if we reflect on the motvs whence it proceeded, as well as the time 
when it was inrl braced, it will furnish a strong
proof of the arbitrary and dangerous counsels pursued at present by the king and 
his ministry. Charles resolved to make use
of his supreme pewel 

Page 96 
HISTORY OF ENGLAiND in ecclesiastical matters; a power, he sail' ihich was not 
only inherent in him, but which had
been re. gnized by several acts of parliament. By virtue of this au,ority, he 
issued a proclamation, suspending the penal laws
enacted against all nonconformists or recusants whatsoever; and granting to the 
Protestant dissenters the public exercise of
their religion, to the Catholics the exercise of it in private houses. A 
fruitless experiment of this kind, opposed by the
parliament, and retracted by the king, had already bee a made a few years after 
the restoration; but Charles expected that
the parliament, whenever it should meet, would now be tamed to greater 
submission, and would no longer dare to control
his measures. Meanwhile the dissenters, the most inveterate enemies of the 
court, were mollified by these indulgent maxims:
and the Catholics, under their shelter, enjoyed more liberty than the laws had 
hitherto allowed them. At the same time, the
act of navigation was suspended by royal will and pleasure; a measure which, 
though a stretch of prerogative, seemed useful
to commerce, while all the seamen were employed on board the royal navy. A like 
suspension had been granted during the
first Dutch war, and was not much remarked; because men had at that time 
entertained less jealousy of the crown. A
proclamation was also issued, containing rigorous clauses in favor of pressing; 
another full of menaces against those who
presumed to speak undutifully of his majesty's measures, and even against those 
who heard such discourse, unless they
informed in due time against the offenders; another against importing or vending 
any sort of painted earthenware, "except
those of China, upon pain of being grievously fined, and suffering the utmost 
punishment which might be lawfully inflicted
upon contemners of his majesty's royal authority." An army had been levied; and 
it was found that discipline could not be
enforced without the exercise of martial law, which was therefore established by 
order of council, though contrary to the
petition of right. All these acts of power, how little important soever in 
themselves, savored strongly of arbitrary government;
and were nowise suitable to that legal administration which the parliament, 
after such violent convulsions and civil wars, had
hoped to have estahlished in the kingdom. It may be worth remarking, that the 
lord keeper refused tc affix tne great seal to
the declaration for suspending the penal laws; and was for that reason, though 
under other pretences 

Page 97 
CARLEsM I. 97 removed from his office. Shaftesbury was made chancellor in his 
place; and thus another member of the
cabal received the reward of his counsels. Foreign transactions kept pace with 
these domestic occurrences. An attempt,
before the declaration of war, was made on the Dutch Smyrna fleet by Sir Robert 
Holmes. This fleet consisted of seventy
sail, valued at a million and a half; and the hopes of seizing so rich a prey 
had been a great motive for engaging Charles in the
present war, and he had considered that capture as a principal resource for 
supporting his military enterprises. Holmes, with
nine frigates and three yachts, had orders to go on this command; and he passed 
Sprague in the Channel, who was returning
with a squadron from a cruize in the Mediterranean. Sprague informed him of the 
near approach of the Hollanders; and'had
not Holmes, from a desire of engrossing the honor and profit of the enterprise, 
kept the secret of his orders, the conjunction
of these squadrons had rendered the success infallible. When Holmes approached 
the Dutch, he put on an amicable
appearance, and invited the admiral Van Ness, who commanded the convoy, to come 
on board of him: one of his captains
gave a like insidious invitation to the rear.admiral. But these officers were on 
their guard. They had received an intimation of
the hostile intentions of the English, and had already put all the ships of war 
and merchantmen in an excellent posture of
defence. Three times were they valiantly assailed by the English; and as often 
did they valiantly defend themselves. In the
third attack, one of the Dutch ships of war was taken; and three or four of 
their most inconsiderable merchantmen fell into
the enemies' hands. The rest, fighting with skill and courage, continued their 
course; and, favored by a mist, got safe into their
own harbors. This attempt is denominated perfidious and piratical by the Dutch 
writers, and even by many of the English. It
merits at least the appellation of irregular; and as it had been attended with 
bad success, it brought double shame upon the
contrivers. The English ministry endeavored to apologize for the action, by 
pretending that it was a casual rencounter, arising
from the obstinacy of the Dutch in refusing the honors of the flag: but the 
contrary was so well known, that even Holmes
himself had not the assurance to persist in this asseveration. Till this 
incident, the states, notwithstanding all the menaces and
preparations of the English, never believed them thorVOL. VL 9 H 

Page 98 
98 HISTORY OF rNGLAND. oughly in earnest; and had always expected, that the 
affair would terminate, either in some
demands of money, or in some proposals for the advancement of the prince of 
Orange. The French themselves had never
much reckoned on assistance from England; and scarcely could believe that their 
ambitious projects would, contrary to
every maxim of honor and policy, be forwarded by that power which was most 
interested and most able to oppose them.
But Charles was too far advanced to retreat. He immediately issued a declaration 
of war against the Dutch; and surely
reasons more false and frivolous never were employed to justify a flagrant 
violation of treaty. Some complaints are there
made of injuries done to the East India Company, which yet that company 
disavowed: the detention of some English in
Surinam is mentioned; though it appears that these persons had voluntarily 
remained there: the refusal of a Dutch fleet on
their own coasts to strike to an English yatch, is much aggravated: and to piece 
up all these pretensions, some abusive
pictures are mentioned, and represented as a ground of quarrel. The Dutch were 
long at a loss what to make of this article,
till it was discovered that a portrait of Cornelius de Wit, br'-)her to the 
pensionary, painted by order of certain magistrates of
Dort, and hung up in a chamber of the town-house, had givest occasion to the 
complaint. In the perspective of this poitrait,
the painter had drawn some ships on fire in a harbor. This was construed to be 
Chatham, where De Wit had realhy
distinguished himself, and had acquired honor; but little did he imagine that, 
while the insult itself, committed in open war, had
so long been forgiven, the picture of it should draw such severe vengeance upon 
his country. The conclusion of this
manifesto, where the king still professed his resolution of adhering to the 
triple alliance, was of a piece with the rest of it.
Lewis's declaration of war contained more dignity, if undis. guised violence and 
injustice could merit that appellation. He
pretended only, that the behavior of the Hollanders had been such, that it did 
not consist with his glory any longer to bear it.
That monarch's preparations were in great forwardness, and his ambition was 
flattered with the most promising views of
success. Sweden was detached from the triple league; the bishop of Munster was 
engaged by the payment of subsi. dies to
take part with France; the elector of Cologne had entered into the same 
alliance; and having consigned Bonne 

Page 99 
CHARLES II. 99 and other towns into the hands of Lewis, magazines were there 
erected; and it was from that quarter that
France purposed to invade the United Provinces. The standing force of that 
kingdom amounted to a hundred and eighty
thousand men; and with more than half of this great army was the French king now 
approaching to the Dutch frontiers. The
order, economy, and industry of Colbert, equally subservient to the ambition of 
the prince and happiness of the people,
furnished unexhausted treasures: these, employed by the unrelenting vigilance of 
Louvois, supplied every military prep.
aration, and facilitated all the enterprises of the army: Conde, Turenne, 
seconded by Luxembourg, Crequi, and the most
renowned generals of the age, conducted this army, and by their conduct and 
reputation inspired courage into every one.
The monarch himself, surrounded with a brave nobility, animated his troops by 
the prospect of reward, or, what was more
valued, by the hopes of his approbation. The fatigues of war gave no 
interruption to gayety: its dangers furnishes matter for
glory; and in no enterprise did the genius of that gallant and polite people 
ever break out with more distin. guished lustre.
Though De Wit's intelligence in foreign courts was not equal to the vigilance of 
his domestic administration, he had long
before received many surmises of this fatal confederacy - but he prepared not 
for defence so early, or with such industry, as
the danger required. A union of England with France was evidently, he saw, 
destructive to the interests of the former
kingdom; and therefore, overlooking or ignorant of the humors and secret views 
of Charles, he concluded it impossible that
such pernicious projects could ever really be carried into execution. Secure in 
this fallacious reasoning, he allowed the
republic to remain too long in that defenceless situation into which many 
concurring accidents had conspired to throw her.
By a continued and successful application to commerce. the people were become 
unwarlike, and confided entirely foi their
defence in that mercenary army which they maintained. After the treaty of 
Westphalia, the states, trusting to their peace with
Spain, and their alliance with France, had broken a great part of this army, and 
did not support with sufficient vigilance the
discipline of the troops which remained. When the aristocratic party prevailed, 
it was thought prudent to dismiss many of the
old, experienced officers, who were 

Page 100 
100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. devoted to the house of Orange; and their place was 
supplied by raw youths, the sons or
kinsmen of burgomasters, by whose interest the party was supported. These new 
officers, relying on the credit of their
friends and family, neglected their military duty; and some of them, it is said, 
were even allowed to serve by deputies, to
whom they assigned a small part of their pay. During the war with England, all 
the forces of that nation had been disbanded:
Lewis's invasion of Flanders, followed by the triple league, occasioned the 
dismission of the French regiments: and the place
of these troops, which had ever had a chief share in the honor and fortune of 
all the wars in the Low Countries, had not been
supplied by any new levies. De Wit, sensible of this dangerous situation, and 
alarmed by the reports which came from all
quarters, exerted himself to supply those defects to which it was not easy of a 
sudden to provide a suitable remedy. But
every proposal which he could make met with opposition from the Orange party, 
now become extremely formidable. The
long and uncontrolled administration of this statesman had begotten envy; the 
present incidents roused up his enemies and
opponents, who ascribed to his misconduct alone the bad situation of the 
republic; and above all, the popular affection to the
young prince, which had so long been held in violent constraint, and had thence 
acquired new accession of force, began to
display itself, and to threaten the commllonwealth with some great convulsion. 
William III., prince of Orange, was in the
twenty-second year of his age, and gave strong indications of those great 
qualities by wh-ich his life-was afterwards so much
distinrguished. De \W\it himself, by giving him an excellent education, and in. 
structing him in all the principles of government
and sound policy, had generously contributed to make his rival formidable. 
Dreading the precarious situation of his own
party, he wavs always rcsolved, he said, by conveying to the prince the krowledg 
e of afHlirs, to render him capable of
serving his country, if any future emergence should ever throw the 
admlinistration into his hands. The conduct of William had
hitherto been extremely laudable. Notwithstanding his pow. erful alliances with 
England and Brandenburgh, he had
expressed his resolution of depending entirely on the states for his 
advancement; and the whole tenor of his behavior suited
extremely the genius of that people. Silent and thoughtful, given to hear and to 
inquire; of a sound and steady under. 

Page 101 
CHARLES. I. 101 standing; firm in what he once resolve], or once denied, 
strongly intent on business, little on pleasere; by
these virtue!, he engaged the attention of all men. And the people, sensible 
that they owed their liberty and very existence to
hi; family, and remembering that his great-uncle Maurice had been able, even in 
more early youth, to defend them against the
exorbitant power of Spain, were desirous of raising this prince to all the 
authority of his ancestors; and hoped, from his valor
and conduct alone, to receive protection against those imminent dangers vwith 
which they were at present threatened. While
these two powerful factions struggled for superiority, every scheme for defence 
was opposed, every project retarded What
was determined with difficulty, was executed without vigor. Levies, indeed, were 
made, and the army completed to seventy
thousand men;* the prince was appointed both general and admiral of the 
commonwealth, and the whole military power was
put into his hands. But new troops could not of' a sudden acquire discipline and 
experience: and the partisans of the prince
were still unsatisfied, as long as the Jerpletuai edict (so it was called) 
remained in force; by which he was excluded from the
stadtholdership, and from all share in the civil administration. It had always 
been the maxim of De Wit's party to cultivate
naval affairs with extreme care, and to give the fleet a preference above the 
army, which they represented as the object of an
unreasonable partiality in the princes of Orange. The two violent wars which had 
of late been waged with England, h1ad
exercised the valor and improved the skill of the s'ailors. And, above all, De 
Ruyter, the greatest sea commander of the age,
was closely connected with the Lovestein patrty; and every one was disposed, 
with confidence and alacrity, to obey hlim.
Tile equlliment of the fleet was therefore hastened by i)e \Vit; in hopes that, 
by striking at first a successful blow, he might
inspire courage into the dismayed states, and support his own declining 
authority. He seems to have been, in a peculiar
manner, incensed against the English; and he resolved to take revenge on them 
fbr their conduct, of which, he thought, lie
himself and his country had such reason to complain. By the offer of' a close 
alliance for mutual defence, tl.:y had seduced
the republic to quit the alliance of France; but no * Temple, vol. i p. 75. 9* 

Page 102 
k02 HISTORY OF EAGLAEfD sooner had she embraced these measures, than they formed 
leagues for her destruction,
with that very power which they had treacherously engaged her to offend. In the 
midst of full peace, nay, during an intimate
union, they attacked her com-'nerce, her only means of subsistence; and, moved 
by shameful rapacity, had invaded that
property which, from a reliance on their faith, they had hoped to find 
unprotected and defenceless. Contrary to their own
manifest interest, as well as to their honor, they still retained a malignant 
resentment for her successful conclusion of the
former war; a war which had at first sprung from their own wanton insolence and 
ambition. To repress so dangerous an
enemy would, De Wit imagined, give peculiar pleasure, and contribute to the 
future security of his country, whose prosperity
was so much Abe object of general envy. Actuated by like motives and views, De 
Ruyter put to sea with a formidable fleet,
consisting of ninety-one ships of war and forty-four fireships. Cornelius De Wit 
was on board, as deputy from the states.
They sailed in quest of the English, who were under the command of the duke of 
York, and who had already joined the
French under Mareschal D'Etrees. The combined fleets lay at Solebay in a very 
negligent posture, and Sandwich, being an
experienced officer, had given the duke warning of the danger, but received, it 
is said, such an answer as intimated that there
was more of caution than of courage in his apprehensions. Upon the appearance of 
the enemy, every one ran to his post
with precipitation; and many ships were obliged to cut their cables, in order to 
be in readiness. Sandwich commanded the
van; and though determined to conquer or to perish, he so tempered his courage 
with prudence, that the whole fleet was
visibly indebted to him for its safety. He hastened out of the bay, where it had 
been easy for De Ruyter with his fireships to
have destroyed the combined fleets, which were crowded together; and by this 
wise measure, he gave time to the duke of
York, who commanded the main body, and to Mareschal D'Etrees, admiral of the 
rear, to disengage themselves. He himself
meanwhile rushed into battle with the Hollanders; and by presenting himself to 
every danger, had drawn upon him all the
bravest of the enemy He killed Van Ghent, a Dutch admiral, and beat off his 
ship: he sunk another ship, which ventured to
lay him aboard: he sunk.hree fireships, which endeavored to grapple with him: 
and Lhough his vessel was torn in pieces with
shot, and of a thou 

Page 103 
CHARLES I. 103 sand men she contained, near six hundred were laid dead upon the 
deck, he continued still to thunder
with all his artil lery in the midst of the enemy. But another fireship, more 
fortunate than the preceding, having laid hold of his
vessel, her destruction' was now inevitable. Warned by Sir Edward Haddock, his 
captain, he refused to make his escape;
and bravely embraced death, as a shelter from that ignominy which a rash 
expression of the duke's, he thought, had throwns
upon him. During this fierce engagement with Sandwich, De Ruyter remained not 
inactive. He attacked the duke of York,
and fought him with such fury for above two hours, that of two and thirty 
actions in which that admiral had been engaged, he
declared this combat to be the most obstinately disputed. The duke's ship was so 
shattered, that he was obliged to leave
her, and remove his flag to another. His squadron was overpowered with numbers, 
till Sir Joseph Jordan, who had
succeeded to Sandwich's command, came to his assistance; and the fight, being 
more equally balanced, was continued till
night, when the Dutch retired, and were not followed by the English. The loss 
sustained by the fleets of the two maritime
powers was nearly equal,' if it did not rather fall more heavy on the Eng. lish. 
The French suffered very little, because they
had scarcely been engaged in the action; and as this backwardness is not their 
national character, it was concluded, that they
had received secret orders to spare their ships, while the Dutch and English 
should weaken each other by their mutual
animosity. Almost all the other actions during the present war tended to confirm 
this suspicion. It might be deemed honorable
for the Dutch to have fought with some advantage the combined fleets of two such 
powerful nations; but nothing less than a
complete victory could serve the purpose of De Wit, or save his country from 
those calamities which from every quarter
threatened to overwhelm her. He had expected, that the French would make their 
attack on the side of Maestricht, which
was well fortified, and provided with a good garrison; but Lewis, taking 
advantage of his alliance with Cologne, resolved to
invade the enemy on that frontier, which he knew to be more feeble and 
defenceless. The armies of that elector, and those of
Munster, appeared on the other side of the Rhine, and divided the force and 
attention of the states. The Dutch troops, too
weak to defend so extensive a frontier, were scattered into so many 

Page 104 
104 RISTORY OF ENGLAND. towns, that no considerable body remained in the field; 
and a strong garrison was scarcely
to be found in any fortress Lewis passed the Meuse at Viset; and laying siege to 
Orsoi a town of the elector of
Brandenburgh's, but garrisoned by the Dutch, he carried it in three days. He 
divided his army, and invested at once Burik,
Wesel, Emerik, and Rhimberg, four places regularly fortified, and not unprovided 
with troops: in a few days, all these places
were surrendered. A general astonishment had seized the Hollanders, from the 
combination of such powerful princes against
the republic; and nowhere was resistance made suitable to the ancient glory or 
present greatness of the state. Governors
without experience commanded troops without discipline; and despair had 
universally extinguished that sense of honor, by
which alone men in such dangerous extremities can be animated to a valorous 
defence. Lewis advanced to the banks of the
Rhine, which he prepared to pass. To all the other calamities of the Dutch was 
added the extreme drought of the season, by
which the greatest rivers were much diminished, and in some places rendered 
fordable. The French cavalry, animated by the
presence of their prince, full of impetuous courage, but ranged in exact order, 
flung themselves into the river: the infantry
passed in boats: a few regiments of Dutch appeared on the other side, who were 
unable to make resistance. And thus was
exe. cuted without danger, but not without glory, the passage of the Rhine; so 
much celebrated, at that time by the flattery of
the French courtiers, and transmitted to posterity by the more durable flattery 
of their poets. Each success added courage to
the conquerors, and struck the vanquished with dismay. The prince of Orange, 
though prudent beyond his age, was but
newly advanced to the comnmand, unacquainted with the army, unknown to them; and 
all men, by reason of the violent
factions which prevailed, were uncertain of the authority on which they must 
depend. It was expected that the fort of Skink,
famous for the sieges which it had formerly sustained, would make some 
resistance; but it yielded to Turenne in a few days.
The same general made himself master of Arnheim, Knotzembourg, and Nimeguen, as 
soon as he appeared before them.
Doesbourg at the same time opened its gates to Lewis: soon after, Harderwic, 
Amersfort, Campen, Rhenen, Viane, Elberg,
Zwol Cuilemberg, Wageninguen, Lochem, Woerden, felU ixo the 

Page 105 
CHARLES II. o10 enemy's hands. Groll and Deventer surrendered to the mareschal 
Luxembourg, who commanded the
troops of Munster. And every hour brought to the states news of the rapid 
progress of the French, and of the cowardly
defence of their own garrisons. The prince of Orange, with his small and 
discouraged army, retired into the province of
Holland; where he expected. from the natural strength of the country, since all 
human art and courage failed, to be able to
make some resistance. Tht, town and province of Utrecht sent deputies, and 
surrenderect themselves to Lewis, Naerden, a
place within three leagues of Amsterdam, was seized by the marquis of Rochfort; 
and had he pushed on to Muyden, he had
easily gotten possession of it. Fourteen stragglers of his army having appeared 
before the gates of that town, the magistrates
sent them the keys; but a servant maid, who was alone in the castle, having 
raised the drawbridge, kept them from taking
possession of that fortress. The magistrates afterwards, finding the party so 
weak, made them drunk, and took the keys from
them. Muyden is so near to Amsterdam, that its cannon may infest the ships which 
enter that city. Lewis with a splendid
court made a solemn entry into Utrecht, full of glory, because every where 
attended with success; though more owing to the
cowardice and misconduct of his enemies, than to his own valor or prudence. 
Three provinces were already in his hands,
Guelderland, Overyssel, and Utrecht; Groninghen was threatened; Friezeland was 
exposed: the only difficulty lay in Holland
and Zealand; and the monarch deliberated concerning the proper measures for 
reducing them. Cond6 and Turenne exhorted
him to dismantle all the towns which he had taken, except a few; and fortifying 
his main army by the garrisons, put himself in
a condition of pushing'is conquests. Louvois, hoping that the other 
provinces,,veak and dismayed, would prove an easy
prey, advised himn to keep possession of places which might afterwards serve to 
retain the peopl3 in subjection. His counsel
was followed; though it was Aound, soon after, to have been the most im politic. 
Meanwhile the people throughout the
republic, instead of collecting a noble indignation against the haughty 
conqueror, discharged their rage upon their own
unliappy minister, on whose prudence and integrity every one formerly bestowed 
the merited applause. The bad condition o'
the armies was 

Page 106 
106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. laid to his charge: the ill choice of governors. was 
ascribed to his partiality: as instances of
cowardice multiplied, treachery was sll,;pected; and his former connections with 
France beilng reinetllbered, the populace
believed, that he and his partisans had now combined to betray themi to their 
most mortal enemy. The prince of Orange,
notwithstanding his youtn an: inexperience, was looked on as the only savior of 
the state; and men were violently driven by
their fears into his party, to which they had always been led by favor and 
inclination. Amsterdam alone seemed to retain
some courage; and by forming a regular plan of defence, endeavored to infuse 
spirit into the other cities. The magistrates
obliged the burgesses to keep a strict watch: the populace, whom want of 
employment might engage to mutiny, were
Mnaintained by regular pay, and armed for the defence of the public. Some ships 
which lay useless in the harbor, were
refitted, and stationed to guard the city; and the sluices be;rng opened, the 
neighboring country, without regard to the
damage sustained, was laid under water. All the province followed the example, 
and scrupled not, in this extremity, to
restore to the sea those fertile fields which with great art and expense had 
been won from it. The states were assembled to
consider whether any means were left to save the remains of their lately 
flourishing and now distressed commonwealth.
Though they were surrounded with waters, which barred all access to the enemy, 
their deliberations were not conducted
with that tranquillity which could alone suggest measures proper to extricate 
them from their present difficulties. The nobles
gave their vote, that, provided their religion, liberty, and sovereignty could 
be saved, every thing else should without scruple
be sacrificed to the conqueror. Eleven towns concurred in the same sentiments. 
Amsterdam singly declared against all treaty
with insolent and triumphant enemies: but notwithstanding that opposition, 
ambassadors were despatched to implore the pity
of the twc combined monarchs. It was resolved to sacrifice to Lewis, Maestricht 
and all the, frontier towns which lay without
the bounds of the seven provinces; and to pay him a large sum for the charges of 
the war. Lewis deliberated with his
ministers, Louvois and Pomponne, concerning the measures which he should embrace 
in the Dresent emergence; and
fortunately for Europe, he still pre. 

Page 107 
CHARLES II. 107 ferred the violent counsels of the former. He offered to 
evacuate his conquests, on condition that all
duties lately im. posed on the commodities of France should be taken off: that 
the public exercise of the Romish religion
should be permitted in the United Provinces; the churches shared with the 
Catholics; and their priests maintained by
appointments from the states: that all the frontier towns of the republic should 
be yielded to him, together with Nimeguen,
Skink, Knotzembourg, and that part of Guelderland which lay on the other side of 
the Rhine; as likewise the Isle of Bommel,
that of Voorn, the fortress of St. Andrew, those of Louvestein and Creve. cceur: 
that the states should pay him the sum of
twenty millions of livres for the charges of the war: that they should every 
year send him a solemn embassy, and present him
with a golden medal, as an acknowledgment that they owed to him the preservation 
of that liberty which, by the assistance of
his predecessors, they had formerly acquired: and that they should give entire 
satisfaction to the king of England: and he
allowed them but ten days for the acceptance of these demands. The ambassadors 
sent to London met with still worse
recep. tion: no minister was allowed to treat with them; and they were retained 
in a kind of confinement. - But
notwithstanding this rigorous conduct of the court, the presence of the Dutch 
ambassadors excited the sentiments of tender
compassion, and even indignation, among the people in general, especially among 
those who could foresee the aim and
result of those dangerous counsels. The two most powerful monarchs, they said, 
in Europe, the one by land, the other by
sea, have, contrary to the faith of solemn treaties, combined to exterminate an 
illustrious republic: what a dismal prospect
does their success afford to the neighbors of the one, and to the subjects of 
the other? Charles had formed the triple league,
in order to restrain the power of France; a sure proof tnat he does not now err 
from ignorance. He had courted and
obtained the applauses of his people by that wise measure: as he now adopts 
contrary counsels, he must surely expect by
their means to render himself independent of his people, whose sentiments are 
become so indifferent to him. During the
entire submission of the nation, and dutiful behavior of the parliament, 
dangerous projects, without provocation, are formed
to reduce them to subjection; and all the foreign interests of the people are 
sacrificed, in order the more surely to bereave
them of their domestic liberties. Lest any instance of free 

Page 108 
108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. dom should remain within their view, the United 
Provinces the real barrier of England,
must be abandoned to the most dangerous enemy of England; and by a universal 
combination of tyranny against laws and
liberty, all mankind, who have retained in any degree their precious, though 
hitherto preca. rious birthrights, are forever to
submit to slavery and injustice Though the fear of giving umbrage to his 
confederate had engaged Charles to treat the Dutch
ambassadors with such rigor, he was not altogether without uneasiness on account 
of the rapid and unexpected progress of
the French arms. Were Holland entirely conquered, its whole commerce and naval 
force, he perceived, must become an
accession to France; the Spanish Low Countries must soon follow; and Lewis, 
now;ndependent of his ally, would no longer
think it his interest o support him against his discontented subjects. Charles, 
though he never carried his attention to very
distant consequences, could not but foresee these obvious events; and though 
incapable of envy or jealousy, he wds touched
with anxiety, when he found every thing yield to the French arms while such 
vigorous resistance was made to his own. He
soon dismissed the Dutch ambassadors, lest they should cabal among his subjects, 
who bore them great favor: but he sent
over Buckingham and Arlington, and soon after Lord Halifax, to negotiate anew 
with the French king, in the present
prosperous situation of that monarch's affairs. These ministers passed through 
Holland; and as they were supposed to bring
peace to the distressed republic, they were every where received with the 
loudest acclamations. "God bless the king of
England! God bless the prince of Orange! Confusion to the states! " This was 
every where the cry of the populace. The
ambassadors had several conferences with the states and the prince of Orange; 
but made no reasonable advances towards
an accommodation. They went to Utrecht, where they renewed the league with 
Lewis, and agreed, that neither of the kings
should make peace with Holland but by common consent. They next gave in their 
pretensions, of which the following are the
principal articles: that the Dutch should give up the honor of the flag, without 
the least reserve or limitation; nor should whole
fleets, even on the coast of Holland, refuse to strike or lower their topsails 
to the smallest ship carrying the British flag: that all
persons guilty of trea. son against the king, or of writing seditious libels, 
should, on complaint, be banished forever the
dominions of the states 

Page 109 
eHARLES 11. 109 ihat the Dutch should pay the king a million sterling towards 
the charges of the war, together with ten
thousand pounds a year, for permission to fish on the British seas: that they 
should share the Indian trade with the English:
that the prince of Orange and his descendants should enjoy the sovereignty of 
the United Provinces; at least, that they should
be invested with the dignities of stadtholder, admiral, and general, in as ample 
a manner as had ever been enjoyed by any of
his ancestors: and that the Isle of Walcheren, the city and castle of Sluis, 
together with the isles of Cadsant, Goree, and
Vorne, should be put into the king's hands, as a security for the performance of 
articles. The terms proposed by Lewis
bereaved the republic of all security against any invasion by land from France: 
those demanded by Charles exposed them
equally to an invasion by sea from England; and when both were united, they 
appeared absolutely intolerable, and reduced
the Hollanders, who saw no means of defence, to the utmost despair. What 
extremely augmented their distress, were the
violent factions with which they continued to be every where agitated. De Wit, 
too pertinacious in defence of his own system
of liberty, while the very being of the commonwealth was threatened, still 
persevered in opposing the repeal of the perpetual
edict, now become the object of horror to the Dutch populace. Their rage at last 
broke all bounds, and bore every thing
before it. They rose in an insurrection at Dort, and by force constrained their 
burgomasters to sign the repeal so much
demanded. Thin proved a signal of a general revolt throughout all the provinces. 
At Amsterdam, the Hague, Middlebourg,
Rotterdam, titu people flew to arms, and trampling under foot the authority of 
their magistrates, obliged them to submit to the
prince ot Orange. They expelled from their office such as displeases them: they 
required the prince to appoint others in their
place, and, agreeably to the proceedings of the populace in all ages, provided 
they might wreak their vengeance on their
superiors, they expressed great indifference for the protection of their civil 
liberties. The superior talents and virtues of De
Wit made him on this occasion the chief object of envy, and exposed him to the 
utmost rage of popular prejudice. Four
assassins, actuaied by no other motive than mistaken zeal, had assaulted him in 
the streets; and after giving him many
wounds, had left him for dead. One of them was pur.:shed: the others were never 
vOL. VI. 10 H 

Page 110 
110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. questioned for the crime. His brother Cornelius, who had 
behaved with prudence and
courage on board the fleet, was obliged by sickness to come ashore; and he was 
now confined to his house at Dort. Some
assassins broke in upon him; and it was with the utmost difficulty that his 
family and servants could repel their violence. At
Amsterdam, the house of' the brave De Ruyter, the sole resource of the 
distressed common. wealth, was surrounded by the
enraged populace; and his wife and children were for some time exposed to the 
most imminent danger. One Tichelaer, a
barber, a man noted for infamy, accused Cornelius de Wit of endeavoring by 
bribes to engage him in the design of poisoning
the prince of Orange. The accusation, though attended with the most improbable, 
and even absurd circumstances, was
greedily received by the credulous multitude; and Cornelius was cited before a 
court of judicature. The judges, either blinded
by the same prejudices, or not -daring to oppose the popular torrent, condemned 
him to suffer the question. This man, who
had bravely served his country in war, and who had been invested with the 
highest dignities, was delivered into the hands of
the executioner, and torn in pieces by the most inhuman torments. Amidst the 
severe agonies which he endured, he still made
protestations of his innocence, and frequently repeated an ode of Horace, which 
contained sentiments suited to his
deplorable condition: — Justum et tenacern propositi virum, etc.* * Which may be 
thus translated: - The man whose mind,
on virtue bent, Pursues some greatly good intent, WVith undiverted aim, Serene 
beholds the angry crowd; Nor can their
clamors, fierce and loud, His stubborn honor tame. Not the proud tyrant's 
fiercest threat, Nor storms, that from their dark
retreat The lawless surges wake; Not Jove's dread bolt, that shakes the pole, 
The firmer purpose of his soul With all its
power can shake. Should nature's frame in ruins fall, And chaos o'er the sinking 
ball Resume primeval sway, His courage
chance and fate defies, Nor feels the wreck of earth and skies Obstruct its 
destined way BLackiLocxa 

Page 111 
CHARLES It. 111 The judges, however, condemned him to lose his offices, and to 
be banished the commonwealth. The
pensionary, who had not been terrified from performing the part of a kind 
brother and( faithful friend during this prosecution,
resolved not to desert him on account of the unmerited infamy which was 
endeavored to be thrown upon him. He came to
his brother's prison, determined to accompany him to the place of his exile. The 
signal was given to the populace. They rose
in arms: they broke open the doors of the prison; they pulled out the two 
brothers; and a thousand hands vied who should
first be imbrued in their blood. Even their death did not satiate the brutal 
rage of the multitude. They exercised on the dead
bodies of those virtuous citizens, indignities too shocking to be recited; and 
till tired with their own fury, they permitted not
the friends of the deceased to approach, or to bestow on them the honors of a 
funeral, silent and unattended. The massacre
of the De Wits put an end for the time to the remains of their party; and all 
men, from fear, inclination, or prudence,
concurred in expressing the most implicit obedience to the prince of Orange. The 
republic, though half subdued by foreign
force, and as yet dismayed by its misfortunes, was now firmly united under one 
leader, and began to collect the remains of
its pristine vigor. William, worthy of that heroic family from which he sprang, 
adopted sentiments becoming the head of a
brave and free people. He bent all his efforts against the public enemy: he 
sought not against his country any advantages
which might be dangerous to civil liberty. Those intolerable conditions demanded 
by their insolent enemies, he exhorted the
states to reject with scorn; and by his advice they put an end to negotiations, 
which served only to break the courage of their
fellow-citizens, and delay the assistance of their allies. He showed them, that 
the numbers and riches of the people, aided by
the advantages of situation, would still be sufficient, if they abandoned not 
themselves to despair, to resist, at least retard, the
progress of their enemies, and preserve the remaining provinces, till the other 
nations of Europe, sensible of the common
danger, could -come to their relief. He represented that, as envy at their 
opulence and liberty had produced this mighty
combination against them, thev would in vain expect by concessions to satisfy 
foes whose pretensions were as little bounded
by moderation as by justice. He exhorted them to remember the generous valor of 
their ancestors, who, yet in the infancy of
the state, preferred lib 

Page 112 
112 HISTORY OF REGLAND. erty to every human consideration; and rousing their 
spirits to an obstinate defence,
repelled all the power, riches, and military discipline of Spain. And he 
professed himself willing to tread in the steps of his
illustrious predecessors, and hoped, that as they had honored him with the same 
afGfction which their ancestors paid to the
former princes of Orange, they would second his efforts with the same constancy 
and manly fortitude. The spirit of the young
prince infused itself into his hearers. Those who lately entertained thoughts of 
yielding their necks to subjection, were now
bravely determined to resist the haughty victor, and to defend those last 
remains of their native soil, of which neither the
irruptions of Lewis, nor the inundation of waters, had as yet bereaved them. 
Should even the ground fail them on which they
might combat, they were still resolved not to yield the generous strife; but, 
flying to their settlements in the Indies, erect a new
empire in those remote regions, and preserve alive, even in the climates of 
slavery, that liberty of which Europe was become
unworthy. Already they concerted measures for executing this extraordinary reso. 
lution; and found that the vessels
contained in their harbors could transport above two hundred thousand 
inhabitants to the East Indies. The combined princes,
finding at last some appearance of opposition, bent all their efforts to seduce 
the prince of Orange, on' whose valor and
conduct the fate of the commonwealth entirely depended. The sovereignty of the 
province of Holland was offered him, and
the protection of Erglatnd and France, to insure him, as well against the 
invasion of foreign enemies, as the insurrection of his
subjects. All proposals were generously rejected; and the prince declared his 
resolution to retire into Germany, and to pass
his life in hunting on his lands there, rather than abandon the liberty of his 
country, or betray the trust reposed in him. When
Buckin(hanm urged the inevitable destruction which hung over the United 
Provinces, and asked him whether he did not see
that the cornmonwealth was ruined, "There is one certain means;" replied the 
prince, " by which I can be sure never to see
lmy country's ruin: I will die in the last ditch." The people in Holland had 
been much incited to espouse:he prince's party, by
the hopes that the king of England, pleased with his nephew's elevation, would 
abandon those dangerous engagements into
which he had entered, and would 

Page 113 
CHARLES It. 113 afford his protection to the distressed republic. But all these 
hopes were soon found to be fallacious.
Charles still persisted in his alliance with France; and the combined fleets 
approached the coast of Holland with an English
army on board, commanded by Count Schomberg. It is pretended that an unusual 
tide carried them off the coast; and that
Providence thus interposed, in an extraordinary manner, to save the republic 
from the imminent danger to which it was
exposed. Very tempestuous weather, it is certain, prevailed all the rest of the 
season; and the combined fleets either were
blown to a distance, or durst not approach a coast which might prove fatal to 
them. Lewis, finding that his enemies gathered
courage behind their inundations, and that no further success was likely for the 
present to attend his arms, had retired to
Versailles. The other nations of Europe regarded the subjection of Holland as 
the forerunner of their own slavery, and
retained no hopes of defending themselves, should such a mighty accession be 
made to the already exorbitant power of
France. The emperor, though he lay at a distance, and was naturally slow in his 
undertakings, began to puit himself in motion;
Brandenburgh showed a disposition to support the states; Spain had sent some 
forces to their assistance; and by the present
efforts of the prince of Orange, and the prospect of relief from their allies, a 
different face of affairs began already to appear.
Groninghen was the first place that stopped the progress of the enemy: the 
bishop of Munster was repulsed from before that
town, and obliged to raise the siege with loss and dis.honor. Naerden was 
attempted by the prince of Orange; but
Mareschal Luxembourg, breaking in upon his intrenchments with a sudden 
irruption, obliged him to abandon the enterprise.
[1673.] There was no ally on whom the Dutch more relied for assistance, than the 
parliament of England, which the king's
necessities at last obliged him to assemble. The eyes of all men, both abroad 
and at home, were fixed on this session, which
met after prorogations continued for near two years. It was evident how much the 
king dreaded the assembling of his
parliament; and the discontents universally excited by the bold measures entered 
into, both in foreign and domestic
administration, had given but too just foundation for his apprehensions. The 
king, however, in his speech, addressed them
with all de appearance of cordiality and confidence. He said, that 10 * 

Page 114 
114 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ie would have assembled them sooner, had he not been 
desir ous to allow them leisure for
attending their private affairs, as well as to give his people respite from 
taxes and impositions: that since their last meeting, he
had bedn forced into a war, not only just, but necessary; necessary both for the 
honor and interest of the nation: that in order
to have peace at home, while he had war abroad, he had issued his declaration of 
indulgence to dissenters, and had found
many good effects to result from that measure: that he heard of some exceptions 
which had been taken to this exercise of
power; but he would tell them plainly, that he was resolved to stick to his 
declaration, and would be much offended at any
contradiction: and that though a rumor had been spread, as if the new-levied 
army had been. intended to control law and
property, he regarded that jealousy as so frivolous, that he was resolved to 
augment his forces next spring, and did not
doubt but they would consider the necessity of them in their supplies. The rest 
of the business he left to the chancellor. The
chancellor enlarged on the same topics, and added many extraordinary positions 
of his own. He told them, that the
Hollanders were the common enemies of all monarchies, especially that of 
England, their only competitor for commerce and
naval power, and the sole obstacle to their views of attaining a universal 
empire, as extensive as that of ancient Rome: that,
even during their present distress and danger, they were so intoxicated with 
these ambitious projects, as to slight all treaty,
nay, to refuse all cessation of hostilities: that the king, in entering on this 
war, did no more than prosecute those maxims
which had engaged the parliament to advise and approve of the last; and he might 
therefore safely say, that it was their war:
that the states being the eternal enemies of England, both by interest and 
inclination, the parliament had wisely judged it
necessary to extirpate them, and had laid it down as an eternal maxim, that " 
delenda est Carthago," this hostile government
by all means is to be subverted: and that though the Dutch pretended to have 
assurances that the parliament would furnish no
supplies to the king, he was confident that this hope, in which they extremely 
trusted, would soon fail them. Before the
commons entered upon business, there lay before them an affair, which 
discovered, beyond a possibility of doubt, the
arbitrary projects 6f the king; and the measures taken upon it, proved that the 
house was not at present in a disposi, 

Page 115 
CHARLES II. 115 on to submit to them. It had been the constant, undisputed 
Dractlce, ever since the parliament in 1604,
for the house, in case of any vacancy, to issue out writs for new elections; and 
the chancellor, who', before that time, had
had some precedents in his favor, had ever afterwards abstained from all 
exer~-ise of that authority. This indeed was one of
the first steps which the commons had taken in establishing and guarding their 
privileges; and nothing could be more requisite
than this precaution, in order to prevent the clandestine issuing of writs, and 
to insure a fair and free election. No one but so
des. perate a minister as Shaftesbury, who had entered into a regular plan for 
reducing the people to subjection, could have
entertained thoughts of breaking in upon a practice so reasonable and so well 
established, or could have hoped to succeed
in so bold an enterprise. Several members had taken their seats upon irregular 
writs issued by the chancellor; but the house
was no sooner assembled, and the speaker placed in the chair, than a motion was 
made against them; and the mem. bers
themselves had the modesty to withdraw. Their election was declared null; and 
new writs, in the usual form, were issued by
the speaker. The next step taken by the commons had the appearance of some more 
complaisance; but in reality proceeded
from the same spirit of liberty and independence. They entered a resolution, 
that, in order to supply his majesty's
extraordinary occasions, (for that was the expression employed,) they would 
grant eighteen months' assessment, at the rate
of seventy thousand pounds a month, amounting in the whole to one million two 
hundred and sixty thousand pounds. Though
unwilling to come to a violent breach with the king, they would not express the 
least approbation of the war; and they gave
him the prospect of this supply, only that they might have permission to proceed 
peaceably in the redress of the other griev.
ances of which they had such reason to complain. No grievance was more alarming, 
both on account of the secret views
from which it proceeded, and the consequences which might attend it, than the 
declaration of indulgence. A remonstrance
was immediately framed against that exercise of prerogative. The king defended 
his measure. The commons persisted in their
opposition to it; and they represented, that such a practice, if admitted, might 
tend to interrupt the free course of the laws,
and alter the legislative power, which had always been acknowledged to reside in 
the king and the 

Page 116 
116 Be1TORY OF ENGLAND. two houses. All men were in expectation with regard to 
the issue of this extraordinary
affair. The king seemed engaged in honor to support his measure; and in order to 
prevent all opposition, he had positively
declared that he would support it. The commons were obliged to persevere, not 
only because it was dishonorable to be
tfoiled, where they could plead such strong reasons, but also because, if the 
king prevailed in his pretensions, an end seemed
to be put to all the legal limitations of the constitution. It is evident, that 
Charles was now come to that delicate crisis which
he ought at first to have foreseen; when be embraced those desperate counsels; 
and his resolutions, in such an event, ought
long ago to have been entirely fixed and determined. Besides his usual guards, 
he had an army encamped at Blackheath,
under the command of Mareschal Schormberg, a foreigner; and many of the officers 
were of the Catholic religion. His ally,
the French king, he might expect, would second hinm, if force became requisite 
for restraining his discontented subjects, and
suplorting the measures which, by common consent, they had agreed to pursue. But 
the king was startled when he
a),proacled so dangerous a pre. cipice as that wlhich lay befoire himl. Were 
violence once offered, there could be no return,
he saw, to mutual confidence and trust with his people; the perils attending 
foreign succors, especially from so mighty a
prince, were sufficiently apparent; and the success which his own arms had met 
with in the war, was not so great as to
increase his authority, or terrify the malecontents from opplosition. The desire 
of' power, likewise, which had engaged
Charles in these precil)itate measures, head less proceeded, we may observe, 
from ambition than from love of ease. Strict
limitations of the constitution rendered the conduct of business conmplicated 
and troublesoe e; and it was impossible for him,
without much contrivance and intrigue, to procure the money necessary for his 
pleasures, or even fbr the regular support of
government. When the prospect, therefore, of such dangerous opposition presented 
itself, the same love of ease inclined him
to retract what it seemed so difficult to maintain; and his turn of mind, 
naturally pliant and careless, made him find little
objection to a measure which a more haughty prince would have embraced with the 
utmost reluctance. That he might yield
with the better grace, he asked the opinion of the house of peers, who advised 
him to comply with the commons.
Accordingly the king sent for the declaration