The
Sack of Baltimore, 1538
by Edward O'Mahony
On the 4th
of March, 1538, three ships sailed into Baltimore harbour carrying four hundred
armed men from Waterford intent on wreaking revenge on the O'Driscolls, the
premier maritime lords of the 15th and early 16th century in south-western
Ireland, with whom they had been in conflict for over two centuries. Over the next
five days, the invaders burned the O'Driscoll's villages and boats, tore down
their castles, and laid waste to the countryside. By the time the men of
Waterford left, the power of the O'Driscolls had been broken for ever.
The origins
of the conflict lay in the early 14th century, when the great law and order (1)
established by the Normans in the early years of the colonisation of Ireland
began to break down. A particular cause of this breakdown was the Bruce
invasion of 1315 to 1318, during which Robert Bruce's brother, Edward, ravaged
the country at the head of a Scottish army. This event coincided with a severe famine, and
together, these factors led to a decline in the authority of the English
administration, the disintegration of the colonial settlement and local
revivals of power among the Gaelic Irish. These trends were amplified by the
arrival of bubonic plague in the summer of 1348, which had a disproportionate
effect on the urbanised colonial areas where the population was reduced by at
least a third and possibly by as much as a half. (2)
The revival
of the Gaelic Irish had a further and more significant effect, in that many of
the colonial population, particularly the Anglo-Norman families resident
outside of the towns, were attracted to their language, habits and dress. The
adoption of a Gaelic Irish life-style by the colonists often led to a rejection
of the king's authority and caused them to join with the so-called Irish
enemies in attacks upon the colonial settlement. In addition, many of the
English who possessed lands in Ireland were absentees, who were unwilling to
spend the time and money necessary to defend their lands.(3) This
had the effect not only of endangering their own possessions but also of
placing lands belonging to the king and other lords in jeopardy. (4)
In 1361, the
English king, Edward III, sent his second son, Lionel of Clarence, to Ireland
with an army of 1,500 men in an attempt to address some of these problems.
Disagreements between the Anglo-Irish colonists and Lionel's English-born
followers hampered military campaigns against the Irish enemies, however, and
the only enduring legacy of the mission was the Statute of Kilkenny of 1366.
This statute acknowledged that there were two groups in Ireland, the English
and the Irish, and in an attempt to stop the gaelicisation of the colonial
population, prohibited intermarriage between the English and Irish populations,
as well as other trading and social contacts. By 1368, however, that is, within
two years of Lionel's departure, Edward III was once again hearing complaints
that the land of Ireland was on the verge of ruin. (5)
In that
year, among many other events, the Anglo-Irish family of le Poer united with the O'Driscolls of Baltimore to
attack the city of Waterford, as part of a long-standing feud the le Poers had
with the city. The le Poers were among Norman families who had settled in
Ireland in the 12th and 13th centuries. At the apex of the family stood two
leadership figures, the baron of Dunoil (also known as Dunhill) who owned lands
situated between Dunhill and Islandkane on the coast of Waterford, and the head
of the le Poers, who owned lands in the northeast of Waterford as well as in
southern Kilkenny at Gracecastle. The le Poers were among the Anglo-Irish
families who became increasingly gaelicised and lawless during the 13th and
14th centuries. In 1268, one of the younger le Poers, Mathew le Poer, kidnapped
the bishop of Lismore, while in the late 1280s, Robert le Poer was indicted for
indulging in private warfare with the Aylwards of Faithlegg. In addition, a
Walter le Poer was accused of destroying a large part of Munster in 1301, while
his father, Andrew le Poer was hanged sometime before 1305 in Ross, for being a
brigand.(6)
In an
attempt to bring some order to the region, the justiciar John Wogan appointed
the 24-year-old baron of Donoil, John fitz Peter le Poer, sheriff in August
1305. With this unprecedented move, which marked a considerable devolution of
peace-keeping functions from royal administrators to the local baronetage, it
was hoped that the more unruly members of the le Poers would be kept in line.
The baron, however, appears to have used his position for his own
aggrandisement and prestige and was replaced within six months, though by
another le Poer. (7)
In the
1320s, the le Poers came into conflict with the Geraldines of Desmond. At that
time, the le Poers were allies of Richard de Burgh, earl of Ulster, to whom
they also appear to have been related. De Burgh had been instrumental in
hindering the expansion of John fitz Thomas, the future earl of Desmond, in his
attempts to further his influence in Munster and in the lordship of Ireland as
a whole. One of the issues in dispute between the le Poers and fitz Thomas was
the lordship of Kilmeadan. In 1325, writs had to be issued to restrain Arnold
le Poer, seneschal of the liberty of Kilkenny, and John fitz Thomas from
assembling soldiers and men-at-arms for the purpose of attacking each other.
Following de Burgh's death in 1326, which robbed the le Poers of a powerful and
important ally, the two sides came into conflict and a number of skirmishes
took place.(8) Supposedly because of a public insult that le Poer
gave fitz Thomas, these skirmishes escalated into open warfare the following
year.
Le Poer had
reportedly called fitz Thomas a rimer, a wandering Gaelic poet of a type that
was despised by the Irish. For fitz Thomas, who was an Irish speaker and who
had an appreciation of ancient Irish literature, this was an enormous insult.
The le Poer's manors in Waterford and Kilkenny were attacked and Arnold le
Poer’s lands in County Waterford were burned and laid waste. Among the
casualties were John fitz Benedict le Poer and the son of the baron of Donoil,
who were both killed. The baron himself found it necessary to find refuge in
the city of Waterford, where he died in 1328.(9) In addition, Arnold le Poer was ordered to
appear before the justiciar and was eventually sent to prison in Dublin, where
he died.
In the same year, 1328, the le Poers fought another
pitched battle against the Geraldines, in which the new baron of Dunoil, Sir
Piers le Poer, and twelve members of his family were killed.(10)
With the destruction of the le Poer leadership, the more turbulent elements of
the family went completely out of control.(11)
In July
1329, fitz Thomas was granted the title of earl of Desmond as well as the
shrievalties (the office of sheriff) of Waterford and Cork.(12)
Since the conflict between the le Poers and the city of Waterford began around
this time, it is probable that it was the establishment of Desmond control over
the city and the associated eclipse in le Poer prestige that started it.
The
terrible revenge that the le Poers subsequently took out on the citizens of
Waterford is illustrated by a poem that was probably written around 1330 by an
anonymous Waterfordman:
Yonge men of Waterford lernith now to
play
For your mereis plowis ilad beth away,
Scure your hafelis yt habith i lei,
And fend you of the Poers that walketh
by the way.
For yf thi take you on and on,
From them scapith ther never one,
I swear by Christ and St. John
That off goth your hede.(13)
[Young men of Waterford learn how to fight
For your plowing mares are being led
away,
Burnish your weapons that have long lain
unused,
And defend yourself from the Poers when
they come by.
For if they take you on your own,
From them not one will escape,
I swear by Christ and St. John
That off goes your head.]
In fact, so
dangerous had the area outside the city become, that in 1331, the mayor of
Waterford had to seek an exemption from the normal requirement that he proceed
to Dublin to take the oath of allegiance to the Crown on acceptance of office.
This exemption was to become the norm, and was reconfirmed as late as 1400.(14) In
1345, the le Poers once again attacked the countryside around the city of
Waterford, burning, destroying, and spoiling most of it. On this occasion,
however, the mayor of the city assembled an army and rode out against them.
Having defeated the le Poers, the mayor had the prisoners taken back to
Waterford, where he proceeded to have them hanged, drawn, and quartered. Then,
as a warning to others, the prisoners' heads and limbs were placed at various
vantage points around the city.(15) It was generally realized, however, that this would
not stop the le Poers for long and that there was little the government could
do about it. As a result, in the same year, 1345, the mayor of Waterford was
legally empowered by the king to negotiate with the le Poers for the purpose of
concluding peace.(16)
What makes
these events particularly remarkable, is that during this period, Waterford
itself was second only to Dublin in importance, a point best illustrated by the
fact that that the third statute of every Parliament formally confirmed the
liberties and franchises of the three leading towns, Dublin, Waterford, and
Drogheda, and always in that order.(17) These
priviledges dated back to when the city was granted autonomy from the county in
1215, and they provided the citizens of Waterford with freedom from, among
other things, tolls, lastage, passage, pontage, and all other customs
throughout the king's realm.(18) In return, the city paid an annual fee farm of 100
marks to the crown.(19)
Because of
its situation on the south-east coast of Ireland and its safe harbour,
Waterford was a convenient first port of call for wine ships heading into the
Irish Sea, particularly from south-western France. There, the English royal
dependencies of Aquitaine and Gascony supplied almost all the wine drunk in
medieval Ireland and England.(20)
The rest came from Spain
and Portugal, which developed a trade in wine with Ireland towards the end of
the 13th century, as England's fortunes in Gascony began to fade.(21)
Waterford was also perfect for the distribution of wine, through the Suir,
Barrow, and Nore river system, which allowed wine to be taken deep inland. In
addition, the same river system allowed the collection of bulky commodities
such as wool and hides, both of which formed a substantial element in the
city's economy.(22)
Another
substantial export was fish, which also formed a major part of the diet of the
townspeople in Waterford.(23) Hake, herring, and salmon, as well as other types of
fish, were all caught off the southern coast of Ireland.(24)
It was probably a refusal by Waterford fishermen to pay black rent to the
O'Driscoll's of Baltimore that was to bring the city into conflict with that
West Cork clan.(25)
Not much
is known of the early history of the O'Driscolls. They were originally the
owners of a large tract of land stretching from the Kenmare River to the Old Head of Kinsale, but had been
pushed back to the area around Baltimore, first by the O'Mahonys in the 7th
century and later by the MacCarthys and O'Sullivans in the 12th century, who
were reacting to Norman pressure on their own territories in Tipperary and
Cork. The O'Driscolls were, however, left with some valuable fishing grounds
off the coast of Baltimore, with which they were able to support themselves by
charging for fishing rights and by placing impositions on ships that used their
territorial waters.(26)
As noted
above, it was probably these charges that led to conflict with the citizens of
Waterford and caused the O'Driscolls to join up with the le Poers in 1368. According to the Book of Howth: " The
4th Sept. 1368, 12 (sic) Edw. III., the Poers trained Hohidriskoll with his
galleys and men to come to them to the county of Waterford, to endamage the
citizens. John Malpas, then mayor, with the best men of the city, and with
Walter Devenish, sheriff of the county, Richard Walsh, master of the hospital
of St. John of Jerusalem, and justice of the peace, and a number of merchants,
strangers and Englishmen, set forth to encounter the said galleys. They met at
Clonecomanmore. The mayor, sheriff, justice of the peace, 36 citizens, and 60 merchants,
strangers, and Englishmen were slain; on the other side, the Baron of Donhill
and his brother Bennett Poer, with divers others..."(27)
Six weeks
later, on the Monday after the feast of St. George, the le Poers struck again,
no doubt believing that the loss of so many men had left Waterford defenceless.
Led by Richard Mor Poer, the le Poers assembled a large body of men, both horse
and foot, and proceeded to destroy all the countryside up to the walls of
Waterford. They then marched to St. John's Bridge in the suburbs of the city,
but were defeated there by its citizens. The cost to Waterford was once again
high, however, with 24 of what were described as the better men of the city
being killed.(28)
In the
past,(29) the large number of men from outside Waterford who
were willing to risk their lives in defence of the city has been remarked on.
According to official documents,(30) 80 men from outside Waterford, many of them from
Coventry, Dartmouth, Bristol, and other parts of England, were killed in the
battle. Since these were all ports or cities on England's western coast, where
a significant trade was carried on with Ireland, the destruction of Waterford
would also have meant the destruction of their livelihoods. What is remarkable,
nevertheless, is the disproportionate nature of their casualties, with twice as
many outsiders being killed as citizens. This, however, can be traced back to
the fact that it was required by law for the burgesses of Waterford to possess
arms and armour, with the minimum requirements being a helmet, a hand weapon,
and a coat of mail.(31)
In 1374,
the le Poers and the O'Driscolls attacked the city again, tearing down some of
the defensive walls and levelling the great clock in the market place.(32)
The devastation caused by this attack must have been so great that on December
16 of that year that the king was forced to issue an order to the stewards and
sheriffs of Wexford, Tipperary, and Kilkenny: "...to cause proclamation to
be made that every man of Ireland of whatsoever estate or condition willing to
come to the city of Waterford with wheat and other victuals for sale..."
could travel there without being hindered-presumably by customs charges or
other special interests.(33)
That this
was not enough, however, can be seen in the fact that the following year, 1375, the mayor and citizens of Waterford
were forced to send a petition to the king and council seeking assistance.
After recalling the events of 1368 and 1374, the petition noted:"..the
country round is despoiled, burned and destroyed up to the walls and the ships
and goods therein are taken at sea so that there are no ships or barges in the
city, where there used to be more than elsewhere throughout Ireland, and also
because of the great tribute of 100 marks which they bring yearly to the king,
and their great costs in making their belfry of the Blessed Trinity, (which has
now been thrown to earth for a year to the great comfort of their enemies),
repairing the ancient walls of the city, which were fallen through their
weight....they are become so poor that they cannot bear the said charges or
stay there longer unless they be relieved...."(34)
To assist
the city, the citizens asked to be granted the custom known as
"cocket", a tax on hides of wild animals.(35) This
was granted to them for ten years on April 13, 1376, with the exception of 100s
to be paid annually to the Exchequer of England.(36)
The granting of this
subsidy at a time when England was in the middle of the Hundred Years War
(1339-1453) is indicative of how
perilous the state of Waterford was. That city was far from being alone,
however, with the rest of the country being in equally bad shape. In January
1373, for example, the citizens of Youghal also sent the king a report in which
they complained how rebels were constantly destroying the countryside and
killing the city's inhabitants, and they begged the king for subsidies with
which to strengthen the defences of the city.(37)
In 1388,
the English council granted the "cocket" to Waterford for another
three years: "....in consideration of the damages and losses sustained by
the mayor and commonalty of Waterford in Ireland by the arsons, homicides and
thefts of the king's Irish enemies and English rebels [the O'Driscolls and the
le Poers], and by various invasions of other enemies of the parts adjacent, and
also by the capture of ships, barges, and other vessels and the ransom of their
men by the French and Spaniards, and in consideration of the intolerable
expense incurred by them in repairing the wall and fortification of their
city..."(38) The reference to the French and Spaniards is an
interesting example of the way in which the political situation in the 14th
century affected trade. The French, and particularly the Bretons, had been a
continuous scourge since the start of the Hundred Years War, while intermittent
warfare between Spain and England during the 14th century had resulted in
frequent attacks on merchant shipping, particularly in the southern coastal
area where a number of important sea routes converged: wine ships sailing from
Gascony and Spain; fishing boats sailing from the west of England; Irish and
English merchants trading in hides; and merchant venturers traveling on the
Iceland route.(39)
In 1380,
the Spaniards had posed a genuine threat to the southern ports, when a section
of a fleet of Spanish and French galleys, which had been raiding the English
coast, showed up off Kinsale. The inhabitants set out to confront the fleet in
a number of English and local ships, and in the ensuing battle, 400 of the
foreigners are said to have been killed and five of their ships captured. In
addition, 21 English vessels that had been captured were recovered. Perhaps
inspired by this victory, the following year, 1381, admirals were appointed for
the ports of County Cork for the purpose of combating the O'Driscolls who were
constantly preying on passing ships.
How well the admirals fared is unknown, though they do not seem to have
been very effective.(40) Certainly, it would appear that things did not
improve for the city of Waterford, since on October 24, 1390, the so-called
cocket custom granted to the city was renewed for another ten years.(41)
Following a
truce with France in 1389, the English king, Richard II, turned his attention
to Ireland.(42) On October 2, 1394, Richard II landed in Waterford at
the head of an enormous army numbering between 6,000 and 7,000 troops, the
largest army ever sent to Ireland and the equal of many of the English armies
used in France during the Hundred Years War.(43)
From Waterford, the king proceeded north
to Dublin, in the process inflicting a heavy defeat on Art McMurrough of
Leinster.(44) Over the next year, Richard II received the
submission of most of the leaders of the three groups he famously described as
living in Ireland: 'wild Irish, our enemy; Irish rebels; and obedient
English.', (45) promising the Gaelic Irish in particular justice and
the guarantee of the king's law.
Nevertheless, with the departure of the king to England on May 15, 1395,
Ireland relapsed into a state of anarchy and even Richard II's return on June
1, 1399, was unable to salvage the situation. Richard II himself was shortly
after overthrown by Henry of Lancaster, the future Henry IV.(46)
Not much
is known of the activities of the O'Driscolls and the le Poers during this
period, although the latter are listed in a report compiled by Alexander
Balscot, the bishop of Meath, as belonging to the category of the so-called
English rebels, which also included the Butlers, Geraldines, Berminghams,
Daltons, Barretts, and Dillons. According to Balscott, the men of these
families wished to be regarded as gentlemen of blood but were in fact sturdy
robbers in league with the Irish enemies.(47)
As for the O'Driscolls, it is likely that they continued to carry out attacks
on merchant shipping.
By 1413, it
would appear that the citizens of Waterford had had enough, for in that year:
"Simon Wickin, mayor, and Roger Walsh and Thomas Saultes, bailiffs, with a
band of men in armour, went in a ship on Christmas Eve towards Balentemore,
'and at night on Christmas Day, at supper time, landed his men, and in good
order came to the gate of O'Hidriskoll's great house or castle within the said
haven, and called to the porter, willing him to tell his lord that the mayor of
Waterford was come unto the haven with a ship of wine, and that he would gladly
come in to see his lordship. Upon notice therof given by the porter to
O'Hidriskoll, the gate was set open, and the porter presently taken by the
mayor, and put aside. And so the mayor entered into the great hall, where
O'Hidriskoll and his kinsmen and friends, sitting at boards, made ready to sup;
commanded O'Hidriskoll and his company not to move or fear, for he would not,
nor meant not to draw no man's blood of the same house, more than to dance and
drink, and so to depart. With that the said mayor took up to dance O'Hidriskoll
and his son, the prior of the Friary, O'Hidriksoll's three brethren, his uncle,
and his wife, and having them in their dance, the mayor commanded every of his
men to hold fast the said persons; and so, after singing a carol, came away,
bringing with them aboard the said ship the said O'Hidriskoll and his company,
saying unto them they should go with him to Waterford to sing their carol, and
make merry that Christmas. And they being all aboard, made sail presently, and
arrived at Waterford, St. Steven's Day at night, where with great joy received
they were with lights."(48)
This story
provides a fascinating glimpse into life in 14th and 15th century Ireland. The
mayor-whose audaciousness would appear to have been remarkable even for that
period-seems to have addressed the O'Driscolls in Irish. This, together with
the fact that the mayor and his men had no difficulty finding the residence of
the The O'Driscoll, is indicative of the nature of commercial relations during
this period, when despite legislation forbidding such contact,(49)
the merchants of Waterford and other cities in Ireland would have had regular
commercial dealings with their reputed Irish enemies. In fact, Wicken was one
of a group of 90 named citizens of
Waterford, which included the then mayor of the city, John Lombard, who were
pardoned by the king in 1408 of all treason, trespasses, debts, and arrears,
for trading with the Irish.(50) Nothing is known of the fate of The O'Driscoll and
his family, though it is probable they were simply held for ransom-as was the
custom at the time-and subsequently released.
Nevertheless, the attacks on Waterford did not stop, and the city had to
endure repeated assaults during the 15th century.(51)
In 1430, following a petition to the English council, the mayor and citizens of
Waterford were awarded an annual grant of 30l.
for three years, to be spent "..on the repair and defence of the town.
According to the annotation, "It appears that the city....has been so
wasted as well by Irish enemies and English rebels as by armed Bretons, Scots,
and Spaniards coming by sea, that during the last three years the goods and
chattels of the petitioners and their shippping have been utterly destroyed,
and the ditches, walls, towers, gates, and portcullises....are so old and
ruinous in many places as to be all but
fallen to the ground..."(52)
Twelve years
later, in 1442, the mayor and citizens of Waterford were once again petitioning
the king, Henry VI, for help. According to the petition: "...the city,
..has now fallen into such poverty as well through the robberies, destructions,
and oppressions done by Irish enemies, English rebels, Scots, Bretons, and
Spanish, as because of late certain Bretons took a balinger (53)
of Flanders coming with merchandise to the value of 4000 marks to the said citizens;
and that their goods are daily wasted and suffice not to repair the walls and
towers, and many citizens have left and daily leave the city.." On March
21, 1442, the king responded to the plea by granting the city 30l. a year again "..for the
fortification of the walls and towers..", this time for 30 years to be
taken out of the fee farm grant of 100 marks that the city paid annually to the
crown.(54)
By the end
of the decade, it had become clear that the English government no longer had
the resources to defend the city. In 1447, in recognition of the fact that
"...the Poers for a long time past have been traitors and rebels..."
the mayor and commons of Waterford were authorized by the king "..to ride
upon them with banners displayed, to prey and rob, burn and kill them.."
and to do the same to other families, namely the Walshmen, Graunteyns and
Datens, who according to the king, "..now lately are become rebels and
traitors, as the said Poers are.."(55) The
following year, 1448, Henry VI appears to have increased these provisions by
granting "..to the mayor and commonalty of Waterford in Ireland, who have
shown that many rebels in the counties of Kilkenny, Tipperary, Wexford, and
Waterford, with an armed force of the king's Irish enemies and divers other
nations, rebels, felons, traitors, and fugitives of those counties, perpetrate
invasions, slaughters, burnings, plunderings, robberies, captures, fines,
ransoms, hangings, and other intolerable misdeeds on the said mayor and commons
and other lieges of the king there by land and water-that they, by assent of
the mayor, may gather all persons, whose estate or condition is suitable, to
ride and go on foot as often as they will with standards displayed against the
said rebels and all who favour, aid, receive or victual them, and spoil, burn,
and slay the same..."(56)
Around this
period, climatic changes caused an apparent migration of herring shoals to the
south and west of Ireland, in turn attracting English and foreign fishing
fleets, particularly Spanish, to the area. Because herring had to be salted
within 24 hours if it was to retain its flavour, fishermen would pay dues to
the local lords for the priviledge of using the havens and bays of the Irish
coast to refit, revictual, and land their catch for salting. These dues could
be considerable, as the example of 'Mac Fineen Duff' of Ardee shows, who was
reportedly paid £300 annually by Spaniards for permission to fish in Kenmare
Bay.(57) This additional wealth is one of the reasons for the
great revival in the construction and refurbishment of monastic houses,
friaries, and castles that took place during the 15th century, particularly in
the Gaelic and gaelicised regions of the western seaboard.(57)
The remains of castles belonging to the O'Driscolls, O'Mahonys, McCarthys, and
O'Sullivans, all of whom benefited from the fishing industry, can still be seen
today strategically placed along the south-western seaboard.
Such
payments going to a well-known enemy as the O'Driscolls naturally worried the
government and in 1449-1450 legislation was passed to prevent fishermen from
Wexford, Waterford, Cork, and Kinsale from operating off Baltimore, because of
the victuals and arms it brought the local chieftain, Fineen O'Driscoll. In 1457-1458, the city of Waterford passed
further regulation designed to stop individual merchants from trading with the
enemy in time of war.(59) Generally, however, these laws and regulations appear
to have been ignored, and the priority became to simply restrict the practice
during times of conflict. In 1463, an act of Parliament legalised commercial
dealings with the Irish for the inhabitants of Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and
Youghal, with the exception of arms, "..and provided that they do not
victual the said enemies in time of war."(60)
In 1465, parliament had to pass further
legislation forbidding foreign fishing vessels from operating among the
so-called Irish enemies of the king, because they were being supplied with
large amounts of money by each vessel, in addition to victuals, harness, and
armour.(61) In the same year, 1465, Waterford city authorities
restricted the sale to the Irish in time of war of iron, salt, wine, cloth,
corn, victuals, armour, weapons, boat making material or boats, while in 1480
further regulations prohibited the sale of
guns, gunpowder, crossbows or arrows to anyone outside the city. These
regulations, however, were usually qualified by the proviso 'without license of
the mayor and council for the time being', which indicates that the intention
was not to stop the trade but simply to regulate it.(62)
Toward
the middle of the 15th century, the head of the le Poer(63)
family in Curraghmore, Richard le Poer, began to achieve prominence in County
Waterford. A descendant of the first Lord of Dunhill, le Poer became sheriff of
the county in 1456, a position he was to hold for 20 years. However, he used
the position primarily to enrich himself and his family and eventually had to
be removed by an act of parliament. In
the act, he was accused, in particular, of taking part with "..other
rebels, ..[in carrying out an]..assault on the mayor, bailiffs, and commons of
Waterford, both by sea and land, murdering, slaying divers of the citizens and
spoiling and robbing them of their goods and has put many of them to fire and ransom.
And not only the citizens but also foreigners resorting to the city for trade,
as English, French, Spaniards, Portugals, Britains and Flemings, to the utter
destruction of the said city..."(64) It was also
Richard le Poer who would appear to have been involved in bringing the
O'Driscolls to Tramore in order to attack Waterford in 1461.
"On
19th June 1461, O'Hidriskoll arrived at Tramore."(65)
The O'Driscolls had been invited there by the le Poers, and in response the
mayor and citizens of Waterford armed themselves and went to do battle with
them.(66) "The mayor and citizens met him and the Poers at
Ballymacdave, and gained the victory, killing 160. O'Hidriskoll Og and six of
his sons were taken prisoner."(67) In addition,
three of the O'Driscoll's galleys were also captured, and it is believed that
those ships are the three galleys now emblazoned on the city of Waterford's
coat of arms. (68)
The city's casualties in
this battle are not recorded, but since it became increasingly difficult from
then on to get anyone to fill the position of mayor, one of whose jobs was to
lead the city's forces in battle, it is thought they were probably heavy.(69)
After
Richard le Poer was deposed in 1476, Waterford City was granted the right to
elect the sheriff of the county. Nevertheless, Richard's son and heir, Piers le
Poer subsequently became sheriff of the county as well, and he was able to
strengthen his authority over the county by marrying the daughter of Gerald
Fitzgerald, the Lord of the Decies.(70)
A number of
years earlier, in 1461, the War of the Roses had broken out in England and was
to continue intermittently for three decades. As a result, by 1474, when King
Edward IV noted that Waterford had been .."impoverished for the past six
years by ill success in trade and loss of goods of the citizens and the death
and capture of divers merchants of the city .." and pointed out that there
was ".. no law, justice, or government around the city but murder,
robbery, and war by the Irish and rebel English.." the English government
was no longer in a position to provide the city with any practical help. All
the king could offer was the reversion of an annuity of 10l. For the citizens of the city to get it, however, they first had
to wait for the beneficiary of the annuity to either die or lose it in some
other fashion.(71)
In 1485, the War of the Roses came to an end with the
Battle of Bosworth and the accession of King Henry VII. The new king began a
process of strengthening and centralizing authority; a process that was
ultimately to have devastating effects on Ireland under his successors. Around
the same time, Waterford began to experience a major economic revival, with the
development of woolen, leather, and fishing industries bringing in much needed
money to the city. The increased prosperity of the city brought about a
building boom, with churches and monasteries updated and modernised, while the
city's defences were also strengthened and improved. In particular, Reginald's
Tower was fitted with adaptations to accomodate cannon, while outer ringworks
were added to the tower upon which cannon were mounted for the port's protection.
(72)
These defences came into
their own in 1497, when the forces of the pretender, Perkin Warbeck, laid seige
to the city from July 24 to April 3. Cannon fire from Reginald's tower sank a
ship blocking the river, killing all on board, (73) and
marking the first time any city in Ireland had used artillery for its defence. (74)
Two years
later, the citizens of Waterford were able to use their loyalty to successfully
petition the king not to force them to take part in campaigns outside the city,
but to allow them just to defend their own city. As noted above, the citizens
of Waterford had been allowed to ride out with banners displayed to fight
rebels since 1447, but they claimed that the money that could have been spent
on defence and fortifications was being wasted in military campaigns ordered by
the lord deputy or his officers. Their request was granted together with a
request that the city not be given over to the lords of the land, presumably
the Butlers or the Earl of Kildare. (75)
In 1518,
the citizens of Waterford were able to use their superior military power to
deliver a crushing blow to their long-time commercial rival of New Ross. In
that year, certain named "..citizens and commonality of the City of
Waterford...on the authority of Patrick Roope, Mayor of said city, together
with many Spaniards, French, Bretons and Irish, came riotously with a fleet of
boats and ships, in pirate or warlike fashion, variously armed, namely, with
surcoats, coats of mail, helmets, shields, spears, swords, lances, cross-bows,
weapons, bows, arrows, broad axes, and bombards or cannon, with the intent to
assault and besiege the town of Ross, on the 22nd day of May..." (76)
To save itself, the town was forced to hand over a mace of silver gilt, which
was valued at £20, but not before it reportedly suffered damage worth one
hundred pounds of silver. (77)
With that one act,
Waterford finally established itself as the premier port of the region.
In 1533,
Garret Mor Fitzgerald, the ninth Earl of Kildare, who had been chief governor
of Ireland with only brief interruptions since 1513, came into serious conflict
with King Henry VIII of England and was summoned to London. While there, his
son Thomas, better known by the sobriquet of Silken Thomas, launched his ill-fated
rebellion on June 11, 1534. The English government responded by sending the
largest army seen in Ireland since the days of Richard II under the command of
Sir William Skeffington and by August 1535, the rebellion had been crushed.
Thomas and five of his uncles were executed in February 1537.(78)
For his
services in the wars in Ireland [presumably Silken Thomas's Rebellion], Sir
Richard le Poer of Curraghmore, Kt., grandson of the same Richard le Poer who
had been dismissed from the post of
sheriff in 1476, was created Baron of Le Poer and Coroghmore on 13th
September, 1535. Sir Richard, whose wife, Katherine Butler, was the second
daughter of Piers, 8th Earl of Ormonde, was not to enjoy his new title for very
long, however. Only a few weeks later on the 10th of November he was killed by
the ""traitour" Owen O'Callaghan. The baron's son, Piers, who
had been born in 1522 , was still a minor and his wardship was granted to his
uncle, James, Earl of Ormonde.(79)
With the
second Baron of le Poer and Coroghmore still a minor in the following
year,1538, and the family under the controling influence of the Earl of
Ormonde, there were no le Poers to assist the O'Driscolls when the men of
Waterford next responded to an attack by the latter. According to the Carew Manuscripts, quoting older sources (80):
"On 29th February 1538, 29 Hen. VIII., John Morgan being mayor, and James
Wodlock and David Walsh, bailiffs, four Portingall [Portugese] ships, coming
laden with wines from Spain to Waterford, were driven by tempest to the west
coast of Ireland, that is to say, toward Clere [Cape Clear], Baltymore, and the
Old Head of Kinsale."(81)
One of them, known as La Santa Maria de Soci,(82)
" in which were
Thomas Wise, James Graunt, James Porter, Richard Hoseman, Patrick Strange, and
Patrick Doben, merchants and merchant attorneys, was driven into a bay, "(83)The
chief captains of the Islands, Fynyn O'Hidriskoll, his son Conor and base son
Gilly Duff (84) "covenanted to bring the ship into the haven of
Baltymore for three pipes of wine. (85)
The ship
anchored before the chief island, called Inyshyrean [Sherkin], in front of the
strong fortress called Downighlong. When the gentlemen and pirates of those
parts had drunk the said wine they desired more, and invited some of the said merchants
to dinner in the said castle, and detained them there in irons. They then
manned their Irish galleys, took the said ship, and distributed 72 tuns (86)
of the wines that were in her.
On 3rd
March, news of this was brought to Waterford, and Piers Doben with 24 men
sailed in a pickard, " that was known as the Sunday of Waterford (87)
and which was described
as "well-appointed of artillery".(88)
Doben and his crew arrived in Baltimore harbour at noon the next day to find
the Portugese ship still occupied by the O'Driscolls. As the Waterfordmen
boarded the ship from one side, Gilly Duff and 24 of his men fled over the
other. When the ship had been recaptured, Doben manned her and released the
prisoners; of the cargo, only 25 tuns of wine still remained. He then had the
great hall of the O'Driscolls bombarded by the ships cannon before setting home
for Waterford.(89) On the 27th of March, the mayor took La Santa Maria de Soci, another ship,
and the great galley of Waterford, and with 400 men under the command of
Bailiff Woodlock, as chief captain, and Pierce Doben, James Walsh, James
Sherlock, Henry Walsh, and John Butler as under captains, sailed for Baltimore.(90)
On the night of Wednesday, the first of April, the expedition arrived within
the haven of Baltimore and appear to have anchored off Sherkin Island facing
the castle, which was guarded by men and artillery. The Waterfordmen proceeded
to bombard the castle all night, until at dawn the garrison fled, allowing them
to land on the island and besiege the fortress there.(91) "They
took the castle, set up St. George's standard, and in five days destroyed all
the villages of the Island. They also destroyed the Friars Minors' near the
castle, and the mill of the same; 'and then the fortress, being double-warded
with two strong piles or castles, and goodly walls with barbicans, halls and
houses of office, totally was cast down and raised to the earth, and fallen
into the sea.' Fynyn's chief galley of 30 oars, and three or four score small
pinnaces, were taken. 'Nigh thereunto there is an island, where Fynyn's most
privy habitation and pleasant dwelling is found with a grove in circuit
thereof.' These were destroyed, and then our men entered into another island
[Cape Clear] and burned all the villages. Afterwards they went to the mainland,
and burned and destroyed Baltymore and the church tower there. they also under-mined
and broke Teig O'Hidriskoll's goodly moated castle. One of the castles being
set a-fire, Wm. Grant was on the top, and could not come down. Mr. John Butler,
a captain, tied a small cord to an arrow, which was shot, a hawser having been made
fast thereto. Grant fastened it to one of the pinnacles, slided down, and was
received by his fellows upon beds. " And so all the army came to Waterford
on Good Friday, with great joy and comfort."(92)
Following
the raid of 1538, the power of the O'Driscolls was effectively broken, and
there is no record of the O'Driscolls ever attacking Waterford or any merchant
vessels again.
*
Waterford
continued to prosper throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, no doubt helped by
its unquestioning loyalty to the crown throughout all the rebellions of the
period. The le Poers also continued to prosper by siding with the government,
though many of their actions resulted in constant annoyance to the citizens of
Waterford. (93) Despite the destruction of their fleet, the
O'Driscoll's continued for many years to charge fishermen using their waters.
As the political situation changed during the 16th century, however, the sept
was gradually brought under the control of the English government. In 1573, the
then head of the family, Fineen O'Driscoll, acknowleged English sovereignty
over his territory through the process of surrender and regrant. (94) Following
the battle of Kinsale in 1601, however, the O'Driscolls were forbidden to
charge fishermen in their territory, and with this primary source of income
gone, Fineen O'Driscoll was forced to mortgage his lands. Within a few short
years, Baltimore was completely colonised by English settlers and the
O'Driscolls had been dispersed. (95)
The
conflict between the city of Waterford and the families of the O'Driscolls and
le Poers can be seen as a microcosm of medieval Ireland. Driven back to the
coastline by O'Sullivans and McCarthys, themselves the victims of Norman
expansion, the O'Driscolls had no choice but to turn to the sea and piracy to
survive. In turn, the le Poers were just one among many Norman families that
became increasingly both gaelicised and
independent of authority over the centuries. It was only natural that they
should come into conflict with the city of Waterford, which remained English in
character and loyal to the crown. It should also be remembered that constant
warfare was a hallmark of the period throughout Europe, and Waterford was only
among many Irish towns and cities to come under attack. The fact that the city
survived would indicate that despite all the hardships its citizens undoubtedly
endured, the profits to be gained from trading in Waterford made it worth the
risk.(96) The accession of the Tudors to the throne of England
after 1485 brought with it a determination to finally subjugate Ireland, and
their policies would appear not only to have given the citizens of Waterford
the courage and ability to carry out the 1538 raid but also to have convinced
the le Poers to side once more with the crown. In addition, and perhaps even
more importantly, the end of the 15th century saw the introduction of guns and
artillery, which made even the strongest castles in Ireland vulnerable. It is
in fact quite possible that Baltimore would not have been captured in 1538 but
for the presence of artillery. The destruction of Baltimore and with it the
power of the O'Driscolls, can therefore be seen very much as a portent of what
was to happen to the remainder of Gaelic Ireland by the end of the 16th
century.
******************************************************************************************************************************************
Footnotes
1.
Lydon, James F., The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, (Dublin, 1972); p. 143
2.
Ibid., p. 208
3.
For an examination of the effect of absenteeism on Waterford and East Cork see
Harbison, Sheelagh H., "The absentee problem in Waterford & East Cork
during William of Windsor's administration, 1369-1376," pp. 5-16, Decies,
May 1983.
4.
Cosgrove, Art; Late Medieval Ireland, 1370-1541, (Dublin, 1981); pp. 1-2
5.
Ibid; pp. 4-5
6.
Parker, Ciaran, "Local government in County Waterford in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, Part II. The Sheriffs of Waterford in the Early
Fourteenth Century 1304-1350," pp.79-89, Decies 1995; pp. 79-80
7.
Ibid; pp. 80-81
8.
Ibid; pp. 83-84
9.
Power, Patrick C., History of Waterford
City and County, (Dublin, 1990); pp.
36-38
10.
Ibid; p.38
11.
Parker, Ciaran, "Local government in County Waterford in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, Part II. The Sheriffs of Waterford in the Early
Fourteenth Century 1304-1350," pp.79-89, Decies 1995; p. 85
12.
Ibid; p. 84
13.
As quoted in Power (1990); pp. 47-48
14.
Cosgrove (1981); p. 44
15.
McEneaney, Eamonn, ed., A History of Waterford and its Mayors from the 12th
Century to the 20th Century, (Waterford, 1995); p. 60
16.
Ibid; p. 79
17.
Lydon, James, "The City of Waterford in the later Middle Ages," pp.
5-15, Decies (12) 1979; p. 5
18.
McEneaney, Eamonn, "The government of the municipality of Waterford in the
thirteenth century," pp. 17-27, Decies, January 1980; p. 19
19.
Parker, Ciaran, "Local government in County Waterford in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, Part I. The Office of Sheriff, c. 1208-1305,"
pp. 17-24, Decies, Autumn 1994; p. 17
and Cal. doc. Ire. 1171-1251; p. 90.
20.
O'Neill, Timothy, Merchants and Mariners in medieval Ireland, (England, 1987); p. 44
21.
Ibid; p.48
22.
Ibid; p.55
23.
McEneaney (1995); p. 77
24.
O'Neill (1987); pp 33, 37, 38
25.
McEneaney (1995); p. 68
26.
Healy, James N., The Castles of County Cork, (Dublin, 1988); p. 184
27.
Cal. Carew MSS, Vol. V (Book of Howth); pp. 470-471
28.
McEneaney (1995) ; p. 66
29.
Ibid.; p. 66
30.
Cal. pat. rolls 1374-1377; p. 145
31.
O'Neill, (1987); p. 91
32.
Nolan, William and Power, Thomas P., Waterford History & Society, (Dublin,
1992); pp. 147-176
33.
Cal. close. rolls., Ed. III, 1374-1377; p. 111
34.
Cal. pat. rolls. 1374-1377; p. 145
35.
Ibid.; p. 145
36.
Cal. fine. rolls., 1369-1377, p. 344
37.
Harbison (May 1983); p. 5
38.
Cal. pat. rolls., 1385-1389; p. 492
39.
O'Neill (1987); p. 126
40.
Ibid; p. 126
41.
Cal. pat. rolls., 1388-1392; p. 314
42.
Cosgrove (1981); p. 17
43.
Lydon (1972); p. 234
44.
Cosgrove (1981); pp. 20-21
45.
Lydon (1972) p.232
46.
Ibid; p. 237
47.
Cosgrove (1981); p. 29
48.
Carew Mss.; p. 471
49.
Stat. Ire. John-Hen. V; pp. 365, 499
50.
McEneaney (1995); p. 76
51.
Nolan (1992); pp. 147-176
52.
Cal. pat. rolls, 1429-1436; p. 68
53.
A two-masted sailing vessel of between 20 and 50 tons in capacity that was used
for both fishing and the carriage of goods and was one of the commonest types
of ship in use in the 15th century; O'Neill (1987); p. 109
54.
Cal. pat. rolls., 1441-1446; p.58
55.
Stat. Ire., Henry VI; p. 83
56.
Cal. pat. rolls., 1446-1452; p. 132
57.
Cosgrove, Art, ed.; A New History of Ireland, Vol II., Medieval Ireland
1169-1534, (Oxford, 1987); p. 504
58.
O'Neill (1987); p. 36
59.
Nolan (1992); pp. 147-176
60.
Stat. Ire., Edward IV; pp. 139-141
61.
Cosgrove (1987); p. 504
62.
Nolan (1992); pp. 147-176
63.
As by this stage they were beginning to be known
64.
Power (1990); pp. 45-47
65.
Cal. Carew MSS, Vol. V Book of Howth); p. 471
66.
McEneaney (1995); p. 79
67.
Cal. Carew Mss, Vol. V Book of Howth; p.471
68. Waterford
Corporation; The Royal Charters of Waterford (1992); p.25. The earliest surviving
illustration of these coat-of-arms dates from 1510; McEneaney, p. 106
69.
McEneaney (1995); p. 79
70.
Power (1990); p. 47
71.
Cal. pat. rolls., 1467-1477; p. 459
72.
McEneaney (1995); pp. 81-82
73.
Power (1990); p. 44
74.
McEneaney (1995); pp. 81
75.
Power (1990); p. 45
76.
As quoted in Flood, William H. Grattan, "Naval Affray between
the Citizens of Waterford and Ross in 1518," pp.124-125, Journal of the
Waterford & South-East of
Ireland Archaeological Society Vol. V,
1899; p. 125
77.
Flood (1899); p. 125
78.
Cosgrove (1981); pp. 99-120
79. De La Poer, Count E., "Sir Piers le
Poer of Curraghmore, Kt., 2nd Lord le Poer and Coroghmore," pp.
65-68, Journal of the Waterford & South-East of Ireland Archaeological
Society Vol. XIII, 1910; p. 65
80.
Cal. Carew MSS., Vol. V Book of Howth;
p. 474
81.
Ibid; p. 474
82.
McEneaney (1995) p. 111
83.
Cal. Carew MSS, Vol. V Book of Howth.;
p. 474
84.
McEneaney (1995); p. 111
85.
One pipe equals 126 gallons. O'Neill
(1987); p. 45
86.
One tun equals 252 gallons. Ibid.,
p. 45
87.
McEneaney (1995) p. 111
88.
Cal. Carew MSS, Vol. V Book of Howth;
p. 474
89.
McEneaney (1995) pp. 111-112
90.
Cal. Carew MSS, vol. V Book of Howth;
p. 474
91.
Notes and Queries, "Baltimore Besieged by Waterford Men," pp.
84-85, Journal of the Cork Historical
and Archaeological Society, Vol. I, 1895; p. 85
92.
Carew MSS, Vol. V Book of Howth; p. 474-475
93.
See pp. 42-47 in "Documents Illustrating the State of the Co.
Waterford in the 16th Century", pp. 38-53, Journal of the Waterford & South-East of Ireland Archaeological Society January-March, 1902
94.
Cal. S. P. Ire., 1509-1573; p. 523
95.
MacCarthy-Morrogh, Michael; The Munster Plantation, English Migration to
Southern Ireland 1583-1641 (Oxford 1986); pp. 151-154
96. John Malpas, for example, the mayor of Waterford
killed in 1368, is mentioned by name as an exporter of corn and is known to
have traded wine, fish, and hides with England, Scotland, France, and Spain.
O'Neill (1987); p.27.
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pp.79-89, Decies 1995
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Curraghmore, Kt., 2nd Lord le Poer
and Coroghmore," pp. 65-68,
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