The Conflict in Northern Ireland
Community division

	Lecturer:	Joe Ruane
	Course:	1st Arts Sociology
	Name:	Elaine Catherine Baker
	Student Number:	97591521
	Tutor:	John Harrington
	Date:	1st December 1997

The Conflict in Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland society is, at present, undergoing a transformation, which many hope will bring to an end the deep division and conflict which have been characteristic of the region.  In this essay I hope to outline the nature of that conflict and the relationships between the two main communities - Protestant and Catholic.  I use the terms Protestant and Catholic not in the strictly religious sense, but as labels for the different communities which are widely used by various writers on the subject.  I intend to focus on the reasons for and the types of division in Northern Ireland.

There are of course many types of conflict in Northern Ireland, as is the case in any society, between classes, between those with liberal and conservative views, between different interest groups, between different regions and so on.  However, the main conflict in Northern Ireland, which impinges on all other conflicts to a certain extent, is the conflict between the Protestant and Catholic communities.  There are many internal divisions within the two communities (Ruane and Todd, 1996, pp.54-78) but the division between them is deeper.  The conflict is widely seen as synonymous with terrorist violence, but it is important to see that violence is only a part of the conflict, although it is very significant as both a cause and as an effect of division.

Divided Communities

The conflict in Northern Ireland is “between historic communities, constituted and differentiated by multiple rather than single dimensions of difference” (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.xiv).  In Northern Ireland, the community to which you belong is very much part of your identity.  “Catholics and Protestants deal with each other not simply as individuals but as representative members of communities” (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.313).  People establish the religion of others on acquaintance, often by using signifiers such as their name or where they live.  This “..sets the parameters of conversation..” (McVeigh, 1995, p.621) and has a large effect on the way they relate to each other.  Interaction between members of different communities is often kept to a superficial level by cultural norms (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.65).  Sectarianism is “more than an ideology or a set of practices or an amalgam of individual actions: sectarianism dominates every aspect of life” in Northern Ireland. (McVeigh, 1995, p.634).

There is a very high level of segregation in Northern Irish society and in many ways the two communities operate independently.   For the most part, Protestants and Catholics live in different areas, are educated in different schools, attend different churches, join different clubs and associations, play different sports and socialise separately.  The level of intermarriage is very low, at 3% of Protestants (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.65).  This lack of interaction means that there is a lack of understanding, trust and common feeling between the two groups, often leading to hostility.  

Ruane and Todd (1996, pp.22-30) identify the main dimensions of difference between the two groups - ethnicity/culture, national identity, religion and politics.  Generally in stable societies there is a network of different groups with overlapping memberships.  For example, the memberships of religious groups do not largely coincide with the memberships of political parties.   “This generates a series of divided loyalties that reduce the internal cohesiveness of any one group and encourages greater social and political stability”  (Duffy and Evans, 1996, p.123).   In Northern Ireland, while small groups of Catholic unionists and of Protestants who have an Irish identity do exist, in general Protestants are Unionist or Loyalist with a British identity and Catholics are Nationalist or Republican with an Irish identity.

Origins of ethnic and cultural differences

The origins of ethnic and cultural differences lie in the fact that the two groups never integrated properly.  In terms of ethnicity, Catholics in general are, or see themselves, as descendants of the Gaelic people native to Ireland, while Protestants are the descendants of  the Scottish settlers in the area during the plantations.  However, in the 12th and 13th centuries,  the Anglo-Norman settlers in Ireland were first seen as settlers but after periods of violence and unrest, they then integrated into Irish Gaelic society (Ruane and Todd, 1996, pp.24,25).  Other groups, such as the Vikings, also settled in Ireland but their descendants are not separate to Irish people generally.  Therefore the differences between the communities are more to do with the balance of power and events after the settlements than to the settlements themselves.  The way the two communities viewed each other then still persists in some ways.  The settlers saw the native Irish as uncivilised and backward due to their unfamiliar culture and language (McVeigh, 1995, pp.627, 628), (Ruane and Todd, 1996, pp.26,27).  The economic system and resources of the planters of Ulster brought prosperity and later industrialisation to the region, and so Protestants felt justified in imposing their system.  However, Gaelic leaders resented the taking over of their positions in society and saw Protestant power as illegitimate because it was dependant on their connection with Britain.  Protestants sought to stay in control with the penal laws, which had severe effects on Catholics (Coogan, 1995, p.6) and served to keep the two groups separate ethnically and culturally and prevent integration.

Struggle for power

Much of the conflict in Northern Ireland can be explained by the unstable balance of power between the two groups and the vulnerability this causes.  Northern Ireland has a population of 1,577,836 (The Northern Ireland Census, 1991, HMSO publications, p.57).  Of these,  605,639 are Catholic 788,136 are other religions, mostly Protestant, and 174,061 are none or did not state.   This gives a rough guide to the proportions of the communities.  The result of the partition of Ireland has been 
“a classic double minority: more than half a million Catholic/nationalists constitute about 40 per cent of the population within Northern Ireland, but the Protestant/unionist majority of almost one million within Northern Ireland forms a minority of less than 20 per cent of the total population of just over five million in the whole island of Ireland.” (Boyle and Hadden, 1995, p.270).  
This causes both groups to feel vulnerable.

The balance of power has been very volatile in Northern Ireland and this has caused instability.  The penal laws gave Protestants the dominant position but during the Catholic recovery of the 19th century, Protestants felt threatened by change. (Ruane and Todd, 1996, pp.37-41).  The partition of Ireland in 1921 was deliberately designed in order to preserve a Protestant majority in Northern Ireland and so to protect them against the Catholic majority on the island (Coogan, 1995, pp.16, 17, 24, 25).  Protestants saw Catholics in Northern Ireland as part of the threat to their own privileges and way of life as they were connected with Southern Catholics, and as Catholic minority within Northern Ireland was so large.  Protestants used their power to deny Catholics access to public housing, employment, a role in policing and public life, and political influence.  These discriminatory policies are extensively documented in Coogan (1995, pp.29-33, 40-43).  This caused the civil rights movement of the late 1960s, which in turn was seen as a “direct attack on the state” by loyalists. (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.94) Peaceful marches spilled over into riots when they were impeded by extreme loyalists.

Violent conflict

The British Army deepened division by their brutal treatment of sometimes innocent Republican suspects, (Coogan, 1995, pp.125-128), and their harassment of Catholics.  Although reforms did follow, their slow pace and the  “...heavy handed security tactics of the British army and the RUC provided and ideal recruitment ground for the IRA, whose terrorist outrages likewise provided an ideal setting for sectarian retaliation by Protestant paramilitaries.” (Boyle and Hadden, 1995, p.271).  The “troubles” have served to deepen distrust and division between the communities. “Particularly at times of crisis for their community, moderates, whatever their own personal views, tend to side with the majority in the community” rather than ally with moderates of the other community (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.80). The widespread fear and distrust was heightened by the fact that one third of those killed were killed on purely sectarian grounds. (McVeigh, 1995, p.621)  Everyone was a potential victim and “almost half the population knew someone killed or injured in the conflict.”  In many areas “..religiously homogeneous communities of defence emerged as a result of a vast process of resettlement..” (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.1)

National identity, Politics and Religion

The ethnic divide largely coincides with a divide in national identity.  John Rex (1981, pp.82-84, 117) discusses nationalist movements and the difference between a nation and a state.  While Northern Catholics are not part of the Republic of Ireland, 60% of them see themselves as “Irish” and only 25% as “Northern Irish” (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.71).  “The raison d’être of Northern Ireland was sectarian.” (McVeigh, 1995, p.631)  The state was, and to some extent still is, controlled by Protestants.  The police force is not seen as impartial, due in partly its history and partly to its make-up which is largely Protestant.  For these reasons, Catholics do not identify with the Northern State or its institutions.  In some areas there is more loyalty towards the IRA than towards the security forces.   Northern Ireland is not a cohesive entity, as it is not seen as fully legitimate by a large proportion of it’s people.

Despite the fact that Catholics have an Irish identity, Northern Catholics have become separate in some ways to Southern Catholics.  The fact that they have been living under a separate administration has given them very different social experiences (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.52).  However, becoming more separate to Southern Catholics has not bonded them more closely to Northern Protestants.  Protestants are seen to have a British identity, although many see themselves as Ulster people rather than British people.  “Protestants feel that they may be abandoned any time by the British state.”  (McVeigh, 1995, p.641), yet many “...feel a deep sense of loyalty and affinity with the British world...”. (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.55)
Politics in Northern Ireland centre around the communal divide.  While voting patterns are largely an expression of and a result of different identities and trusts, it can also be argued that the party structure in Northern Ireland has added to division due to lack of choice of parties other than on sectarian grounds (Duffy and Evans, 1996, pp.124, 125).  “There is an almost total lack of cross-religious support for four of the five main parties” (Duffy and Evans, 1996, p.127).  The two more extreme parties, Sinn Fein and the DUP, often pull the two moderate parties, the SDLP and the UUP, further from compromise.  While the different parties define themselves according to their preferred constitutional position, they are also concerned with the balance of power between the communities.  John Rex (1981, p.107) discusses this generally but what he says is very applicable to the Northern Ireland situation.  In the case of two parties which are pursuing divergent ultimate goals, the power struggle can be “a more calculating concentration upon the intermediate goal of winning power as a generalised means to pursue goals, ideals or interests.” (Rex, 1981, p.107)

The conflict is often perceived as a religious one but theology is a relatively small component.  (McVeigh, 1995, p.637)  It could be argued that Church of Ireland theology is closer to that of Catholics than to that of Presbyterians for example.  However, religion is “..the main signifier of ethnic difference in Ireland” (McVeigh, 1995, p.627) and so contributes to division.

Social change and movements towards peace

There is much evidence that the peace process is having permanent effects on division in Northern Ireland.  The absence of violence during the two ceasefires has reduced fear and distrust.  The reforms of the last twenty to thirty years take time to show results but are now doing so.  Many cross-community peace groups and peace movements are gradually changing attitudes, locally at least. (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.79).  The growing number of integrated schools and education programmes such as the compulsory “Cultural Heritage and Education for Mutual Understanding” promote reconciliation.  There is increasing equality of opportunity for Catholics and “their position in the economy, political system and public culture is noticeably stronger than two decades ago.” (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.294).  However, “... a good deal of discrimination remains to be tackled” (Coogan, 1995, p.362).  Since the ceasefires, the “scaling down of activity by security forces has been slow but cumulative” (Boyle and Hadden, 1995, p.276).   Since the Hume-Adams discussions of 1988 (Coogan, 1995, pp.333-335), the gradual integration of Sinn Fein and other parties with paramilitary links into mainstream media discussion and into the political process has given an incentive to them to adopt a more conciliatory approach (Boyle and Hadden, 1995, pp.274, 275).  Discussion in the media now centres around the language of peace rather than defensive threats (Coogan, 1995, p.341).   There has been a rethinking of all ideologies (Ruane and Todd, 1996, pp.98-106)  and the traditional lines of division are blurring. (Ruane and Todd, 1996, p.309).  The constitutional settlement which, it is hoped, will be reached at all-party negotiations, is debated extensively and is very important.  However, “while the potential of political institutions as agents of reform is acknowledged, lasting change is seen as more likely to come - if at all - from the slow process of bottom-up social change.” (Duffy and Evans, 1996, p.123)  There have been many temporary political setbacks and difficulties, but I believe the long term divided social structure of Northern Ireland is changing.

Bibliography

Boyle, K. and Hadden, T. 1995, ‘The Peace Process in Northern Ireland’, in 
	International Affairs vol. 71, issue 2, pp.269-283

This article is an outline of the situation in Northern Ireland from an international perspective.  It discusses the validity of comparison with other conflicts world-wide.  It gives an account of the nature and emergence of the conflict, and goes on to focus on the beginnings of the peace movement.  It then assesses the position and prospects for peace at the time of writing (before the breakdown of the first ceasefire).  It concludes by again looking at the international context of the conflict.

Coogan, T.P. 1995, The Troubles. London:Hutchinson

This book gives an historical account and analysis of violence and conflict in Northern Ireland.  The introduction gives a summary of relations in the British Isles from the twelfth century to the time of partition.  Chapters one and two describe the first years of the Northern Ireland statlet and the emergence of the civil rights movement.  Chapter three deals with the emergence of the IRA and chapter four with the effects of the British Army and internment.   Chapter five describes the culture of violence in these years.  In chapter six the rise and fall of the power-sharing government are outlined.  Chapters seven and eight deal with political activity and violence while chapter nine concentrates on the IRA.  Chapter ten focuses on security measures and chapter eleven on the role of  the media.  Chapter twelve deals with the emergence of peace movements from the early eighties onwards.  The book focuses on historical detail rather on social explanation, but it provides an excellent insight into life in Northern Ireland in recent years.

Duffy, M. and Evans, G., 1996, ‘Building Bridges? The Political Implications of Electoral Integration for Northern Ireland’, in British Journal of Political Science vol. 26, pp.123-142
This article is a presentation of the arguments for and against integrating Northern Ireland political parties into mainstream UK politics.  It contains an analysis of the nature of division in Northern Ireland.  It then focuses on categorising the population according to voting patterns and party support.  The remainder of the article, which was less relevant to my topic, concerned how the different groups in Northern Ireland would vote if given a choice between Labour and Conservative parties.  The first part of the article was very relevant to the conflict in Northern Ireland in terms of understanding political divisions.

McVeigh, R. 1995. “Cherishing the Children of the Nation Unequally: Sectarianism in Ireland”. in P. Clancy et al.,(eds.). Irish Society Sociological Perspectives Dublin: Institute of Public Administration

This chapter is about the division between Catholics and Protestants in Ireland.  It begins by describing sectarian violence in Northern Ireland.  It then assesses the lack of theoretical discussion on the subject.  A description of the development of sectarianism within the context of colonialism follows.  The next part of the chapter deals with sectarianism under Stormount rule and direct rule, and sectarianism in relation to the state in the Republic of Ireland.  The author then assesses sectarianism as an outlook and a structure.  He describes sectarianism in relation to the state and then in relation to religion itself and to religious institutions.  The author then contrasts sectarianism with racism and discusses the sectarian conflict in relation to conflicts of class and gender, race.  He concludes with a definition of sectarianism and a short summary.

Rex, J. 1981. Social Conflict. New York:Longman Inc. 

This book is part of the “Aspects of Modern Sociology” series and focuses on the theory of social conflict.  Chapter one deals with conflict on a micro level. It explains how consensus over ends, consensus over means, communication of expectations, motivation to comply on normative grounds and acceptance of expectations all relate to conflict.  Chapter two deals with conflict and market situations and the conflict that arises over allocation of resources.  Chapter three discusses conflict between social groups and institutions.  Chapter four deals with the different collectivities in conflict such as nations, states, classes groups with other political interests.  Chapter five presents a framework for analysing conflict and summarises the central ideas of the book.    Many of the ideas presented were very relevant to the conflict in Northern Ireland, especially chapters four and five.

Ruane, J. and Todd, J. 1996, The dynamics of conflict in Northern Ireland Cambridge: University Press

This is a comprehensive account of the conflict in Northern Ireland from a sociological rather than a historical perspective.  The introduction provides a summary of the main issues dealt with.  Chapter two gives a short social history of the conflict in Northern Ireland.  Chapter three describes the Protestant and Catholic communities, their internal divisions and unity, and the relationship between them.  The fourth chapter deals with the different ideologies, the rethinking that has occured in recent times, and some of the popular expressions of ideology.   Chapter five describes the political conflict, chapter six the relationship of the economy to the conflict, and chapter seven its cultural background.   Chapter eight discusses the role of Britain and the British and chapter nine the role of the Republic of Ireland.  Chapter ten deals with the international context.  The final chapter describes recent movements and approaches to the resolution of the conflict.

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