Amulets of various sorts have always been a part of human life. They are intended to precipitate positive events, to deter negative forces, to give special abilities to their users and to effect other desired actions through supernormal means. The definition of amulets differs from scholar to scholar. Andrews taking a narrow concept of an amulet as essentially amuletic jewelry, defines it as "a personal ornament which, because of its shape, material �or�colour, is believed to endow its wearer by magical means with certain powers or capabilities." Budge, on the other hand, defines an amulet as "an object which is endowed with magical powers, � of its own accord uses those powers ceaselessly on behalf of the person who carries it, or causes it to be laid up in his house, or attaches it to � his possessions, to protect � from the attack of evil spirits or from the Evil Eye." For the purposes of my paper, I will take the wider definition of the physical utilization of the amulet. I will define an amulet as any portable object that is believed by its nature to effect desired consequences on or for those who possess it. Such consequences may be protection from ill events or hostile forces, amelioration of negative circumstances, promotion of good fortune of various types, attraction of beneficent forces, assimilation of special abilities and powers to the individual, or some combination of the above. In addition, the effect of an amulet can be to create a negative effect upon another person. The effect produced by the amulet is as a continuing and relatively automatic result of the innate nature of the object, rather than the result of specific rituals performed using it. Objects, which are actively used, I would consider more as ritual paraphernalia. It is my opinion that such objects, depending on the beliefs of the user, may include objects which might cross boundaries into other classifications of ''religious' artifact. For instance, what might appear to us to be a votive figurine, might have functioned to one or more of its owners as an amulet. The function of these objects can be intended to produce a certain effect, such as protection from disease, performance of which function is continued over long periods of time, perhaps the lifetime of the owner. On the other hand, other amulets can be intended to produce an effect over a relatively short period of time, to protect or provide strength during timers of unusual stress, danger or crisis.
Such crisis amulets would be especially important in the extremely dangerous time of childbirth. In general, the amulets used by women and children, fall into both these classes of action, with less demarcation between the two. Certain types of amulets are effective to avert the crisis of infertility, protect during birthing, and aid in lactation. Others seem to have been used for general protection of women and children. However, it is not entirely possible to tell how much, if any difference between the classes there really was. The amulets used during birth could have been worn by a pregnant woman to provide protection throughout the entire course of the pregnancy, and possibly even worn for general protection of female matters for the rest of the time as well. The period of pregnancy and childbirth as well as other concerns of fertility are, especially in pre-industrial societies, times of extreme danger that is warded with whatever ritual techniques are available. Often amulets play a major role in the protection of mother and child, before, during and after birth.
While many sources on amulets declare that their effects are performed through 'magical' or 'supernatural' means, the use of this terminology can be misleading. These terms carry heavy connotations of Western ideas about religion, 'magic' and the natural world, that are not part of the Egyptian worldview, and may well bias our perceptions of it. This happened in early studies on ancient religions that were heavily biased by the Judeo-Christian background of the scholars.
In such studies monotheism was considered to be the mark of an 'advanced' religion, while non-monotheistic religions were 'primitive,' were seen as progressing towards monotheism over time and were considered to have 'progressed' in so far as they could be interpreted as advancing towards this goal. If one wishes to study the place of amulets in Egyptian society, it is necessary to approach the problem, as far as possible, from the Egyptian mindset. To begin with the term 'supernatural' is entirely out of place when discussing Egyptian concepts of magic or divine power. There was not a split between the natural world and the realm of the gods and other forces. The gods were (aside, perhaps from the creator god) to be a part of the created natural world. In fact as Hornung posits, in the (late) theological idea of a possible Egyptian -style 'twilight of the gods' in which the created order would once again sink back into chaos, and the gods too, as part of the created world would return to Nun. (Chapter 5) Therefore a more appropriate term might be 'supernormal,' although it is possible that the conception of divine forces was so much a part of daily life for the average person that even this term posits a distinction that might not be so easily drawn. In addition, there was not the split between 'magic' and religion that the modern term implies. The Egyptian concept that comes closest to the modern term 'magic' is hkA. This force was not considered to be distinct from religion. It was a divine force that was instrumental in the creation of the gods, which was utilized by the gods and which was personified as a god. The professional magicians to the populace were priests in their off-duty times. That priests could serve as professional 'magic workers,' with absolutely no sense of conflict between the two roles, demonstrates that there was no true divide between magic and religion. Indeed, magical and religious texts were often one and the same, were written by the same people for the same reasons and used in the same places. One cannot really say that a text of 'magic' used in the temple is truly of a different category from one of 'religion.' It appears that the attempt to do so is a result of Western categories of thought being artificially laid on top of an entirely different system of beliefs. (Essentially, we see magic and religion as being inherently different things and so assume that this divergence must be the case in all societies.). The term 'magical' can be used if it is kept in mind that it has a different significance than it would in Western culture. Certain writings describe amulets as being effective through the power of the god. For instance, the papyrus Insinger, of the first millennium BC, says that amulets and spells work through the hidden power of the god acting in the world. If one interprets this power as meaning the 'hkA' force, this would mean that hkA was indeed a major force in the working of an amulet.
The Egyptian words that cover what we might consider to be amulets include sA, nehet, mkt and wDA. The first three seem to specifically refer to protective amulets as they derive from verbs meaning 'to guard' or 'to protect', and the third may refer to objects which both protect and give desirable qualities, as it is similar to the word meaning 'well-being'. The term sA which is an extended use from the word for protection, is the basic term for "amulets which by design or material convey magical force." A similar extension of use occurs with the word WDA meaning security, which is used in the name of wDA.w amulets. These multiple words highlight the subjective nature of our interpretation of Ancient Egyptian internal religious beliefs. We would define all of these objects as part of the class 'amulets,' however, there seems to be little or no evidence that the Egyptians themselves saw these various terms as belonging to the same group.
According to Andrews and Petrie there are five general types of (Egyptian) amulets. These are homopoeic, dynatic, ktematic, phylactic, theorphonic (or theomorphic). Homopoeic amulets, or amulets of 'similars' are representations of living creatures or some part thereof. The representation would convey some aspect of the power of that creature to the owner. Dynatic amulets work on a similar principal, being representations of inanimate objects instead of living creatures. The category of ktematic amulets portrayed possessions of the living or funerary goods as a form of insurance for the afterlife. In case of destruction of the real funerary equipment, the amulets would function as magical substitutes for these items. Phylactic amulets protected the owner. These amulets consisted of representations of both animate and inanimate things. An
important class of amulets was theophonic (or theomorphic) amulets - amulets in the shape of deities or their animal representations. These classes can blend into one another, with one amulet fulfilling several types at once. For instance, an amulet of a deity can function as a homopoeic if one wishes to achieve some power of that deity, while such an amulet could also be phylatic, intended to attract the protection of that deity, or it could be both at the same time. In addition, Pinch distinguishes between 'temporary' amulets, used for protection in crisis situations such as dangerous travel or childbirth, and 'permanent' amulets used regularly for continuous effect.
Amulets were especially important to the Ancient Egyptians. Amulets were utilized extensively both in the world of the living and that of the dead. Amulets were always important in Egyptian life, from the earliest periods to the latest remnants of Pharonic Egypt (and later). Throughout the span of Egyptian history amulet forms changed, with new forms being introduced and changes in popularity of different types. Some of the first objects that may be recognizable as amulets appear in the Badarian period. Some may have been intended to ward off or to control natural threats (such as depictions of bound hippopotamus, and other dangerous animals. However, one cannot be sure of the precise ideological intent behind a lone object with no textual evidence, such objects might have been apotropaic, intended to give the person the physical attributes of the animal, to give skill in hunting them, or some combination of the three. In the Early Dynastic period new materials were introduced (including glazed steatite, composition and gold) and skill of depiction improved. One example, a woman's bracelet, includes gold beetles inscribed with the signs of the goddess Neith. During the Old Kingdom new types were introduced, these include the frog as a symbol of fertility, the upright female hippopotamus which would later come to represent Taweret, the cow's head of Hathor, vulture's (possibly representing Nekhbet), and other animals. The intention behind these amulets is often unclear. In the case of such threatening creatures as turtles, scorpions and crocodiles, it is unclear as to whether the amulet was intended as an apotropaic object to guard against the danger of these creatures, or whether it was intended as an emblem of the deity associated with that animal. Large numbers of human form amulets are known from the period. In addition, during this period, were the first amulets of deities in human form with animal head, the earliest ankh, wedjat and djed pillar amulets known. The numbers of amulets buried with the dead increased during the First Intermediary Period, including the amulets of body parts characteristic of the period (which might have served as replacements for damaged parts of the body). In the Middle Kingdom some forms (especially precious metal and oyster-shell cylinders and stone female sphinxes) were exclusive to the period. One of the most important amulet forms developed was the scaraboid beetle, which reached its fully developed form in this period. As the rear often carried the names and titles of the owner (or of the pharaoh), these objects performed the dual role of amulet and seal (adding to the almost amuletic power of the act of sealing itself). Before the New Kingdom, amulets of major deities, aside from Taweret, Bes and the pataikos dwarves were not terribly numerous (according to Andrews). In the New Kingdom the figures of deities as amulets become extremely numerous and very diverse - all of the major deities are depicted as well as less common gods. For instance representations of the lion headed deities include Sekhemet, Bastet and Wadjet, but also Pakhet, Mehyt and Mayhes. It was in the Third Intermediate Period when the amuletic representations of the Bastet cat became most popular, and the new form of relief plaques with a triad of Isis, Nepthys and Horus is developed during the Saite Period along with an increase in funerary amulets.
One aspect of life in which amulets came into play consisted of the concerns of women and children, especially regarding a woman's reproductive life from fertility, conception and pregnancy to the rearing and nursing of infants. The concept of fertility was of major importance in Egyptian life. " The fertility of crops, animals and humans were of equal and interlocking importance� literally matters of life and death to the poorest sector of the population." To have children was essential to an Egyptian family. As the society was mainly composed of people connected to agricultural production, it was important to most families to have children to add to
the family work force, or to inherit family holdings. People would need sons to provide for them in their old age and to provide ritual for them in their afterlife. The stages of the human reproductive process were quite integrated in Egyptian society. Therefore, for the purposes of this paper, the term 'cycle of fertility' shall be used to describe the social and physical stages of life (particularly female life, but also family life as a whole), which led to the creation and survival of the next generation. This cycle started at the onset of physical maturity (but could also be considered to include prepubescent gender role training) and included the process of physical fertility (ovulation and menstruation in women), the finding of a mate, sexual activity, conception, carrying to term, labor, delivery and protection of young children. Some authors imply that sexuality in Ancient Egypt was entirely integrated into fertility. However, this concept should not be taken too far. The existence of prostitution is evidenced by such (albeit extremely rare) materials as the 'pornographic/erotic papyrus'. It would stretch credulity to assert that a prostitute was desired for her ability to produce children. One would assume that in Egypt as in most other societies a pregnant prostitute would be at a major disadvantage. (On the other hand one might argue that latent fertility was part of the charm of any woman, even a prostitute.) There is evidence for use of multiple methods of both contraception and abortion that would tend to argue against the idea that sex was inseparable from the idea of production of children. There is evidence for use of certain herbs, spells amulets and semi - magical concoctions with supposed contraceptive properties. In the class of 'uterine amulets' there are even ones which are intended to cause rather than prevent spontaneous abortion.
While ensuring fertility and the ability to conceive was extremely important, The true dangers and greatest concern began once a child had actually been conceived. The expectant mother was not only in considerable danger of miscarriage from natural means (malnutrition, accident and illness) but was also overly vulnerable to malevolent forces. Even if the child was carried safely to term, the greatest danger was yet to come. In Ancient Egypt, as in most pre-industrial societies childbirth was one of the most dangerous times of life. Percentages of death in childbirth would have been extremely high, as potential complications were many, including breach births, problems from the size of the birth canal, infections, hemorrhaging, etc. The death of both the woman and the child in birth was a very real concern, and the danger was not over even after a successful birth. Even provided that there were no complications arising from the birth that might threaten the woman and the baby, the child's life was in no way ensured. In Ancient Egypt in the Pharonic period, the infant mortality rate would have been very high (as in other pre - industrial societies). Although there is no preserved statistical evidence from Ancient Egypt on infant mortality, the rate of mortality probably have been about twenty percent of newborn infants within the first year and another thirty percent before five years, if the rates were similar to other pre-modern societies.
As a result of the importance of fertility and the dangerous nature of most of the cycle of fertility much of the reproductive years of a woman's life and the early life of children were ringed about with protective medicine, magic and ritual. Dangers that threatened the mother and child were considered, according to Pinch, to be rooted in four main causes. The first category consisted of threats arising from natural cause, the second those arising from the hostile intervention of deities and demons, the third the actions of the dead and the fourth ill-disposed living people. There were different methods of handling such threats, ranging from the more purely medical to the magical/religious. These categories were anything but static and firmly distinguished. 'Medical' texts were often more aligned to what might be considered magic; there were not distinguished separate categories of 'magic' and 'religion.' Amulets played a major role in the encouragement of fertility, the protection of the pregnancy, easement of labor and the defense of the child. Many of these amulets had reference to deities who were considered to have special relevance to the family, women and children. Several deities were considered to be having as their main concern these issues, while others were associated with them as one of their many spheres of influence.
The first step in the cycle of fertility was the physical sexual maturation of the individual. This is, of course, most marked in the female. The onset of the menstrual cycle was (probably) considered more dangerous than any stages in the physical fertility of males. It is known from textual cycles that women during many periods went into a sort of seclusion during the menstrual period. In Ptolemaic era sources there are mentions of beneath the stairs being the place of menstruating women. Within the house plans of the village at Deir el-Medina are little open areas equipped with benches beneath the stairs that may recall these later texts. However, Wilfong asserts that these areas were too small for this purpose (especially considering that eight women together came from the 'place of women' in ostracon OIM 13512) and would locate the 'place of women' as outside of the settlement of Deir el-Medina . With analogy to more recent ethnographic groups one could posit that menstruating women were considered to be ritually impure, taboo or especially at risk possibly all three together. The concept of taboo does not necessarily have to imply that the woman was 'unclean' in the almost morally judgmental sense of some recent societies (for instance certain types of Islam in which women were considered to be less holy than men because of their menstrual cycle). Some societies see the menstruating woman as a source of great power during these times, such that her power might interfere with the activities of neighbors (perhaps almost like an uncontrolled electrical current). The woman might even be more at risk from external hostile forces during this period because of the forces in her body. References, in absentee lists, to workers who were allowed absences for the menstrual periods of female relations have been taken to imply a taboo on menstruating women (who therefore could not perform their customary tasks). Wilfong's study on synchrony and menstruation asserts that these absences, were not regular or plentiful enough (assuming any sizeable female population) to support the interpretation that workers received time off for all menstrual periods of female relations (likely been the case if a taboo on menstruation women was at issue). She suggests that these absences, being both limited in the number of persons, and in which there were certain people repeated, may, in fact, have been special conditions for relatives of women suffering from dysmenorrhea. In addition, the references to specific religious taboos on menstruating women are from Ptolemaic times and later, and therefore cannot be assumed to be an accurate portrayal of the attitudes of Pharonic times.
When a person had physically matured the next step in the cycle of fertility was the attraction of a mate. The most socially acceptable goal was marriage. Marriage appears to have been for the most part based on what we might call 'common law marriage.' Usually there was no special marriage ceremony, the details of the marriage agreement would have been hammered out between the family of the bride and the groom. There is evidence, on occasion, of pre-nuptial type agreements. One person would move in with the other. The act of cohabitation over any extended period of time was considered to establish a marriage. The marriage would be considered to be truly binding, and dowry due with the arrival of children (although divorce was possible for both parties). The process of gaining a spouse (or mate) was probably mainly a social activity, rather than completely the satisfaction of the biological drives and personal desires of the individual. Many or most marriages were probably either arranged or occurred with the countenance of the family and community at large. However, the personal desires of the individual were also very much a factor. It appears that marriage in Ancient Egypt was a much less controlled institution than in many other ancient societies. Men and women socialized together before marriage, and there do not appear to be sanctions against premarital affairs (although after marriage bot husband and wife were expected to remain loyal). There is evidence of people who are in heavy pursuit of members of the opposite sex. This may be taken to imply that there was greater choice in marriage than in other ancient societies, and that there was opportunity for premarital relationships. Much of the Love Poetry reflects people in a very physical relationship who are rather obviously not married (At least not to each other). Sometimes there seems to be a desire for quite illicit sex (for instance with a married woman). Even in cases where a 'legitimate' relationship was the end goal, this shows that the choice of a
mate was definitely not a rigid affair completely controlled by the family. The means of attracting a certain person for romantic/sexual purposes were often closely tied in to magical means, of which there were many. Such means included magical incantations, preparations of magical concoctions to be consumed, use of amulets and 'voodoo - doll' - like figures, such practices often performed by professional practitioners. The use of human form figures (usually made from clay) is a practice that occurs over and over throughout much of the range of magical practice. The use of such figures is demonstrated through the cycle of fertility. Both women and men attempting to attract a specific member of the opposite sex used these spells.
Once a person was in a marriage relationship, the conception of children took center stage. Many medical/magical papyruses deal specifically with conception and methods for testing a woman's fertility (there do not survive nay texts dealing with detecting impotence in a man). There is not material (known) dealing with medical methods of improving fertility should a person prove to be infertile. Pinch suggests that this may be due to a belief that only the gods have the right to determine who may bear children. There are, indeed, multiple accounts of people praying to the gods for aid in conceiving, or appealing to ancestors for help in a successful conception. Human figures seem to have been used as fertility figures to promote conception; these depictions often showed a woman with a baby to achieve the desired effect - in which case they may have functioned as amulets to help with a successful birth of the baby once conceived. (These figures were often included in graves and may have been intended to either aid the deceased to be successfully 'reborn' into the afterlife, or to have helped the individual to preserve their fertility in the afterlife). The goddess Bastet may have been originally one of the numerous lion goddesses, as certain lion headed female figures are identified by inscription as Bastet. There are many goddesses which can take on the form of a lion headed woman (included Sekhmet, Wadjyt, Mut (on occasion), Mehyt and Pakhet). Bastet is, on the other hand, the only deity associated with the domesticated cat. She is goddess of fertility, festivity and intoxication. (Perhaps an interesting clue to what happened when people got drunk). Therefore her figures and amulets are nearly always shown with kittens associated with them. Amulets of the goddess Bastet may have been considered to give the individual the fertility that was associated with the cat. Amulets of Bastet were usually in the form of a cat, alone or with a loop on the back for suspension. As different authors use the term fertility in varied manner, it is not entirely clear to what aspect of fertility they refer, but it appears that the goddess is most important to the ability to conceive. Amulets of cats first appeared in Old Kingdom tombs, and may have represented either the fertility of the cat as such or the qualities of the goddess.
The actual childbirth itself was the time of greatest danger, as any problems in the delivery could easily kill both. There are many examples of the bodies of women who must have died through complications during childbirth, and of stillborn children. When the time for birth arrived, the expectant mother would be placed in a special area isolated from the rest of the household. This isolation, which echoes the semi isolation of menstruating women, may have had several purposes. Since the birth was a time of extreme danger, and vulnerability for the mother and unborn child the isolation would have the effect of creating a zone of both physical and magical protection around them. This would help to protect against attacks by hostile forces. It is also possible (with analogy to practices of certain native American tribes) that the zone could have protected from accidental contact with neutral forces of power which might have, although not hostile, affected the delivery in some untoward way. By the same analogy the protective zone may have protected the rest of the household from contact with the powerful forces and or contamination inherent in the act of birth.
It is believed that the special front room in houses of the village at Deir el - Medina was used for this purpose and was perhaps where the new mother may have given birth and stayed for the period of purification. These rooms were decorated with scenes of eroticism and fecundity, which often portrayed the same natural leafy bower type and mother and child images as did the 'birth arbor ostraca. In addition, the walls often bore depictions of the deities Bes and Taweret,
two deities especially associated with pregnancy and childbirth. A permanent 'bed'-like structure of mud-brick is often built along one wall, with walls that reach to the ceiling. These were originally plastered and painted with images often connected with reproduction, the same protective deities and erotic symbols. Originally these were thought to be ritual beds slept in by the husband and wife, or a place for the baby to be born and where the mother and child would sleep during the time of purification. Friedman sees these as possibly beds used in cold weather with some connection to fertility, and believes that births would have occurred outside of the house in some kind of temporary arbor. She argues that the structure took up too much space in the house to be used as a birthing bed used only once a year. However, this structure is simply not large enough to be used as a bed even by just the mother . In addition, one would think that as the structure is enclosed by high permanent walls it could not have been used efficiently during delivery, since the helpers could not have fit in well enough. Instead it may have functioned as a sort of altar. As an altar that would have probably been used more than once a year, this would presumably neutralize the argument about usage of space. Friedman also admits the possibility that these structures could have been altars, possibly part of the ancestor cult. B. Lesko, on the other hand, suggests that it could have been used as a bed for the baby and perhaps was a way to the newborn baby away from pests and vermin.
The woman may have worn amuletic jewelry and a special hairdo similar to those depicted on fertility figures. Such figures are often depicted as wearing girdles of cowry shells which may have acted to protect a woman's fertility, it is especially likely that these shells acted as amuletic jewelry, as many examples have survived with imitation shells in materials such as gold and silver. The so - called 'Birth - Arbor Ostraca" may have had the same purpose as the fertility figures, in their depiction of the mother and child after a successful birth. A woman would have been assisted by female relatives and 'midwives' may have also assisted at the birth. These may have been religious practitioners, perhaps associated with the dance troupes of local goddesses. They used medical/magical methods to speed labor. Whether or not the help of midwives was open to women of all classes or just to those of relatively higher standing is vague. If, indeed the midwives were associated to temples, this might say something about the place of the temple in the lives of people in various types of communities. (For instance in Deir el Medina, in which the local temple was more closely associated to the people of the village, there might have been more help available from the temple than would have been true in other circumstances.)
Deities that were associated with childbirth included the goddesses Isis, Nepthys, Heqet, Meskhenet, Taweret and the dwarf god Bes. The goddesses Isis, Nepthys, Heqet and Meskhenet carried connections to aid during the process of childbirth. In the Papyrus Westcar the served as helpers during the labor of the mythical Rudjedet, perhaps they may have been considered to be acting as divine counterparts of the mortal midwives. Interestingly, they show up in the guise of a (religious) dance troupe and are recognized immediately as come to aid in the birth, which may support the idea of midwives having had connection to the priesthood. The god Bes seems to have a sort of over all role as a general protector of women and children, as is the goddess Taweret, both being especially involved in protection during birth. In fact, during the birth some of the practices performed by midwives may have involved identification with particular deities (such as Isis and Horus) in order to speed up the birth. The type of amulets known as 'oracular decrees' may have also played a role in the process of birth. For instance, one worn by a woman to whom the decree, written for her at her own birth, promises among other things that she will be safe in child birth: "We shall keep her safe from a Horus birth, from a miscarriage� from death in the birth - house.". Even the very birth bricks over which the woman gave birth became powerful amulets in their own right, personified as the goddess Meskhenet.
Even after a successful birth the danger was not over. Complications arising from the birth could still threaten the life of the mother. Medical texts mention procedures to halt hemorrhaging after birth. As previously mentioned infant mortality was high, and the non-
survival of the infant was an ever-present danger. To combat the contamination of the birth and to protect the mother and child a period of purification of fourteen days was practiced after the birth, culminating in a celebration. Some of the 'birth arbor ostraca', intended to promote a successful birth, may depict this occasion. In one example, a woman who sits in the arbor, holding and nursing her newborn child is brought a mirror by another woman (possibly a daughter or a servant). The mirror seems to have a strong connection to erotica, fertility and childbirth, and is often associated with Hathor. Whether or not mirrors might function as some type of amulet is open to question. (One wonders if by the reflection of the image of the person they were considered to provide another safe haven for the spirit). The child was named immediately after birth, in order to ensure that if it did not survive that it would have a name that would enable it to be remembered and to continue into the afterlife. One method of protecting the child was the purchase of 'oracular decrees' in which a series of promises for the individual's future was put in the mouth of a particular god, usually consisting of an interminable list of dangers that the deity would avert. These documents written on papyri were worn as amulets in special cases. In addition, spells written for the protection of the individual could be worn in like fashion.
It was necessary to ensure that the mother had a steady supply of milk to feed the baby. Children were breastfed for up to three years, which may have had a limiting effect on fertility. Many medical texts dealt with the production of a sufficient quantity of good milk. Methods to encourage an ample supply of milk in a lactating woman included rubbing with special concoctions, spells and even the milk of other mothers, (which was a valuable medical ingredient for many preparations). Images of cows may have been utilized as amulets to provide a woman with a supply of milk. The cow was seen as the archetypal 'animal mother' who was fertile, defended her young and provided them with food (as well as providing food for humans). In addition the cow is associated with the goddess Hathor. An Old Kingdom amulet of a cow and milker was found in the grave of a male. The purpose of this amulet may have been to provide the deceased with milk to drink in the afterlife. This use if correct, may support the use of such amulets to provide milk to a lactating woman. After all if such an amulet is used to provide milk for a person, similar amulets could just as easily have been thought to provide milk to a woman's body. Andrews mentions this artifact as an example of the difficulty of interpreting objects that come from unexcavated contexts, as it could have been assumed to have been the lactation amulet of a woman had it not been known to have been found with a male.
Deities were closely associated with the entire cycle of fertility. Some were most closely associated with a particular aspect for instance Bastet seems to be more closely associated with the fecundity and conception aspect of the cycle than, say the actual birth itself, but some were patrons of women and children and the whole cycle in general. Amulets associated with these deities were important aspects of maintaining the proper and safe continuation of the cycle. Again, some amulets were more closely associated with particular stages, while others had a more general application.
The goddess Isis may be considered to be the 'mother - goddess' par excellence, particularly in somewhat later periods of Egyptian History when her popularity was at its height. Beyond being one of the main deities of the central Egyptian pantheon, her participation in the Myths of Osiris, Horus and Seth as the archetype of the protective mother, makes her a natural choice for protection of children both unborn and infants. She was considered as a protector of marriage and childbirth.
Both Taweret and Bes were subjects of the domestic cult, being especially connected to pregnancy, childbirth and infants. They, at times carry the amuletic sign sA or brandish knives to emphasize their protective roles. The god Bes functioned as a sort of all-purpose 'protector figure' for women and children. The protection of Bes was not limited to children and the pregnant women though, as is evinced by the images of dancing girls and female musicians who wear tattoos of the god on the thigh. His form, a sort of gargoylish deformed dwarf, was perhaps apotropaic, intended to scare off evil. Oddly he tends to be shown face frontal, a unique
oddity in Egyptian art. The hippopotamus Taweret was another deity who seems to have performed a more general role to protect women and children than merely aiding during birth, although her role seems to be more focused on infants and women pregnant and delivering than was that of Bes. Her form is usually depicted as a composite creature reared on its hind legs, with the head of a hippopotamus, limbs of a lion, crocodile tail for a mane, human breasts and pregnant belly. Abundant amulets of these two deities have been found, varying from ones large enough to be worn singly to those small enough to be elements in composite necklaces. Examples of multiple small gold pendants of Taweret and Bes used as elements in necklaces and bracelets come from the tombs of wives of Tuthmosis III. These amulets were probably worn by women in pregnancy and labor and by small children. However, if one considers the Bes tattoos of dancing girls to be amulets, it becomes clear that they had a wider usage.
The goddess Hathor was another favorite of women. Hathor was the deity of love, music, drunkenness, sexuality, fertility and childbirth. She is often depicted on mirrors, which seem to be linked to childbirth. As was previously mentioned the cow, animal most associated with Hathor was a symbol overtly associated with the idea of the 'good mother.'
The 'fertility figures' previously mentioned could have been used throughout the course of the cycle of fertility in various permutations. Such figures were used as love charms, and could have been used to encourage conception, to support a safe carrying to terms, a safe delivery resulting in the survival of mother and child or perhaps even to protect the survival of the baby, once born.
The cowrie shell served as a protective 'health amulet' for women due to its resemblance to the female genitalia, rather than to any connection to a deity. These amulets were worn strung as girdles by women from all strata of society, dancers, noblewomen (versions in gold), women preparing for conception, women in pregnancy and women giving birth. The cowrie shell girdle is a common artifact, is seen in depictions of women in 'birth arbor ostraca' and is worn by the female 'fertility figures.'
The ivory 'magic wands' were often carved with images of protective deities (especially Bes and Taweret), and were sometimes even inscribed with such phrases as 'we have come to give protection to this child.' It is possible that the very writing on the wand might have value as an amulet itself, as would the writing of the 'oracular decrees' mentioned above. These objects were actively used magical implements rather than merely amulets. Some of them bear abrasions on one end, much as if they had been used to draw lines in dirt or sand. In the definition of amulet for this paper was the concept that the amulet works its effect in of itself, without requiring any special acts of the user apart from possible initial acts to start the object working. Once again, however, the categories of amulet and other ritual paraphernalia may be less rigid. The wands could very well also have been used as amulets as well as actively used ritual objects, perhaps, as some authors claim, being placed around a bed for protection.
As is evidenced by the example of the cow amulet found earlier, it is extremely difficult to know the true meaning or use of an amulet that has not come from a properly excavated context. However, this does not mean that it is necessarily much easier to interpret even an amulet that has come from such a context. For instance, had the aforementioned cow been found in the burial of a woman rather than a man, what would that say about the use of the amulet that would have been different from its presence in a male grave? If one posits that its presence in the male grave is evidence that it was used to supply milk for the use of that person (and that idea is hardly proven fact), it could just as easily be intended to perform the same function for a woman. It is perhaps a deadly mistake to assume that we know the true ideological intent behind any particular amuletic object. It may be that any one amulet could have taken on different associations and meanings for different owners. After all any amulet that was neither broken nor interred with its first owner would probably have been passed on to several people. It is conceivable that one amulet could have taken on several quite different functions during its use - life before entering the archaeological record. While the normal usages of such an amulet type, the associations of its
form and its archaeological context aid in the interpretation, one cannot know for certain the precise thoughts behind the object. In special cases precise locations (perhaps with other objects of similar intent) and even texts (for instance 'provide so + so with a good supply of milk"?) will make clear the intent behind the object. However, even in such cases, one can only be sure of the amulet's use at one point in time. The possibility may lurk that this use was the last in a chain of different use by different people. Or, the amulet perhaps was made specifically for this individual and this purpose and never used for anything else. One cannot really be sure. Even an object that was used for other purposes, such as votive figures or other ritual paraphernalia could have been considered to have amuletic properties. Amuletic uses of an object would not leave the same sort of traces on it as would more active uses, but that does not mean that these uses did not occur.
Even though these precise use of an amulet at all stages of its existence cannot be known for a fact, its probable use can often be gauged with relative accuracy. Therefore the study of amulets is not so futile and frustrating a venture as may be implied by the preceding paragraph. It is merely important, every now and then, to refresh one's awareness that, what ever we can infer or learn about an object, the fact remains that the ideological and mental processes that shaped and backed any particular item cannot be known as a fact. However, it is also possible to infer many things about an object though such means as knowledge of the use of many other objects of the same type, precise study of find location and many other important aspects.
All in all, the use of amulets was just one portion of a huge stable of magical/religious/medical techniques used in Ancient Egyptian society for any occurrence that could not be controlled by mundane means (and also to supplement many that were). As ceremonial objects, many with the power of art and belief to dramatize art and communicate beliefs about the nature of existence, their study can aid in the attempt to assimilate and understand the mindset of the ancient people, even is the exact truth behind very amulet cannot be ascertained.
Andrews, 1994, page 6
Budge page 12
Ritner, Mechanics, page 53
Hornung, 1971, Chapter 5
Ritner, Mechanics, pages 220 - 223 and 231 - 233
Pinch, 1994, page 117
Pinch, 1994 page 105
Ritner, Mechanics, pg. 49 - 53
Ritner, Mechanics, chapter 1: "Towards a definition of Magic," for a full discussion of the problems of the term 'magic' and scholarly classifications of 'magic' and 'religion' as applied to Egyptian beliefs
Andrews, 1994, pages 12 - 13 and Petrie: Introduction
Pinch, 1994, page 105
for examples of scarabs see Rowe, 1936
Andrews, 1994, page 8 - 12
Pinch, 1994, page 122
Manniche, 1997, pages 106 - 115
Riddle, 1992, chapter 7
Ritner, 1984, page 209 - 221
Robins, 1994, page 29
Pinch, 1994, page 123
Wilfong, 1999, page 428 - 430
Wilfong, 1999, page 423 - 424
Wilfong, 1999, page 430 - 432
Lesko, 1996, page 49 - 50 and Wente, 1990, page 147
Tyldesley, 1995, page 52 - 54
Lesko, 1996, page 47; Tyldesley, 1995, page 51 - 52; for evidence that adultery may have been frowned on in men: Manniche, 1997, page 20; Tyldesley, 1995, page 61 and Lesko, 1996, page 52
Manniche, 1997, pages 74 - 94 and Lesko, 1996, page 44 - 45 for examples of love poetry
Robins, 1994, page 26 - 27 and Pinch, 1994, page 124 -125
Pinch, 1994, page 125 - 126
Robins, 1996, pages 28 -30 and Pinch, pages 126 - 127
Grunow, 1997, page 33 and Andrews, 1994, page 32 - 35
Tyldesley, 1995, page 95
Lesko, 1996, page 53
Friedman, 1994, pages 97 - 100 for interpretation as space for sleeping or sitting rather than actual birthing area, page 102 for birth away from the house
But are conclusions about the size of the structure based on what is known about the physical size of bodies of the time and area?
Friedman, 1994 page 110 - 111
Lesko, 1996, page 53
Pinch, 1994, page 128
Tyldesley, 1995, page 263
Robins, 1994, page 27
Tyldesley, 1995, page 258 - 259
Robins, 1994, page 27
Tyldesley, 1995, page 76
Tyldesley,1995, page 253
Borghhouts, 1994, page 126
Tyldesley, 1995, page 79 - 81 and Robins, page 28
Tyldesley, 1995, page 78; Robins, page 28 -29
Andrews, 1994, page 61 - 62
Manniche, 1997, pages 53 - 58, Tyldesley, 1995, pages 252 - 253
Andrews, 1994, page 39 - 40 and Manniche, 1997, pages 18 and 46 for tattoos of Bes as worn by dancing girls
Andrews, 1994, page 40; Tyldesley, 1995, page 258
Andrews, 1990, pages 173 - 175
Robins, 1994,page 29
Tyldesley, 1995, page 253
Tyldesley, 1995, page 259
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4) Budge. Amulets. Not sure of bibliographic information
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copyright: E. Hartsay January 2003
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