Democratization Process In Chile*

Gonzalo Tapia Soko1

 

Popular Unity�s Government

  • Chile until 1973, enjoyed an interrupted democratic system of life and social relationship, sustained in free elected governments by popular elections, autonomous performance of the executive, legislative and judiciary powers, and in an increasing strengthening of citizenship through many social organizations, union movements, foundations and non profit Corporations, and non gubernamental organisations (NGOs).
  • In 1970, a left wing coalition of political parties, managed to win the presidential elections with the support of one third of the electorate, establishing for the first time ever a pro socialist government led by Dr. Salvador Allende. The radical and global transformation of society and its economic model proposed by the government of the popular unity, needed a much wider and ample support from the people, so as to have chances of success.
  • The international context that since the sixties have brought waves of liberalisation and social reforms, undercame a scenario of frontal confrontation between ideologies that pursued totalizing logics. Politics transformed itself from the ability to concord and negotiate, into radically confrontational positions.
  • Right wing forces allied with US international policies aimed at deterring any reproduction of the Cuban path, put enormous pressure since the beginning of popular unity government, openly attempting at the overthrow of Allende�s Government by all possible means. Although Popular Unity Government counted with the support of the majority of the popular and working classes, this was insufficient to prevent a non-constitutional outcome of an unmanageable crisis in which the country had fallen.
  • Nevertheless, the country during popular unity era overcame important social reforms aimed at narrowing the gap between rich and poor, accomplishing a total reform of the rural system, finishing with the big land owners system, and nationalising Chile's main export commodity: copper.

September 1973: the Military Coup d�tat

  • September 11, 1973 marked the biggest drama of Chilean political history, where the armed forces with the support of the right wing forces, and large part of the middle class and small entrepreneurs (scared of the possibility of a radicalised process, which could lead to a communist type of government) overthrew by force the constitutional government led by Allende.
  • Violation of human and citizens rights was its inpronta. More than 3.000 persons executed, hundreds of thousands imprisoned and tortured, and more than a million people force to exile. The hopes of building up a socialist system by pacific and legal means vanished.
  • International solidarity reacted immediately, supporting all those victims of repression, persecution and harassment by the military dictatorship that enblooded Chile's streets. Political parties, unions, and grass roots organisations were dissolved; in response a formidable movement of non-gubernamental organisations appeared, with support of international solidarity and co-operation,2 and as a space for suvirval and planning actions against the dictatorship.

NGOs lead social and political confrontation to the Military Regime

  • Between 1983 and 1988 citizenship organised strong social protest against the military dictatorship, winning the streets and capitalising the increasing unrest, stimulated by the implacable imposition of the neo liberal economic model, sustained in the policies of IMF, and favoured by an autocratic legislation embodied in the constitutional reforms of 1980, which dismantle the historical negotiation power of trade unions and �legitimate� Pinochet�s power.
  • From then onwards, the role of NGOs in leading the opposition to the military dictatorship was outstanding; no other force was in the position to activate social protest against military rule, and at the same time, embroidered (mingled with) to resistant political parties, gave way to a medium term political strategy in order to conform a great Democratic Alliance to overthrow the military dictatorship.
  • By 1987 social and political unrest could not be stopped; military dictatorship opted for a move to legitimise and give continuity to Pinochet�s Regime, through a national plesbicite that would allowed the continuity of the Dictatorship under the facade of a popular mandate (electoral registers had vanished. Opposition social organisations and Political Parties allied in the so called Democratic Alliance, mingled in a very serious debate, weather accept military's terms or fight on for free elections.
  • In this unpasse, the role of certain NGOs was crucial; especially institutions like IDEAS Foundation,3 which demanded from the Chilean Political class an urgent a responsible answer to the military political strategy. The NGOs network, visualise that it was possible to defeat Pinochet in a massive, free, and popular Plesbicite.
  • No doubt constituted a risky option, but there were no other ways out to end the dictatorship (Communist Party fractions, made some attempts to overthrow Pinochet by military actions, which were all doomed, because of the overwhelming power correlation). ONGs foresaw before the precarious reassembling of the former political parties, the real possibility of defeating the military dictatorship through the polls.

The end of Military Rule through Social Mobilisation and the 1988 National Plesbicite.

  • It meant a gigantic effort in mobilising the population, in training people to vote (it had past 17 years without elections), it meant socialising the population in loosing the fear to participate in a citizenship action, it meant training poll sponsors that could defend the transparency of the elections, in short it meant a huge campaign convincing people that freedom could come without more bloodshed, and democracy could be attained.
  • NGOs fought against fear and ignorance; they managed to explain to the people, that plesbicite could be won, only if the people loose their fear, and commit and have trust in the enormous alliance that appeared between civil society and political parties: The Democratic Concertation of Political Parties for Democracy. This was to become into the most powerful political and strategic alliance of centre and left wing parties ever seen since the beginnings of Chile�s Republic in 1810.

Non Democratic Aspects of the Political Constitution

  • The people won and recovered its democracy, after 17 years of dictatorial regime, nonetheless the political class had to compromise and submit to a Political Constitution tainted with non democratic norms, laws and regulations, such as:
  1. Limitations of the President of the Republic to remove commanders in chief of the armed forces
  2. Binomial system of parliamentary elections ( 2/3 of the Popular vote = one third).
  3. One fifth of the Senate are designated by law (Supreme Court judge, ex high army officers, ex university rectors, ex ministers of state, etc); right to a Senate Seat for Ex Presidents (for live, Pinochet`s case.
  4. Constitutional Tribunal composed among others by the chiefs of the armed forces, who can decide on any constitutional impasse, with the power to decide upon constitutional and legal aspects of a constitutional reform.
  5. Cualificated quorum 2/3 for any mayor constitutional reform.
  6. Amnesty Law, that impedes to pursue militaries and persons involved in the violation of human rights.

Perhaps this last aspects, is by far, the one that has deter reconciliation between Chileans, because without truth and justice, there cannot be forgiveness and peace. There are many who will not rest before they find their missing parents and friends.

  • All this reflects in an flawed democratic system, where the factic powers impose their will on the majority of the population, and although Chile has managed one of the most efficient and sustainable economic system, this has been built on a tremendous vacuum of solid and equitable relations between labour and capital. Today, the gap between the richest and the poor is more than 100 times, and this country leads the most unequal distribution of income of the Southern Hemisphere.
  • On the other hand, recuperation of democracy has meant:
  1. The revitalisation of the Party System
  2. The most biggest effort towards focalising social expenditure (80% of the public budget goes to health, education and housing)
  3. 10 uninterrupted years of economic growth: 7% GIP, 6 % of unemployment, 4% of annual inflation, and more than USD 1000 millions of external investment.
  4. Total Reform of the Judiciary System
  5. Total Reform of the Educational System (basic education 10 years, covers 100% of the population).
  6. Laws protecting women children born out of the family; equal opportunities for women in the labour market, etc.
  7. Re insertion of Chile as a nation in the international community

RED LIGHTS

  • The costs of Chilean Transition to Democracy are various and difficult to assess, however we can pint point some:
  1. The military still exert certain kind of �tutelage� over social and political democracy, through the authoritarian �enclaves� still presents in the Political Constitution of the Republic. This is reinforced by the prevalence of right wing sectors, minority, but with tremendous economic power, and control of mass media.
  2. NGOs protagonists of the defeat of the military dictatorship, weakened its social and political role for various reasons:
  • Most of their principal cadres (professionals, intellectuals, technicians, etc) formed part of the new elected democratic governments of the coalition of Concertation of Parties for Democracy.
  • International co-operation supporting NGOs projects vanished, due to the new social, political and economical circumstances. Most of the Co-operating Agencies moved their support to other countries, threatened by famine, wars, dictatorships, etc.
  • New Democracy has failed to produce a State led system to support civil society, and specially NGOs, in the way of special funding or special laws for donations. This has produce frustration, and has widened the gaps between the political system and civil society.
  • Surviving NGOs have perilously transformed itself into mere consultants of state social programmes, with no real power to define or focalise such programmes; its a mere strategy of survival, which has meant the lose of their former capacity to generate plans, programmes, and visions of future society. In a way this is a tragedy, considering that NGOs were mainly responsible for most of the programme of the first democratic government, after the fall of military dictatorship.
  1. The outcome so far, after two democratic governments, and 10 years since the end of military rule, is that great majority of young population are completely disenchanted with politics; they see politics as an instrumental way to manipulate peoples will, a quick path to obtain public jobs, and therefore, this explains that in the last municipal elections, more than a million young people did not vote. In strictu sensu, its not apathy, its just a reasonable reaction towards the few possibilities that democracy has open for the younger.
  2. Democracy has not been able to deal with basic question concerning citizens rights, better quality of life, equal access to opportunities, better environmental habitats, and finally, a sense of purpose and effective participation.
  3. The last report of United Nations on Human Development, puts Chile in a very high place in matters concerning economic growth and stability; but at the same time gives account of a great level of insecurity, of frustration, and of fear of the future.
  4. Subjects such as health care, education and retirement income, constitute a very explosive combination that explains the degree of frustration of many people; 17 years of military dictatorship managed to produce radical cultural changes, where traditional values such as solidarity, reciprocity, and austerity, where replaced by individualism, competition, and expenditure. Perhaps, it reflects a global transformation of societies, but in effect military rule, managed to change the attitudes and values of the great majority of citizens.
    5. On the other hand, politics has been depraved and it is perceived very distant from the people, just as a mere way to obtain certain quotas of power; in this sense, its a paradox that during military rule, social and solidarity networks where much more effective and alive than they are now with institutional democracy. Nonetheless, a considerable number of NGOs, manage to put foward questions on the Public Agenda, that basically has to do with profundity of democracy, cultural democracy, and freedom of expression.
  • In the mists of the next century, a real possibility that a socialist candidate may win the presidential elections (Ricardo Lagos), within the actual political alliance in Office (Concertaci�n de Partidos por la Democracia). Even if this is so, gobernability to produce effective changes that ends with the non democratic constitutional knots, shall depend on the ability of political parties and surviving NGOs to enchant younger people, to massively support parliament candidates favourable to the coalition, so as to have the necessary majorities in order to finally, after 10 years of institutional democracy, conquer an effective and strong democracy, with real participation of the majority of society.
    Challenges ahead are still very complex and tough.

Santiago de Chile, October 1998

Notes:

* International Consultation Supporting Democracy In Indonesia. "The Challenge Of Democracy In Indonesia." INFID. EXPO Jakarta. Indonesia. October 1998.

1 Sociologist, Former member of the Interdisciplinary Research Programme in Education (PIIE); and member of IDEAS Foundation Directive Council. Actual Assistant Deputy of the Minister of National Lands and Properties.

2 Agencies such as ACDI-Canada; ASDI-Sweden; NOVIB, HIVOS, (NL); Misereor; Ford Foundation; Inter American Foundation (IAF); Christian Aid (G.B.); and many many other international agencies.

3 IDEAS was borne as an instrumental NGOs, aimed at the civic and electoral training of the population, with the concurrence of many other NGOs, and political parties in the clandestinely. This original instrumental purpose later transformed in a more permanent project, aimed at threnthening the functioning of institutional democracy, and encouraging permanent participation of organised civil society.

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