Published
on Monday, May 3, 2004 by the Los
Angeles Times
11-Step Program for Iraq Failure
The
Bush Team is Repeating the Mistakes the U.S.
Made in Vietnam.
by
Lawrence J. Korb
In his
press conference on April 13, President Bush
argued that comparing the quagmire in Iraq
with Vietnam would only be a disservice to
our troops.
However,
if one reviews the list of mistakes that
former Secretary of Defense Robert S.
McNamara claims we made in prosecuting the
war in Vietnam, it is clear that Bush, his
advisors and the American people can learn a
great deal about how we got ourselves into
the current situation in Iraq and how we can
get out of it.
In his
book "Retrospect," McNamara argues
that he and his colleagues in the Kennedy and
Johnson administrations made 11 mistakes in
their handling of Vietnam.
The
first, and presumably the most egregious, was
to exaggerate the dangers our adversaries
posed to us, something the Bush
administration did in Iraq by exaggerating
intelligence about Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction and its ties to Al Qaeda.
Bush's
comments about how we are fighting the enemy
in Baghdad so we will not have to fight it in
Boston (or Brooklyn) are eerily reminiscent
of President Johnson's comments about how we
were fighting communists in Saigon so we
would not have to fight them in San
Francisco.
McNamara's
next four mistakes concern our misjudgments
about the political forces, nationalism and
the history and culture of Vietnam as well as
our ability to shape every nation in our own
image.
It is now
clear that our lack of knowledge about Iraq,
coupled with the belief that America could
shape Iraq in its own image, led the Bush
administration to assume that we would be
greeted as liberators, and that the Sunnis,
the Shiites and the Kurds would agree to set
up a federal republic modeled after our own.
Another
three of McNamara's criteria focus on the use
of military power. He warns that
high-technology military equipment is
insufficient to win the hearts and minds of
people from a totally different culture.
He also
says Congress and the American people should
be drawn into a full, frank debate on the
pros and cons of large-scale military
involvement, and that military action should
be carried out only in conjunction with the
real support of the international community.
Casting
these lessons aside, the Bush administration
failed to heed the advice of military
professionals that our overwhelming
conventional military power would not be
enough to translate a military victory into a
stable peace without the deployment of a
large number of ground troops for a long
time.
The
administration failed to let Congress and the
American people have a full, frank debate
about the reasons for going to war or how
long it would take or how much it would cost.
Finally, though 30 nations lent their
political support to the cause, the only
significant practical support has come from
the British; more than 90% of the casualties
and the cost has been and will be continued
to be borne by the United States.
Two of
McNamara's mistakes concern the failure to
explain to Americans when and why
unanticipated events forced us off course and
to make it clear to the people that in
international affairs we may have to live in
an imperfect, untidy world.
The Bush
administration has still not explained why it
was mistaken about the primary reasons for
going to war. Even in the face of recent
setbacks, it has yet to acknowledge that
creating a stable Iraq will be a long,
difficult and costly endeavor and cannot be
accomplished by an artificial deadline like
June 30. The president has not recognized
that we may have to live with an Iraq that is
not a Jeffersonian democracy.
The final
mistake that we made in Vietnam was to not
organize the executive branch to deal with
the complex range of political and military
issues that situation presented. If anything,
the organizational failures are worse in
Iraq. The State Department began planning for
the Iraqi reconstruction about 18 months
before the invasion, but when the Pentagon
was unexpectedly given responsibility for
reconstruction, its first viceroy, Lt. Gen.
Jay Garner, was not even allowed to consult
with the State Department. Moreover, the
invading troops were not given any guidance
about what to do when the regime fell and
even a year after the fall of Baghdad it
remains unclear who is in charge of
reconstruction and stabilization.
Not
learning from our mistakes in Vietnam would
be the real disservice to our troops and the
country. In fact, learning from those
mistakes might be the best, if not the only,
way to understand how we got into the current
mess in Iraq and how we might get out of it.
Lawrence
J. Korb is a senior fellow at the Center
for American Progress
in Washington and senior advisor to the
Center for Defense Information.
Copyright
2004 Los Angeles Times