Is Islam a Threat to the West?

by Dawn Hunt

 

Introduction

 

Considering the question of is Islam a threat to the West?

 

This essay will thoroughly highlight how, throughout history to the present, it is the West which has and still continues to pose a threat to the Islamic world rather than the Islamic world posing a threat to the West.

 

The essay will comprise of two main sections.  The first section will be a concise historic overview, illustrating the struggle between Islam and Christianity.  The second section will examine how political events have taken shape in international politics with the end of the Cold War and reactions within the Islamic world to western dominance/hegemony.  I will conclude the essay with the overall argument that it is the West which poses a direct and imminent threat to the Islamic world.

 

Historic Overview

 

In very general terms, as the Middle East has been within the throes of the religious triangle between Islam, Judaism and Christianity, inevitably throughout history there has been conflict and unrelenting claims to what is often coined the Holy Land; Jerusalem being at the centre of this three-way tug of war.

 

With the imposition of the short-lived, sharp victory of the Christian Crusades, from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, Islam still prevailed as the dominant and resilient entity, which became the Ottoman Empire.  However, there was a demonstration towards openness and acceptance of other faiths, with the ahl al-Katab (people of the book).  “According to Islam, this meant all universal religions that sought to do away with paganism.” (Esposito, 36-40.)

 

Unfortunately, with the venture of the Crusades lost, the Christians of the West did not aspire to the same level of tolerance demonstrated in the Islamic concept of ahl al-Katab.

 

From Istanbul to India including Iran, from Turkish to non-Turkish, Arab to Asian, Islam in its variations had become a widespread self-contained community of believers.

 

Therefore, from the post-Crusade period onwards, the perceived threat of Islam to the Christian West was never more realised and feared.

 

It is a negative aspect of human nature to fear or condemn something, rather than try to understand it.  The very notion of an entirely different set of ideologies or cultural and religious identities can trigger the most negative reaction and response, which in this case the West proceeded to adopt a downward outlook on the Islamic Middle East.

  

As the age of enlightenment and European colonialism simultaneously converged on the rest of the world, so too did the spread of Western ideologies on several levels.  European missionaries attributed the shortcomings and perceived backwardness of the Islamic world, to the barbarism and uncivilised nature of Islam itself.  “Time and again, the Islamic world was rendered as either incompatible with science and modernity, or short-sighted assumptions were made about the very nature of Islam.” (Esposito, 43-49.)

 

Almost as if to avenge the defeat of the Crusades and certainly to regain an economic and cultural upper hand, the Western European countries pursued the strategy of systematically reshaping and carving out the Middle East between themselves as colonisers.

 

With the First World War, encroachment of Zionism, and the subsequent fall of the Ottoman Empire, the West had succeeded in devastating, weakening and ultimately humiliating the humble splendour of the Islamic world, thus leaving behind a trail of resentment, failure and an imposed state system that would redefine the region forever…

 

In an attempt to explore the flip-side of whether or not Islam is a threat to the West, it would be instrumental to take a glimpse at secularism - the universal set of ideologies, as spelled out in Elizabeth Hurd’s article, “The Political Authority of Secularism in International Relations”.

 

According to Hurd’s article, the notion of secularism was part of the ideal of sovereignty in the treaty of Westphalia, 1648.

Perhaps this was the very dawn of the age of modernity itself, which was coupled with the age of enlightenment i.e. science, technology, industry, commerce and all things tangible or material. 

It was at this point in Western history, when religion was certainly separated from state and found to be tied to a sitting monarch.

Thus the more nationalism took shape in Europe, the more retrogressive was the concept of Islam, which plays a key role in the every day life of a Muslim.

It was at that point in history when religion, with all its binding codes of conduct, seemed more irrational in the eyes of the modernising West.  To Westerners it was inconceivable how religion could still have a role in politics in the way in which it did in the Middle East.       

 

In the meantime, Islam sought to redefine itself in the face of change in the many successes of western dominance.

There were several prominent figures in the Islamic world, such as Jamal Adin al-Afghani and later Hassan al-Banna, who both encouraged deriving selective expertise or know-how from the West; yet stressed the need for Muslims to reclaim their fundamental beliefs, as they sought to accommodate modernity.

(Esposito, 153 and 129.)

 

These prominent figures posed challenges to both secularised Islam, as well as nationalism, which were both in direct reaction to the imposed state system and colonialism; which in turn directly challenged the West.

 

Between various Islamic waves of resurgence/resistance across tribal lines, such as Nasser’s political victory in the Suez affair, the humble yet significant victory of the 1973 Arab War or by far most surprisingly, the Iranian  revolution of 1979, which seemed to seal political legitimacy for the Islamic revival.   

 

As the wave of Western influence created further division in the Islamic world, i.e. some Westernised elites versus traditional Islamic fundamentalists, there were several shades of reaction to or against the West, as well as admiration.  Therefore, this brought about the spread of secularism, nationalism and the need for non-state challengers such as the Muslim Brotherhood, founded by Hassan al-Banna.

(Esposito, 28.)

 

The post-Cold War world

 

It is important to remember in referring to the question of whether or not Islam poses a threat to the West, that at least from the end of the Second World War, despite the constructs of a bi-polar super-power stand off, the West set about an all-encompassing quest for world domination.

Furthermore, the end of the Cold War signalled a seemingly unstoppable wave of unilateral Western dominance i.e. the spread of capitalisation, liberal democracy and an acultural, areligious approach to all things marketed or under its influence. 

 

With the end of the Cold War, there seemed to be a renewed threat of Islam, which sat in close proximity to orthodox Christian bases in Romania and other parts of south-eastern Europe.

The eruption of the first Gulf War sparked, inevitably, renewed conflicts and old animosities.

(Halliday, 109.)

 

When the failed experiment of communism melted into the birth of newly democratising/westward leaning states, this seemed to prove Karl Marx’s statement that

“Capitalism is an expansionist force that seeks to subject the whole world to its domination and force it to imitate in key areas of social, economic and political activity.  There is an overwhelming drive within the system of the west, for competition within itself, despite fairly minor cultural diversities between countries.”

(Halliday, 113.)   

 

The above statement sums up many aspects in the argument of the threat of the west.

Hence, the distinction of the West and its need to dominate, in what is now the popular phrase of “the new colonialism”…

The above statement also points out the distinct lack of this drive toward domination/hegemony, particularly in the Middle East, where there is far more concern and preoccupation with inner struggles and clashes between the differing segments of Islam.

 

In an articulate paper by Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, entitled “September the 11th? The Struggle Within Islam”, the argument is further highlighted, as the author points out several factors countering the simplistic threat of contrasting societies.

 

Adib-Moghaddam challenges both the theories of Francis Fukayama and Samuel Huntington; firstly in that Fukayama had a narrow-minded take on the political outcome following the fall of communism.

He demonstrates how Samuel Huntington was at least partially correct in his “clash of civilisations” theory; yet highlights the loophole in Huntington’s work, because there is a distinct absence of the notion of clashes within societies i.e. the prevailing divisions within Islam.

(Adib-Moghaddam, 204-205.)

 

As this article goes on to point out, the concept within Islam of dar al-Islam, versus dar al-Harb (the forces of good, versus the forces of evil), and how that was manifested in the single largest politically devastating attack on the heart of the West directly from the Islamic world, i.e. 9/11.  I strongly disagree with the author in his counter-argument that 9/11 was mainly an explosion of the differences within Islam!

(Adib-Moghaddam, 207.)      

 

The article fails to highlight how the West not only continues to instigate the divisions within Islam, the continued spread of hatred for the West, especially America; which considering this in literal terms, could be seen as posing a direct threat.  After all America and the West remain militarily and economically stronger, maintaining Israel as an uncompromising western outpost in the Middle East.

 

Rightfully the article illustrates the darker side of globalisation, as we see with non-state organisations such as al-Qaeda, who operate completely outside even the international boundaries of what could be considered viable resistance; such as with Hamas.

   

Despite resorting to the most extreme examples of what could be seen as the most basic threats to the West, by radicalised/neo-fundamentalists of Islam, it is essential to remember the build-up of Western impositions on the Islamic world over the last several centuries.

 

Of course this doesn’t mean for a minute that it is condoned for the likes of al-Qaeda, to perpetrate sinister violent acts against ordinary citizens, as they have done in several countries in order to create chaos or promote their agenda in the name of Jihad.

Of course these acts are counter-productive and certainly give the Western world plenty of ammunition to add to the claims that Islam equates to radical, irrational fundamentalism.

 

However, in the eyes of a Muslim, Jihad is used in defence of Islam.  As it is pointed out within the 5 pillars of Islam and the law of Shari’a, it is a man’s duty to protect his home, family and his country.

Of course, when any group or society feels under threat or vulnerable in some way, there will always be a need to protect and defend within that society, its own cultural values and norms.

Part of the law of Shari’a itself retains the ingredient of deep-seated hatred and resentment for the colonisers of the west.

(Esposito, 137.)

(Haddad and Esposito, 5.)

  

Having said this, it is imperative to remember the contrasts within Islam itself.  The very fact that there is a need for non-state organisations to either counter the oppressive nature of conservative fundamentalist regimes, who have the obligation to adhere to both Shari’a law/monarchical structure; or the mere short-comings of the state itself in coping with the extensive needs of ordinary citizens.

 

Within the inner conflicts of Islam, traditionalists look upon moderates or secularised Muslims, as infidels of the West; thus creating animosities within their own society.

 

It is also necessary to point out that within the Middle East in particular, there have been significant economic short-comings, far below the expectations imagined in light of the oil revenues reaped by the oil rich Gulf states during the ‘70s.

These short-comings highlight how the West has set the tone for competiveness and the standards to which the economy potentially could be sustainable on an international level.

The very absence of multiple commodities which could sustain growth, leaves the Middle East vulnerable to some degree of dependence.  That is despite the fact that with oil revenues, for the first time in history the West has become economically dependent on the Middle East.

 

In this way, the Islamic Middle East poses a threat within its own constraints.

 

Also, considering the influx of refugees both from the Arab and Asian Islamic world, this further reinforces the moral high ground of the West and its critique of economic stagnation and backwardness.      

(Halliday, 128-129.)

 

Conclusion

 

So, does Islam pose a threat to the west?

In the previous pages, which paint a clear and concise picture of the history that has unfolded to the present, I strongly feel that Islam does not pose a threat to the west!

 

On the contrary, considering the power-driven motivations behind colonial rule, imposing an alien state system and the subsequent spread of secularisation, modernity and western hegemony, have all played a part in the creation of a continued menace towards the Middle East.

 

Despite the divisions within Islam, which were already present before the imposition of Western dominance and economic supremacy which sought to whitewash the Middle East with alien ideals of liberalism or secularism; this new form of colonialism, as previously mentioned, has only resulted in further divisions within the Islamic world.

 

Despite its own short-comings and inner-cultural conflicts, the Islamic world has been reactionary in the resurgence of Islam.  Non-state organisations have flourished, not only to guard against the ever present threat of the West, but against repressive and often pro-Western governments. 

 

The war on terror which now resonates in Western governments instilling extra vigilance and paranoia within society, as well as the abandonment of international law and Geneva Conventions, which protects the human rights of so-called terrorist suspects. 

Likewise in the Islamic world, there is a further spread of hatred, distrust and loathing for Westerners.

 

In Jene Lindsey’s book “Saudi Arabia”, he gives us an example of the epitome of Middle Eastern paranoia, vulnerability and distrust towards outsiders.

He mentions that, despite Saudi Arabia being a peace-keeper of the Middle East and the only state to implement the law of Shari’a, it retains a working relationship with the U.S., which many other states throughout the broad spectrum of the Islamic world have come to resent.

(Lindsey, chap 7 and 13.)

        

Again, as pointed out by many authors and observers of world events in the post-Cold War world, the likes of John Gray and Arshin Adib-Moghaddam have used the example of how al-Qaeda have crudely illustrated the modern concept of fascism according to Islam.  Both authors have stressed how globalisation encompasses an entirely different angle on modernity and how it is used within a non-Western and non-capitalist framework.

 

I have used the example of the attacks of September 11th in this essay to highlight how the West has been able to use it to further reinforce and substantiate the centuries-old myth of a threat of Islam.

 

The U.S., which is often cited as the seat of all Western ideologies of capitalism and liberalism, has for the most part been able to unilaterally turn up the volume on its decades of state terrorism. Despite an increasing number of academics and intellectuals becoming aware of this state terrorism, the biased mainstream media, as well as Western governments’ continue to validate or legitimise specific measures; whether it is tightening the noose on our civil liberties or an illegal attack on Iraq, which as it is now universally known, had nothing to do with 9/11.

 

Again, there is a difference between exhibiting  threatening behaviour (in the case of the Islamic world) in reaction to the threat of the domineering spread of foreign cultures and ideologies; and the reality of multiple actions taken by the West which counteract a perceived myth on the basis of one devastating terrorist mission.

 

Yet, in the aftermath of 9/11 this perceived myth of an Islamic threat has simply been brought to the forefront, because if anything, the events of 9/11 were perpetrated by a non-state actor, which demonstrated the sheer potential within Islam to respond to the threat of the West and its mistaken idea that it is untouchable.

 

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