Introduction
Considering the
question of is Islam a threat to the West?
This essay will
thoroughly highlight how, throughout history to the present, it is the West
which has and still continues to pose a threat to the Islamic world rather than
the Islamic world posing a threat to the West.
The essay will comprise
of two main sections. The first section
will be a concise historic overview, illustrating the struggle between Islam
and Christianity. The second section
will examine how political events have taken shape in international politics with
the end of the Cold War and reactions within the Islamic world to western
dominance/hegemony. I will conclude the
essay with the overall argument that it is the West which poses a direct and
imminent threat to the Islamic world.
Historic Overview
In very general
terms, as the Middle East has been within the throes of the religious triangle
between Islam, Judaism and Christianity, inevitably throughout history there
has been conflict and unrelenting claims to what is often coined the Holy Land;
Jerusalem being at the centre of this three-way tug of war.
With the
imposition of the short-lived, sharp victory of the Christian Crusades, from
the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, Islam still prevailed as the dominant
and resilient entity, which became the
Unfortunately,
with the venture of the Crusades lost, the Christians of the West did not aspire
to the same level of tolerance demonstrated in the Islamic concept of ahl al-Katab.
From
Therefore, from
the post-Crusade period onwards, the perceived threat of Islam to the Christian
West was never more realised and feared.
It is a negative
aspect of human nature to fear or condemn something, rather than try to
understand it. The very notion of an
entirely different set of ideologies or cultural and religious identities can
trigger the most negative reaction and response, which in this case the West
proceeded to adopt a downward outlook on the Islamic Middle East.
As the age of
enlightenment and European colonialism simultaneously converged on the rest of
the world, so too did the spread of Western ideologies on several levels. European missionaries attributed the shortcomings
and perceived backwardness of the Islamic world, to the barbarism and
uncivilised nature of Islam itself. “Time
and again, the Islamic world was rendered as either incompatible with science
and modernity, or short-sighted assumptions were made about the very nature of
Islam.” (Esposito, 43-49.)
Almost as if to
avenge the defeat of the Crusades and certainly to regain an economic and
cultural upper hand, the Western European countries pursued the strategy of
systematically reshaping and carving out the
With the First World
War, encroachment of Zionism, and the subsequent fall of the Ottoman Empire,
the West had succeeded in devastating, weakening and ultimately humiliating the
humble splendour of the Islamic world, thus leaving behind a trail of
resentment, failure and an imposed state system that would redefine the region
forever…
In an attempt to
explore the flip-side of whether or not Islam is a threat to the West, it would
be instrumental to take a glimpse at secularism - the universal set of
ideologies, as spelled out in Elizabeth Hurd’s
article, “The Political Authority of Secularism in International Relations”.
According to Hurd’s article, the notion of secularism was part of the
ideal of sovereignty in the treaty of
Perhaps this was
the very dawn of the age of modernity itself, which was coupled with the age of
enlightenment i.e. science, technology, industry, commerce and all things
tangible or material.
It was at this
point in Western history, when religion was certainly separated from state and
found to be tied to a sitting monarch.
Thus the more
nationalism took shape in
It was at that
point in history when religion, with all its binding codes of conduct, seemed
more irrational in the eyes of the modernising West. To Westerners it was inconceivable how
religion could still have a role in politics in the way in which it did in the
In the meantime,
Islam sought to redefine itself in the face of change in the many successes of
western dominance.
There were
several prominent figures in the Islamic world, such as Jamal Adin al-Afghani and later Hassan
al-Banna, who both
encouraged deriving selective expertise or know-how from the West; yet stressed
the need for Muslims to reclaim their fundamental beliefs, as they sought to
accommodate modernity.
(Esposito,
153 and 129.)
These prominent
figures posed challenges to both secularised Islam, as well as nationalism,
which were both in direct reaction to the imposed state system and colonialism;
which in turn directly challenged the West.
Between various
Islamic waves of resurgence/resistance across tribal lines, such as Nasser’s
political victory in the Suez affair, the humble yet significant victory of the
1973 Arab War or by far most surprisingly, the Iranian revolution of 1979, which seemed to seal
political legitimacy for the Islamic revival.
As the wave of Western
influence created further division in the Islamic world, i.e. some Westernised
elites versus traditional Islamic fundamentalists, there were several shades of
reaction to or against the West, as well as admiration. Therefore, this brought about the spread of
secularism, nationalism and the need for non-state challengers such as the
Muslim Brotherhood, founded by Hassan al-Banna.
(Esposito,
28.)
The post-Cold War
world
It is important
to remember in referring to the question of whether or not Islam poses a threat
to the West, that at least from the end of the Second World War, despite the
constructs of a bi-polar super-power stand off, the West set about an all-encompassing
quest for world domination.
Furthermore, the
end of the Cold War signalled a seemingly unstoppable wave of unilateral
Western dominance i.e. the spread of capitalisation, liberal democracy and an acultural, areligious approach to
all things marketed or under its influence.
With the end of
the Cold War, there seemed to be a renewed threat of Islam, which sat in close
proximity to orthodox Christian bases in
The eruption of
the first Gulf War sparked, inevitably, renewed conflicts and old animosities.
(Halliday, 109.)
When the failed
experiment of communism melted into the birth of newly democratising/westward
leaning states, this seemed to prove Karl Marx’s statement that
“Capitalism is an
expansionist force that seeks to subject the whole world to its domination and
force it to imitate in key areas of social, economic and political
activity. There is an overwhelming drive
within the system of the west, for competition within itself, despite fairly
minor cultural diversities between countries.”
(Halliday, 113.)
The above
statement sums up many aspects in the argument of the threat of the west.
Hence, the
distinction of the West and its need to dominate, in what is now the popular
phrase of “the new colonialism”…
The above
statement also points out the distinct lack of this drive toward
domination/hegemony, particularly in the Middle East, where there is far more
concern and preoccupation with inner struggles and clashes between the
differing segments of Islam.
In
an articulate paper by Arshin Adib-Moghaddam,
entitled “September the 11th? The Struggle Within Islam”,
the argument is further highlighted, as the author points out several factors
countering the simplistic threat of contrasting societies.
Adib-Moghaddam challenges both the theories of Francis Fukayama and Samuel Huntington; firstly in that Fukayama had a narrow-minded take on the political outcome
following the fall of communism.
He demonstrates
how Samuel Huntington was at least partially correct in his “clash of civilisations”
theory; yet highlights the loophole in
(Adib-Moghaddam, 204-205.)
As this article
goes on to point out, the concept within Islam of dar
al-Islam, versus dar al-Harb
(the forces of good, versus the forces of evil), and how that was manifested in
the single largest politically devastating attack on the heart of the West directly
from the Islamic world, i.e. 9/11. I
strongly disagree with the author in his counter-argument that 9/11 was mainly
an explosion of the differences within Islam!
(Adib-Moghaddam, 207.)
The article fails
to highlight how the West not only continues to instigate the divisions within
Islam, the continued spread of hatred for the West, especially America; which
considering this in literal terms, could be seen as posing a direct threat. After all
Rightfully the
article illustrates the darker side of globalisation, as we see with non-state
organisations such as al-Qaeda, who operate completely outside even the
international boundaries of what could be considered viable resistance; such as
with Hamas.
Despite resorting
to the most extreme examples of what could be seen as the most basic threats to
the West, by radicalised/neo-fundamentalists of Islam, it is essential to
remember the build-up of Western impositions on the Islamic world over the last
several centuries.
Of course this
doesn’t mean for a minute that it is condoned for the likes of al-Qaeda, to
perpetrate sinister violent acts against ordinary citizens, as they have done
in several countries in order to create chaos or promote their agenda in the
name of Jihad.
Of course these
acts are counter-productive and certainly give the Western world plenty of
ammunition to add to the claims that Islam equates to radical, irrational
fundamentalism.
However, in the
eyes of a Muslim, Jihad is used in defence of Islam. As it is pointed out within the 5 pillars of
Islam and the law of Shari’a, it is a man’s duty to
protect his home, family and his country.
Of course, when
any group or society feels under threat or vulnerable in some way, there will
always be a need to protect and defend within that society, its own cultural
values and norms.
Part of the law
of Shari’a itself retains the ingredient of deep-seated
hatred and resentment for the colonisers of the west.
(Esposito,
137.)
(Haddad
and Esposito, 5.)
Having said this,
it is imperative to remember the contrasts within Islam itself. The very fact that there is a need for non-state
organisations to either counter the oppressive nature of conservative
fundamentalist regimes, who have the obligation to adhere to both Shari’a law/monarchical structure; or the mere short-comings
of the state itself in coping with the extensive needs of ordinary citizens.
Within the inner
conflicts of Islam, traditionalists look upon moderates or secularised Muslims,
as infidels of the West; thus creating animosities within their own society.
It is also
necessary to point out that within the
These short-comings
highlight how the West has set the tone for competiveness
and the standards to which the economy potentially could be sustainable on an
international level.
The very absence
of multiple commodities which could sustain growth,
leaves the
In this way, the
Islamic Middle East poses a threat within its own constraints.
Also, considering
the influx of refugees both from the Arab and Asian Islamic world, this further
reinforces the moral high ground of the West and its critique of economic
stagnation and backwardness.
(Halliday, 128-129.)
Conclusion
So, does Islam
pose a threat to the west?
In the previous
pages, which paint a clear and concise picture of the history that has unfolded
to the present, I strongly feel that Islam does not
pose a threat to the west!
On the contrary,
considering the power-driven motivations behind colonial rule, imposing an
alien state system and the subsequent spread of secularisation, modernity and
western hegemony, have all played a part in the creation of a continued menace
towards the
Despite the
divisions within Islam, which were already present before the imposition of Western
dominance and economic supremacy which sought to whitewash the
Despite its own short-comings
and inner-cultural conflicts, the Islamic world has been reactionary in the
resurgence of Islam. Non-state
organisations have flourished, not only to guard against the ever present
threat of the West, but against repressive and often pro-Western
governments.
The war on terror
which now resonates in Western governments instilling extra vigilance and
paranoia within society, as well as the abandonment of international law and
Geneva Conventions, which protects the human rights of so-called terrorist
suspects.
Likewise in the
Islamic world, there is a further spread of hatred, distrust and loathing for Westerners.
In Jene Lindsey’s book “
He mentions that,
despite
(Lindsey, chap 7
and 13.)
Again, as pointed
out by many authors and observers of world events in the post-Cold War world,
the likes of John Gray and Arshin Adib-Moghaddam
have used the example of how al-Qaeda have crudely illustrated the modern
concept of fascism according to Islam. Both
authors have stressed how globalisation encompasses an entirely different angle
on modernity and how it is used within a non-Western and non-capitalist
framework.
I have used the
example of the attacks of September 11th in this essay to highlight
how the West has been able to use it to further reinforce and substantiate the
centuries-old myth of a threat of Islam.
The
Again, there is a
difference between exhibiting
threatening behaviour (in the case of the Islamic world) in reaction to
the threat of the domineering spread of foreign cultures and ideologies; and
the reality of multiple actions taken by the West which counteract a perceived
myth on the basis of one devastating terrorist mission.
Yet, in the
aftermath of 9/11 this perceived myth of an Islamic threat has simply been
brought to the forefront, because if anything, the events of 9/11 were
perpetrated by a non-state actor, which demonstrated the sheer potential within
Islam to respond to the threat of the West and its mistaken idea that it is
untouchable.
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