To What Extent is the War on
Terror a Clash of Civilisations?
by Dawn Hunt
To begin
the discussion of whether or not cultural and ethnic divisions are on the
increase throughout the Third World, some fundamental factors must be outlined which would generate
divisions among societies.
The
first factor outlined is the division of those loyal to the state and those
more loyal to what they feel are their traditional, religious and cultural
norms, for example, in the case of “the Indonesian army verses East Timor in
the up rising of 1999” (Haynes, ch. 5).
The
demand to modernize in any given society is prevalent. However, with free trade spilling over
borders together with Western hegemony, there is on-going debate as to the way
forward in the quest for modernization.
At least a few case scenarios, such as in China or even “the Iranian revolution
of 1979, illustrate that modernization without Westernisation is favourable and
the happy medium” (Haynes, 93).
In the
ongoing tug-of-war between globalisation and a one-size-fits-all approach
generated by governments in the core countries, challenged by the resurgence of
indigenous languages as well as ethnic awareness worldwide, comes animosities
and inequality. As well-defined borders
fade, even in the West there are open hostilities, as migration of other ethnic
groups filter in. “In Germany there has been examples of
grownup children of Turkish immigrants being sent back to their parent’s
country of origin” (Gurr and Harff,
ch. 1).
It is my
strong feeling that there is both internal and external pressure within Third World countries to democratise. There are internal pressures, because, as
people are educated with better opportunities to advance economically, the
demand for inclusion and transparency is a fundamental passion. However, as parties and armies are generally
cut along ethnic lines, there will be groups who are inevitably loyal to these
parties or whatever regime might be dominating at the time.
As the IMF and World Bank have put stringent impositions on Third World countries for
basic changes in policies, monitoring good governance and an overall pressure
to democratise. Remarkably, “in a twenty year period, between
1974 and 1994, the number of Third World countries who were democracies went
from 44 to 144” (Haynes, ch. 3).
It must
be pointed out that the living conditions in any given society can have an
affect on human behaviour. As the
environment is systematically depleted in Third World countries, resources are running
low, and the political atmosphere is fragile.
Particularly in some West African countries, desperation looms. In a desperate scramble for resources, there
is fierce rivalry and tension among ethnic and cultural divisions. “In West Africa for example, the situation is
especially dire. Crime is rife, and diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and
malnutrition have been rampant for years” (Kaplan, ch.1).
On
several occasions, Samuel Huntington points out that wars are no longer of an
ideological or religious nature, they are between cultures; perhaps, of course,
with religious underpinnings. However,
as Huntington seems to repeatedly stress the clashes
between Western hegemony and in particular Middle Eastern reactions/response,
his observations do not look more closely at conflicts on a more micro level
i.e. conflicts throughout the Third World.
Theoretically,
many of these conflicts that have mushroomed in recent decades have resulted
from colonialism. As the quest for
economic gain, natural resources and raw materials drove the likes of France and Britain to colonise, they systematically
recarved entire regions to their advantage. “This is most evident in northern Africa and the Middle East” (Owen, ch.
1). This reshaping of previously
undisturbed lands and territories pushed people and cultures together that
before had lived apart.
Just as
nationalism, cultural and ethnic solidarity increased to result in
independence, there were also groups which were fearful that independence would
benefit “favoured core groups and leave others behind. Naturally, the psychology of this would drive
the under-represented group to target the group with the most advantages out of
fear and anxiety” (Horowitz, ch. 1).
In a
case study of pre-colonial ethnic division in Malaysia, the Chinese who migrated there
were often subjected to ill treatment and were underrepresented. On the one hand, the Chinese were targeted by
the Japanese, often thrown into prison or concentration camps, on suspicion of
communist coercion. Britain, the colonial power in Malaysia, often favoured the Malays in
access to land, thus denying land access to the Chinese, often sending them
back to China.
Despite this, the Chinese were able to live, often separately, alongside
the Malays. They were educated in their
own schools, had their own chamber of commerce and their own business and
entrepreneurial sectors.
In fact,
there was often an element of competition in industry between the Chinese and
Malays. Despite different stages of
friction between the two, “because they are both large in population within
Malaysia, they are now more able to co-exist, as opposed to smaller fragments
of ethnic rivalry” (Horowitz, ch. 1).
Just as
the coming of independence in the Third World has brought forth renewed friction
between certain groups, the end of the Cold War has brought with it its own set
of problems. The Berlin Wall might have
come crashing down, with the crumbling of communism, and where there was once
collective loyalty to the Soviet Union, the Eastern bloc countries were now
faced with democratic transition and, as we saw in the nineties, renewed
animosities that date back to the Second World War. In the case of the former Yugoslavia, a state broken up as the result
of large populations of varied ethnic origins, Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia had all assumed their own
sovereignties. “Serbia set about
ethnically cleansing the Croats, who they claimed tortured Serbs during World
War II” (Gurr and Harff, ch. 1).
The
conflict soon spread to neighbouring Bosnia, where, in the entire
conflicting triangle of states, we saw the most horrendous atrocities since
World War II. Ironically, this bitter
twisted triangle of hatred and hostility represented three societies along three
lines of religion and ethnicity. The Serbs, who were backed by orthodox Russia; the Croats,
backed by European Catholic countries; and Bosnia, who were
widely backed among the Islamic world by their comrades.
It simply goes to show that certain clusters of societies, whether in
the Third or First world, look out for those in culturally and religiously
similar societies.
To begin
the conclusion of this discussion, yes, it must be said that due to state
verses tribal or traditional societies or the internal and external pressure
for democracy, as well as harsh living conditions within the Third World, cultural and ethnic conflict is
on the increase. Especially where there
has been long-term poverty, lack of resources, environmental degradation and
disease, there will without a doubt be friction among societies. The old colonial powers have left an imprint
on the Third
World
which will probably still be felt for years to come. Some Third World states have faired better than
others in terms of economy, environmentally sustainable practices and cultural
structure within regions.
Unfortunately
some states haven’t faired at all and are on a downward spiral, like those in West Africa.
It is predicted that, “as states such as the Ivory Coast, Liberia and
Sierra Leone are crumbling, their borders virtually meaningless, that perhaps
the likes of Nigeria will take on a hegemonic position” (Kaplan, ch. 1).
Finally,
on a more positive note, despite these depressing disturbing realities facing
the Third
World,
we must remember the world is a forever changing place. “Karl Deutsch argues that policy makers
should organise rewards in such a way, that everyone has raised expectations
and aspirations, which will benefit all in the long run. Rather than one group being poised against another, or policies which would cause ethnic tension and
animosity.”
Well, in
an ideal world…
It is
extremely note-worthy to look at the level of Third World alliances when it comes to
defending their religion, culture and livelihoods.
For example, in a recent rice forum in Bangkok, Thailand, where the
first speaker and reporter was a Dr. Mae-Wan Ho. The
forum included scientists, officials from the Ministry of Agriculture, the
Agricultural Research Department, indigenous peoples, farmers and a
representative from Monsanto, company for genetically modified crops. Dr. Ho, as well as others, raised the issue
that scientific research does not include the wisdom of ancient traditions
which have been successful for hundreds of years. Biopiracy was being
undermined by genetically modified seeds, which were damaging crops and
detrimental to food security. In the
past, farmers had not realized the implications of what they were being told by
Monsanto and the government, in the name of corporate profit and rice that was
to be consumed in developed countries at their expense. A speaker from the Karen indigenous society
stated that, “Rice wasn’t just to eat, but a way of life. The rice spirit and rice ceremony which took
place every year was a vital part of their culture. To jeopardise the production of rice by
introducing GMO’s would jeopardise their very culture
and livelihood.” The forum ended with a
challenge to Monsanto and other pro-GMO advocates.
People across
ethnic and cultural lines had come together to defend their whole way of life
against corporate interests and motives.
This is just one example of many, which could be said for ethnically
diverse societies in the Third World. As the world has globalised, people of peripheral societies will answer to
global pressures in the form of organisations such as the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU), the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN),
Action for Development in Uganda, and of course Third World Network. These are just a few of hundreds of
organisations representing varying groups or collectives concerning the
well-being of the Third World. With these representative
bodies in place, South—South cooperation crossing cultural and ethnic boundaries
can only gain in positive momentum.
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