UNSAN
25th October - 4th November, 1950
After the Inchon-Seoul campaign the UN faced an immediate anti-climax
as no adequate follow-up plan had been devised. For even though
X Corps had provided the anvil, the hammer of the 8th Army had
failed to fall swiftly upon the NKPA along the Naktong line. The
NKPA commanders had wisely kept the truth from theirtroops, ordering
a steady withdrawal north. Had the front line soldiers known they
were trapped, the anticipated routmay well have developed. As
it was, they fought as well as ever, delaying the 8th Army break-out.
This bought enough time for substantial portions of the NKPA to
flee north of the 38th parallel. The resultant situation forced
a crucial decision upon the UN, which it had not properly anticipated.
Should they pursue the NKPA across the 38th parallel or not? To
cross the line might ensure the defeat of the NKPR and re-unify
Korea, but only at the risk of prompting military intervention
by Russia or the People's Republic of China. To stop at the border
would allow the NKPA to rebuild, perhaps to launch another invasion.
In September 1950 the US National Security Council studied the
matter and reported its findings to the Departments of State and
Defence. They concluded that crossing the 38th parallel was not
necessary for victory and that intervention by Russia and/or the
PRoC was highly probable. If the line was to be crossed, three
conditions were required. First, no UN troops were to cross the
borders of Russia or the PRoC. Second, only ROK troops should
be permitted to proceed north of the 38th parallel. Third, if
either Russia or PRoC intervened, or threatened to do so, the
operation must be cancelled.
The US Joint Chiefs of Staff dismissed the report on the basis
that military doctrine required the destruction of the NKPA to
prevent a renewal of the war. They believed the ROK troops could
mop up, with other UN forces confined to the south. The Central
Intelligence Agency concluded that since the PRoC had failed to
intervene on behalf of the NKPR thus far, such action was no longer
likely.
In October, the UN passed a resolution allowing ROK forces to
cross the 38th parallel. From late September throughout October,
the PRoC used various public forums to express its concern and
declared its intent to assist the NKPR. No action was taken against
the ROK forces, although on October 10th, the PRoC clearly warned
it would enter the war if US troops crossed the line.
MacArthur knew the PRoC had massed troops along the Yalu but termed
their intentions "unclear" and concluded no intervention
was likely. The major stumbling block to UN thinking was that,
while PRoC intervention in August would likely have sealed the
fate of Pusan, and since the NKPR was nearly defeated by October,
there was no longer reason for intervention.
On October 19th, the NSC relented and President Truman allowed
MacArthur to enter the NKPR if militarily necessary.After MacArthur's
victory at Inchon, no one dared oppose him again. Seeing the defeat
of the NKPA as militarily necessary under the circumstances, on
October 25th, MacArthur ordered the whole of Korea secured by
UN troops. MacArthur had never agreed with Truman's policy and
often publicly called for military opposition to communism, even
at the risk of war with Russia and the PRoC. As a throwback to
WWII reasoning, a "total" victory was now sought over
the NKPR. The PRoC had its own interests to protect and had been
satisfied to allow the NKPR to conduct its own war, particularly
since their victory had appeared likely. Even when the tide turned
the PRoC did not react. When ROK forces entered the North, the
PRoC still restrained itself fearing no harm from Korean troops.
When, however, MacArthur appeared to have been given free rein
and was racing towards the Manchurian border, the vital portal
to the PRoC was exposed to hostile forces. Worse yet, MacArthur
was willing to defy his own President and had oft stated his desire
to invade the PRoC and reinstate the Nationalists to power. It
is no mere coincidence that the Chinese sprang into action the
day following MacArthur's order sending US troops across the 38th
parallel!
Ordered north with "all possible speed", the ROK II
Corps rushed ahead. As part of an uncoordinated advance, the Corps
was spread along the Chongchon river valley. The men of the Corps'
1st Division, perhaps the ROK's best troops, were unprepared to
deal with the unknown danger ahead. Arriving at Unsan on October
25th, a company of US Army tanks led the 15th Regiment north of
the town, until stopped cold by a road-block. Frustrated by this
fierce new enemy, a few prisoners were rushed to General Paik
for interrogation. Having fought similar troops in WWII, General
Paik knew at once that these were soldiers of the People's Liberation
Army of the PRoC.
Despite warnings from the ROK II Corps, MacArthur dismissed the
presence of Chinese troops as mere "volunteers" and
of no special significance. Even on the brink of disaster, UN
commanders refused to believe the PRoC would intervene. More enemy
troops massed from all sides. Huge forest fires spewed enough
smoke to prohibit effective air support and artillery direction.
Expert use of camouflage concealed an enemy who moved with swift
silence along the hills, only to descend at night with a cacophony
of whistles and bugles.
By the end of the month, the ROK II Corps had ceased to exist.
1st Cavalry troops were sent north to hold the line. The 8th Regiment
arrived first, followed by the 5th Regiment. They too were encircled,
with supplies cut and losses mounting. It was all they could do
to flee south, leaving most of their equipment behind. Yet another
debacle had been forced on the UN.
The Chinese Communist Forces, as they would be called throughout
the war, had shown no fear of US firepower and a willingness to
suffer heavy losses in order to defeat their foe. Yet having won
their battles, they did not pursue the beaten UN forces. Still
puzzled by the enigmatic Chinese, MacArthur conceded that this
was the "beginning of a new war".