Unlike other European empires, the driven forces of modernization in Japanese cities did not come from the indigenous problems of Japanese society, but came from the defensive demands against the western powers during the 19th century. Since Meiji restoration, Tokyo, as a leading capital, accepted the western concept of city planning gradually and launched a series of plans and projects to improve urban infrastructures, streetscapes, public buildings, transportation system and so on. In 1895, Japan defeated the Ch'ing Empire in China and gained its first colony－Taiwan. During the next few years, Japan immediately built Taiwan both as a colonial showcase and a South Advance site toward the Southeast Asian area and South China. The city landscape of Taipei, the major city of Taiwan, transformed dramatically from a traditional Chinese walled-city to an eclectic style of Japanese and European cityscape.

    One general argument about the relationship of the Japanese Empire and their colonial territory is that the Japanese used their colony, Taiwan, as a laboratory where the new empire could show off his modernizing skills (Peattie, 1984: 16). Taipei, as a major city of Taiwan, was an experiment of western city planning for the Japanese Empire to apply the results to Japanese cities, like Tokyo. But from my primary investigation, the process of city planning in Taipei and Tokyo during the Meiji and Taisho period was much more complicated than general arguments. Some data even point out that the Japanese applied the western city planning to Tokyo earlier than to Taipei. However, this puzzle is the major concern of my paper. I would like to ask these questions in my project: How was the process of modern city planning originated and operated in Tokyo and Taipei? How did the Japanese imagine their colonial city and embody in cityscape? What was the relationship of city planning between colonial Taipei and imperial Tokyo? How did these two cities interact during the Meiji and Taisho period? I hope that this paper can help us to understand the role of city planning in the imperialist project of Japan, the transformation of Tokyo and Taipei and their relationship during the Meiji and Taisho period.
 
 

    Most discussions about Japanese imperialism have identified political, economical and ideological impulses of Japanese expansion. Some arguments have tried to prove which dimension is the dominant cause of Japanese imperialism, but I think that these forces co-determinate contemporary Japanese expansion. Peattie argues that Japanese colonial empire is an anomaly, compared to Western empires, since Japanese imperialism emerged simultaneously with its humiliating period of diplomatic inferiority under the unequal treaty system in the 19th century (Peattie, 1984:6). Marius Jansen also points out that Japanese imperialism is reactive and its expansion to other area is for the demand of national strategic frontier (Jansen, 1968:182). However, Peter Duus demonstrates economic interests in Japanese imperialism, which included opportunities for trade and investment, access to sources of foodstuffs and strategic materials, as well as to markets for manufactured goods.” (Duus, 1980:1) Moreover, some researches identify two different ideological causes of Japanese imperialism as“idealism”and“Social Darwinism”. The ideal Japanese scholars in the late Meiji period propagandized that Japanese have a mission to bring “development” and “progress” to Asian people and justified Japanese expansion. During the third decade of Japanese Empire, the idealism of national destiny was officially supported and encouraged to expand Japanese territory (Myers and Peattie, 1984: 9). Social Darwinism also played an important role in contemporary imperialism both in Euro-American and Asian area, since it justified the ideology that only the superior race can survive and the inferior race get extinction finally (Myers and Peattie, 1984:11). However, the ideologies of idealism and social Darwinism were the mirrored image of each other. Because these ideologies are both based on the belief of linear development of history and the superiority of contemporary Euro-American civilization.

    The role of Taiwan in Japanese imperial project is an interesting topic, since the acquisition of Taiwan not only proved the superiority of Japanese race over Chinese, which Japanese historically imitated, but also brought a southern frontier and an agricultural colony to defend Japanese national security and support its industrialized society. Considering economic advantage, national security, and geopolitics, the South Advance Policy (nanshin ron) got more supports than North Advance Policy in Japanese society after Meiji revolution in 1868. The Navy commander Sato Tetsutaro said:”Our future lies not in the north, but in the south, not on the continent but on the ocean”. The journalist, Takekoshi Yosabura insisted: “it is our great task as a nation to turn the Pacific Ocean into a Japanese lake,”(Peattie, 1984: 179). After Sino-Japan war in 1895, Taiwan was ceded to Japan by the Ch’ing government. For Japanese expansionists, Taiwan was valued as the Japanese southern advance gate to penetrate South China and Southeast Asia (Peattie, 1984: 90). Some Japanese scholars claimed that:“Since Taiwan now is our territory, this gives our great Japan a chance to expand itself. If we can develop Taiwan successfully, then it will become a base to southern advance to the Philippines, Hong Kong, Vietnam and Singapore (矢內原忠雄, 1987:10). Even though managing Taiwan could bring financial burden on Japan, the enthusiasm of imperialism and the potential interests kept Japanese society going on this venture. The goal of founding Taiwan Bank stated the purpose clearly in 1899:“The goal of Taiwan Bank is to regulate financial situation, explore Taiwan's resources,  stimulate economic develop and expand business territory to South China and Southeast Asia furthermore”,(矢內原忠雄, 1987:61)“This bank is different from other banks, it has special duty. It can not only think about profits and loss, but also have to strive for national future and national glory, even though it has to sacrifice itself.”（矢內原忠雄, 1987:64）.

    As Japanese first colony, Taiwan represents as a national pride on the way to an empire, the Meiji government needed to prove its capacity as a new empire and show off its modernizing skills to foreign scrutiny. In this historical context, general Kodama Gentaro [兒玉源太郎], fourth governor-general of Taiwan, with Goto Shimpei [後藤新平], civil administrator, transformed this island from a fragmented territory into an organized and efficient base for agricultural production from 1898 to 1906 (Myers and Peattie, 1984: 19). Some of the most important policies of city planning and construction of infrastructure were also made during this period.
 

    To realize the modernized city planning of the new capital of Japan－Tokyo, and how Japan managed its colonial city－Taipei, we need to understand the origin of city planning in Paris in the 19th century first. Iwakura Tomomi, as an ambassador, led a government delegation to visit Paris in 1872 and impressed by the city's grandeur. The delegates returned to Japan and reported how Paris was reformed and renewed by Napoleon Ⅲ and his planner, G. E. Haussmann, from a“chaotic”to an absolute ordered city. With strong enthusiasm of nation-state, Japan launched its modern city planning from this moment (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:2).

    However, their is a fundamental difference between the origins of city planning in Paris and Tokyo. During the mid 19th century, Japanese social combination was still a peasant society which contained 80 percent of the whole population (Calman, 1992:176). Contrarily, Napoleon Ⅲ's grandiose plan for the modernization of Paris was a response to many urgent problems which was brought by industrialization. First, the population in Paris had doubled from 576,000 to 1,053,000 in the two decades preceding 1851 and reached 2,270,000 in 1881. The industrialization of Paris and Haussmann's construction projects in city drew numerous workers from rural areas. The increasing population in a short period caused many urban problems, like the shortage of housing and open space, the demand of transportation system, sewage system and water supply, water and air pollution, public health and so on. The emperor and Haussamnn, with the new class of financiers, large scale building contractors, big department store owners, hotel operators, brought a solution that amazed Japanese delegates afterwards. They demolished many slums in the central and eastern parts of the city and promoted construction of new housing there and recently developed areas to the north and west. They cut through wide boulevards to provide access to railroad stations and commercial centers and to link the separate neighborhoods. They also improved the sewage and drainage system (Sharpe and Wallock, 1983:139). The new form of city is impressive in the first sight because of its straight boulevards and uniform design of streetscape. The spatial order, particularly the board boulevards, could also facilitate the movement of troops and the razing of barricades which is one of the important impulses of the absolute emperor to implement this project.

    Haussmann's Paris was also a bourgeois and capitalistic city, dedicated to ostentation, consumption and display. As Walter Benjamin has pointed out, “the Paris of the second Empire marks the emergence of the commodity culture－a culture in which the display of goods was surpassed only by the display of the people in the street who came to look at them and at each other” (Rice, 1997:38). In the new historical stage of industrial capitalism, Haussmann's accomplishment in modern city planning is that city is no longer considered as a living organism, but“as a unit that could be conceptualized, planned as a unified system, and realized through technical, scientific and mechanical means.”(Rice, 1997:40) As a result, the city has become a machine, which needs laborers to work in and raw materials to feed.
 

    Unlike the rapid increasing population in Paris during the 19th century, the population in Tokyo decreased from more than one million to half a million because of large numbers of samurai returning to their native provinces in the early Meiji period. Tokyo did not suffer from the serious urban problems, like overcrowding and sanitary condition, as Paris did. Susan B. Hanley has shown that “during the Tokugawa period, Japan's water supply and waste disposal methods were generally efficient and relatively hygienic in both rural and urban areas”, even compared to London in the 19th century (Hanley, 1997:105). The application of modern city planning in Tokyo is not because the urgent demands to deal with the questions of industrialization, but because the outside pressure forces it to modernize itself and show to the Westerns. During the Meiji period, some 3,000 specialists in many fields from Europe and the United States came to Japan and provided the Meiji government every aspect of knowledge in state building, including governance, law, finance, investment, army and navy, science, technology, industry, commerce, learning and culture. The specialists in the fields of planning, engineering and architecture not only designed and supervised the major projects during the early Meiji period, but also gave their knowledge and skills to the new generation of Japanese experts in relative professions (Coaldrake, 1996:216-217).

    The urban modernization of Tokyo took place in individual sites and kept the same structure and context with the old Edo in the beginning. The samurai quarters, which accounted for two-thirds of the city area, were confiscated by the new Meiji government and used for public use, including housings for high-ranking bureaucrats (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:2). Most large-scale, Western style structures were also built on these sites occupying scenic locations near the water, along a canal or at the mouth of the Sumida River (Hidenobu, 1995:141). The red-brick mall, built along Ginza Street, was the first showcase of Westernized streetscape undertaken in 1872. Connected with the construction of Shimbashi Station, the Ginza project was designed to provide easy access to the government offices and the business districts for foreign visitors and businessmen disembarking from the railroad. The Ministry of Finance took over this project and Tokyo Prefecture also participated in. Since the Japanese government did not have the building technology, Thomas James Water, the British architect, actually was the supervisor of this project. He and a group of foreign engineers and architects, Richard Henry Brunton, Colin Alexander Mcvean, J. Smedley, Louis Felix fleaulant accomplished the first showcase of modernization in Tokyo (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:4)(藤森照信, 1982:8).

    The legislation and implementation of Tokyo City-Ward Reform Ordinace in 1888 was regarded as the beginning of modern city planning since it would change the original urban structure and city fabric of the Edo period. Under the guidance of Tokyo City-Ward Refrom Ordinance, Yoshinkawa Akimasa, the governor of Tokyo, drafted the proposals for City-Ward Reforms that concentrated on urban traffic network. Following this starting point, the Home Ministry board made a comprehensive, highly integrated plan, covering harbor construction, parks, theaters, markets and other urban infrastructure (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:10). This plan was reduced for fiscal reasons and reintroduced in 1903 as Revised Design for Tokyo City-Ward Reforms and finalized in 1914. The revised plan contained water supply, road construction with streetcar system, the railroad connection from Shimbashi to Ueno, and the sale of government property in Marunouchi district to Mitsubishi Goshi Kaisha (Mitsubishi & CO., Ltd.), the powerful clan--Iwasaki in Japan (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:10).

    The Great Kanto Earthquake suddenly and severely stroke Tokyo and grazed almost one half of the Metropolis to ground in 1923. Even those post-Meiji structures, for example, the red-brick avenues, which had been built under fireproof building regulations, were destroyed or heavily damaged. This unpredictable catastrophe brought an opportunity to those radical planners to transform the urban framework of Tokyo and expand the bureaucratic structure. Goto Shimpei, the previous mayor of Tokyo (1920-1923) and also the Civil Administrator of Manchuria (1906-1916) and Taiwan (1898-1906), was appointed as Home Minister after earthquake. His ambitious plan to refashion Tokyo had an significant influence on the urban structure of Tokyo. The Imperial Capital Reconstruction Plan for Tokyo City he proposed included everything from streets, canals, parks, land readjustment and fireproof buildings. Park construction was regarded as an important measure for shelter in considering of future disasters, particularly the small “vest-pocket”parks in the neighborhood (Hidenobu, 1995:199). Three major parks, Sumida Park, Hamacho Park and Kinshicho Park with 52 smaller parks were also developed beside elementary schools to provide this urban function (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:24).

    In order to accommodate the victims of earthquake, the Home Ministry set a departmental corporation－Dojunkai to provide housing and employment. Dojunkai had built 2,501 ferroconcrete apartment units in 15 development lots during 1926 and 1933. These apartment buildings in Aoyama, Daikanyama and other areas were the first experiments of collective housing in Japan. On the other hand, the rapid industrialization in Japan drew the rural population from countryside to seek work in textile, foundries, glass or cement factories in urban area (Yanagida, 1957:75-76). These low-wage laborers lived in the poor conditioned settlements, which were the unavoidable social consequence of industrialization, as we have already seen in Paris. Consequently, Dojunkai was also responsible for the project of slum clearance in Sarue-Uramachi, Fukagawa Ward and in Nippori, Arakawa Ward (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:28).

    Suburbanization and slum is the dual-process of an industrialized city, since the white-collar and blue-collar classes both emerge in the urbanization process and live in separated spatial areas. The early developers of suburban housing in Japan were all private developers, for example, the Tokyo Trust Corporation, the Denentoshi Company and the Hakone Land Company. These private developers also imported the concept of ideal suburban residence from Euro-America. Denenchofu, developed by Shibusawa Eiichi in Chofu Village, means “fields of gardens” which was derived from the concept of British Ebenezer Howard's “Garden City” (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1994:34-35).

    Reviewing the major urban polices and projects in Tokyo during the Meiji and Taisho period, we can see the difference and similarity between those of Paris. Paris was an industrialized city in the early 19th century and suffered from severe problems of overcrowding and poor living conditions. However, Tokyo was an agrarian society and its population was decreasing in the early Meiji period. The implementation of modern city planning in Tokyo was caused by the foreign pressure and achieved by the assistance and guidance from the Western planners, architects and engineers (Table 1). As Tokyo started the machine of industrialization, the social consequences and urban problems came along with the process of “progress” and “enlightenment” as well. Consequently, Tokyo needed to apply more western concepts, polices and technologies to deal with this new situation, which never happened in its history before. From this perspective, although Japan was not defeated and colonized by Western powers directly, the whole process of urbanization and modernization was also under the domination of western “professional imperialism.”

    Tokyo itself is an experimental city after all.

Table 1:Influences from Western Architects/Engineers/Planners
 
 

    To understand the colonial city planning of Taipei during the Japanese colonization, we need to focus on an important figure, Goto Shimpei　[後藤新平], who was called the “Father of City Planning”in Japan and whose professional career penetrated the history of city planning in Taiwan (Taipei), Manchuria (Harbin) and Japan (Tokyo). Goto Shimpei (1857-1929), once studied medicine in German, began his professional carrier as administer of Public Health in Home Ministry in 1892 in Japan. Then he went to Taiwan and became Civil Administrator during Kodama Gentara's governance from 1898 to 1906. After his colonial practice in Taiwan, with his abundant “knowledge” in city planning and colonial affairs, he went to Manchuria for urban administration and railroad construction. He finally went back to Japan in 1916, became the Administer of Home Ministry and Railroad Agency, the Mayor of Tokyo in 1920 and the Administer of Home Ministry again after the Great Kanto earthquake in 1923. He also founded Urban Research Academy in Tokyo to study urban planning and spread relative knowledge. Goto Shimpei was so influential in the field of city planning that his followers even formed a faction, which was called the “Goto Party”[後藤派] in Japan (越三尺明, 1991:2-18).

    Believing in Social Darwinism and “scientific colonialism”, which he learned from contemporary European colonial studies, Goto Shimpei perceived Taiwan as a “laboratory” for Japan's experiment in colonial rule. With scientific and biological approach, he first established various research centers and organizations, particularly the “Commission for the Investigation of Traditional Customs in Taiwan”, which was very important in the formation of social policy and city planning (Peattie, 1984:84-85). Goto is the establisher of the fundamental framework of colonial policies, which changed social relationship and rural-urban landscape in Taiwan. These influential policies included land reform, transportation of infrastructure, sanitation system, official buildings, port construction, establishment of police-state and economic policies, which transformed the island from a fragmented territory into an organized and efficient base for agricultural production from 1898 to 1906 (Myers and Peattie, 1984: 19).

    The first infrastructure construction in Taipei was a sanitation system, including a water supply and drainage system.  The semi-tropical and tropical climate of Taiwan is far different from climatic conditions in Japan.  The hot and humid weather often caused many diseases among foreigners.  W. K. Burton, a British engineer, lectured in Tokyo Technology University from 1887 to 1896 and investigated and designed many sanitation systems in Japanese cities after 1889.  Burton was recommended to Taiwan by Goto Shimpei in 1896 to investigate and construct the sanitation system in Taiwan’s cities.  The Planning of the Sewer System in Taiwan and its implementation rule was established by Burton in 1899, which was regarded as the first policy of city-ward readjustment in Taipei (呂哲奇, 1999).

    Comparing modern city planning in Tokyo and Taipei, the most significant difference is the highlighting of public buildings in Taipei, such as Japanese shrines, schools, universities, hospitals and official offices (張景森, 1993: 21).  The demolition and reconstruction of symbolic buildings was done intentionally by the colonial government to destroy the “Feng Shui” and symbolic meanings of the original Chinese walled-city.  For example, Taiwan Jinja, which worshiped Japanese Shinto, was constructed on the flowing path of the “Dragon Vein” in Taipei according to Feng Shui in 1897.  The boulevard toward Taiwan Jinja, now the Chun-Sheng North Road, was north-south oriented and the streetscape was carefully designed as a modern spectacle.  The walls and gates of the walled city, which symbolized Chinese sovereignty and civilization, were demolished and reconstructed in 1910.  The city walls became the grand boulevards and city gates were altered in function and seated on the traffic circles as gateway buildings.  The Heavenly Queen Temple, which worships the most popular Goddess—Ma-tsu---in Taiwan, was torn down and rebuilt into the Museum of Anthropology in remembrance of the contribution of Kodama Gentara and Goto Shimpei in 1915.  Most official Chinese buildings in walled cities were erased to build new public buildings, like the House of the Governor-General (1901), the Government Museum (1915), Taipei Government Hospital (1916), The Office of Governor-General (1919), Taipei Imperial University (1919-1928), the Taiwan Land Bank (1933), the Taiwan High Court of Justice (1934) and the City Auditorium (1936).  Except for Japanese Shrines, however, most facade designs and structures featured architectural elements and frameworks appropriated from European style and technology, particularly the Baroque-like city design of Paris.

    Commercial settlements outside the walled city were modified as well.  The urban structure of Ta-ta-cheng, a central “cross street”, was transformed into the baroque style boulevard system centered in Taipei Circle.  The elements of public open space were changed from streets and temple piazzas to “Tings” (district), the basic units of the Japanese block system.  Streets became space for traffic, not space for people walking and interacting.  Erasing Chinese urban characteristics in Ta-tao-cheng, such as temples, piazzas, streets and alleys, the Japanese substituted radiating boulevards, circles, and public buildings located on street corners (Hsien, 1997: 20).

    Most Japanese officials lived in the newly-built Japanese residences within the original walled city area, but the local Taiwanese lived in the commercial settlements, like Ta-ta-cheng and Meng-chia.  There were discriminatory policies in providing public infrastructure.  For example, the new public buildings were mostly located in the inner city and Japanese residential areas, and the sanitation and water supply were also first provided there (張明雄, 1999: 205-206).  The food processing industry was located in Ta-ta-cheng because of the labor supply.  Urban recreational areas, such as the prostitution district, were located in Meng-chia, which was renamed to “Won-hua,” meaning “thousands of flowers.”

    The modernization process in Taipei during the Japanese period was different from that of industrial cities in Europe, like Paris in the 19th century.  Because Taiwan was designated to be an agricultural colony responsible primarily for agricultural production, only small-scale industrialization and urban-rural migration occurred in Taipei.  The population of Taipei basin was merely 100,000 at the beginning of Japanese colonization but had reached 340,000 by 1939.  The most important meaning of colonial modernization in transforming Taipei’s landscape was the symbolic exhibition of Japanese imperialism.
    
    The policy of erasing and demolishing original Chinese buildings, walls and gates was aimed at transforming symbolic meanings rather than achieving the functional or operational benefits of modernization.  The construction of grand, large-scale public buildings not only exhibited the power and capability of the Japanese government to the Westerners and Taiwanese, but also encouraged permanent residency among Japanese immigrants (張景森,1993: 10).  For the local residents, though, the transformation during the Japanese period not only changed the landscape of Taipei City, it also changed the process of daily life, altering standards including those governing time, uniforms, measurements, language, education, urban rules and so on.  The power of the modern state permeated every household and supervised every subject in the city or countryside step by step.  This was a brand new experience in the history of the Taiwanese people and it occurred earlier there than in the case of other mainlanders in China.
 

    Although this paper was originated from a simple puzzle, the researching process actually crosses different cities and different historical stages in order to figure out the whole process. In the researching process, the whole story, at least the untold story that I have found, teaches one thing that the answer of this puzzle is not that simple as we may think. If we try to make a “scientific”comparison of the major policies and projects of modern city planning in Taipei and Tokyo and ask which one is the city to be experimented first, the answer seems to be both. Taipei and Tokyo, if city is seen as an organism, with their residents are like the twin cities during the high imperialist period (Table 2). However, I do not want to justify the brutal policies and implementation process that the imperialist Japan has done to the colonized Taiwan. I just want to make the whole process clearer, so one who has done the wrong thing can be revealed and he can be responsible for what he has done.

    Many new questions and new puzzles keep coming out during the research process. For example, what is the relationship of city planning between Taipei, Harbin and Tokyo? What are the roles of these cities in the imperialist project of Japan (or Western empires)? Who should be responsible for this process? What were the genealogical relationships of the European, Japanese and Taiwanese professionals in the field of city planning during this period? Asking these questions may help us further understand the globalization process in Tokyo and other Asian areas through the profession of city planning during the late 19th and early 20th century. It also helps us to realize the historical legacies we have and the situation we face in the contemporary city and world. 
 

Table 2: Major policies of city planning and constructions in Tokyo and Taipei

English Reference:
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Chinese Reference:
矢內原忠雄 (1987), 日本帝國主義下的台灣 [Taiwan under Japanese Imperialism],台北：帕米爾書店
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Japanese Reference:
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藤森照信 (1982), 明治的東京計劃 [Urban Planning in Meiji Period], 東京: 岩波書店.