Theology Unitarians and Universalists have traditions hundreds of years old. The name Unitarian originally came from the belief in the "unity" of God rather than a Trinity. The name Universalism originated with the belief in "universal" salvation, the idea that everyone will be saved and no one is eternally damned. Unitarians and Universalists merged in 1961. Contemporary Unitarian Universalism has no creed and is an alternative to creed-based religions. The most fundamental of its principles is individual freedom of religious belief.   The congregation and minister of the Unitarian Universalist Church in Eugene, Oregon welcome all who seek a religious home free of creeds and guided by love, reason and conscience. We are committed to one another, respecting differences, striving for understanding. We help our children develop their spiritual curiosity, exposing them to the great religions without indoctrinating them in a particular set of beliefs. You are welcome to join us on our journey.

Origins and Character

What we now know as transcendentalism first arose among the liberal New England Congregationalists, who departed from orthodox Calvinism in two respects: they believed in the importance and efficacy of human striving, as opposed to the bleaker Puritan picture of complete and inescapable human depravity; and they emphasized the unity rather than the "Trinity" of God (hence the term "Unitarian," originally a term of abuse that they came to adopt.) Most of the Unitarians held that Jesus was in some way inferior to God the Father but still greater than human beings; a few followed the English Unitarian Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) in holding that Jesus was thoroughly human, although endowed with special authority. The Unitarians' leading preacher, William Ellery Channing (1780-1842), portrayed orthodox Congregationalism as a religion of fear, and maintained that Jesus saved human beings from sin, not just from punishment. His sermon "Unitarian Christianity" (1819) denounced "the conspiracy of ages against the liberty of Christians" (P, 336) and helped give the Unitarian movement its name. In "Likeness to God" (1828) he proposed that human beings "partake" of Divinity and that they may achieve "a growing likeness to the Supreme Being" (T, 4).

The Unitarians were "modern." They attempted to reconcile Locke's empiricism with Christianity by maintaining that the accounts of miracles in the Bible provide overwhelming evidence for the truth of religion. It was precisely on this ground, however, that the transcendentalists found fault with Unitarianism. For although they admired Channing's idea that human beings can become more like God, they were persuaded by Hume that no empirical proof of religion could be satisfactory. In letters written in his freshman year at Harvard (1817), Emerson tried out Hume's skeptical arguments on his devout and respected Aunt Mary Moody Emerson, and in his journals of the early 1820's he discusses with approval Hume's Dialogues on Natural Religion and his underlying critique of necessary connection. "We have no experience of a Creator," Emerson writes, and therefore we "know of none" (JMN 2, 161).

Skepticism about religion was also engendered by the publication of an English translation of F. D. E. Schliermacher's Critical Essay Upon the Gospel of St. Luke (1825), which introduced the idea that the Bible was a product of human history and culture. Equally important was the publication in 1833--some fifty years after its initial appearance in Germany--of James Marsh's translation of Johann Gottfried van Herder's Spirit of Hebrew Poetry (1782). Herder blurred the lines between religious texts and humanly-produced poetry, casting doubt on the authority of the Bible, but also suggesting that texts with equal authority could still be written. It was against this background that Emerson asked in 1836, in the first paragraph of Nature: "Why should we not have a poetry and philosophy of insight and not of tradition, and a religion by revelation to us, and not the history of theirs" (O, 5). The individual's "revelation" --or "intuition," as Emerson was later to speak of it--was to be the counter both to Unitarian empiricism and Humean skepticism.

An important source for the transcendentalists' knowledge of German philosophy was Frederic Henry Hedge (1805-90). Hedge's father Levi Hedge, a Harvard professor of logic, sent him to preparatory school in Germany at the age of thirteen, after which he attended the Harvard Divinity School. Ordained as a Unitarian minister, Hedge wrote a long review of the work of Samuel Taylor Coleridge for the in 1833. Noting Coleridge's fondness for "German metaphysics" and his immense gifts of erudition and expression, he laments that Coleridge had not made Kant and the post-Kantians more accessible to an English-speaking audience. This is the task -- to introduce the "transcendental philosophy" of Kant, (T, 87) -- that Hedge takes up. In particular, he explains Kant's idea of a Copernican Revolution in philosophy: "[S]ince the supposition that our intuitions depend on the nature of the world without, will not answer, assume that the world without depends on the nature of our intuitions." This "key to the whole critical philosophy," Hedge continues, explains the possibility of "a priori knowledge" (T, 92). Hedge organized what eventually became known as the Transcendental Club, by suggesting to Emerson in 1836 that they form a discussion group for disaffected young Unitarian clergy. The group included George Ripley and Bronson Alcott, had some 30 meetings in four years, and was a sponsor of The Dial and Brook Farm. Hedge was a vocal opponent of slavery in the 1830's and a champion of women's rights in the 1850's, but he remained a Unitarian minister, and became a professor at the Harvard Divinity School.

Another source for the transcendentalists' knowledge of German philosophy was Madame de Staël (Anne-Louise-Germaine Necker) (1766-1817), whose De l'Allemagne (On Germany) was a favorite of the young Emerson. In a sweeping survey of European metaphysics and political philosophy, de Staël praises Locke's devotion to liberty, but sees him as the originator of a sensationalist school of epistemology that leads to the skepticism of Hume. She finds an attractive contrast in the German tradition that begins with Leibniz and culminates in Kant, which asserts the power and authority of the mind.

Equally important for the emerging philosophy of transcendentalism was the work of James Marsh (1794-1842), a graduate of Andover and the president of the University of Vermont. Marsh was convinced that German philosophy held the key to a reformed theology. His American edition of Coleridge's Aids to Reflection (1829) introduced Coleridge's version--much indebted to Schelling--of Kantian terminology, terminology that runs throughout Emerson's early work. In Nature, for example, Emerson writes: "The Imagination may be defined to be, the use which the Reason makes of the material world" (O, 25).

German philosophy and literature was also championed by Thomas Carlyle, whom Emerson met on his first visit to Europe in 1831. Carlyle's philosophy of action in such works as Sartor Resartus resonates with Emerson's idea in "The American Scholar" that action--along with nature and "the mind of the Past" (O, 39) is essential to human education. Along with his countrymen Coleridge and Wordsworth, Carlyle embraced a "natural supernaturalism," the view that nature, including human beings, has the powers, status, and authority traditionally attributed to an independent deity.

Piety towards nature was also a main theme of William Wordsworth, whose poetry was in vogue in America in the 1820's. Wordsworth's depiction of an active and powerful mind cohered with the shaping power of the mind that his collaborator in the Lyrical Ballads, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, traced to Kant. The idea of such power pervades Emerson's Nature, where he writes of nature as "obedient" to spirit and counsels each of us to "Build ... your own world."

Emerson's sense that men and women were, as he put it in Nature, gods "in ruins," led to one of transcendentalism's defining events, his delivery of an "Address" at the Harvard Divinity School graduation in 1838. Emerson portrayed the contemporary church that the graduates were about to lead as an "eastern monarchy of a Christianity" that had become an "injuror of man" (O, 58). Jesus, in contrast, was a "friend of man." Yet he was just one of the "true race of prophets," whose message is not so their own greatness, as the "greatness of man" (O, 57). Emerson rejects the Unitarian argument that miracles prove the truth of Christianity, not simply because the evidence is weak, but because proof of the sort they envision embodies a mistaken view of the nature of religion: "conversion by miracles is a profanation of the soul." Emerson finds evidence for religion more direct than testimony in a "perception" that produces a "religious sentiment" (O, 55).

The "Address" drew a quick and angry response from Andrews Norton (1786-1853) of the Harvard Divinity School, often known as the "Unitarian Pope." In "The New School in Literature and Religion" (1838), Norton complains of "a restless craving for notoriety and excitement," which he traces to German "speculatists" and "barbarians" and "that hyper-Germanized Englishman, Carlyle." Emerson's "Address," he concludes, is at once "an insult to religion" (T, 248) and "an incoherent rhapsody" (T, 249).

An earlier transcendentalist scandal surrounded the publication of Amos Bronson Alcott's Conversations with Children Upon the Gospels (1836). Alcott (1799-1888) was a self-taught educator from Connecticut who established a series of schools that aimed to "draw out" the intuitive knowledge of children. He found anticipations of his views about a priori knowledge in the writings of Plato and Kant, and support in Coleridge's Aids to Reflection for the idea that idealism and materiality could be reconciled. Alcott replaced the hard benches of the common schools with more comfortable furniture that he built himself, and left a central space in his classrooms for dancing. The Conversations with Children Upon the Gospels, based on a school Alcott (and his assistant Elizabeth Peabody) ran in Boston, argued that evidence for the truth of Christianity could be found in the unimpeded flow of children's thought. What people particularly noticed about Alcott's book, however, were its frank discussions of conception, circumcision, and childbirth. Rather than gaining support for his school, the publication of the book caused many parents to withdraw their children from it, and the school--like many of Alcott's projects, failed.

Surveying the scene in his 1842 lecture, "The Transcendentalist," Emerson begins with a philosophical account, according to which what are generally called "new views" are not really new, but rather part of a broad tradition of idealism. It is not a skeptical idealism, however, but an anti-skeptical idealism deriving from Kant:

It is well known to most of my audience, that the Idealism of the present day acquired the name of Transcendental, from the use of that term by Immanuel Kant, of Konigsberg [sic], who replied to the skeptical philosophy of Locke, which insisted that there was nothing in the intellect which was not previously in the experience of the senses, by showing that there was a very important class of ideas, or imperative forms, which did not come by experience, but through which experience was acquired; that these were intuitions of the mind itself; and he denominated them Transcendental forms (O, 101-2).

Emerson shows here a basic understanding of three Kantian claims, which can be traced throughout his philosophy: that the human mind "forms" experience; that the existence of such mental operations is a counter to skepticism; and that "transcendental" does not mean "transcendent" or beyond human experience altogether, but something through which experience is made possible. Emerson's idealism is not purely Kantian, however, for (like Coleridge's) it contains a strong admixture of Neoplatonism and post-Kantian idealism. Emerson thinks of Reason, for example, as a faculty of "vision," as opposed to the mundane understanding, which "toils all the time, compares, contrives, adds, argues...." (Letters, vol. 1, 413). For many of the transcendentalists the term "transcendentalism" represented nothing so technical as an inquiry into the presuppositions of human experience, but a new confidence in and appreciation of the mind's powers, and a modern, non-doctrinal spirituality. The transcendentalist, Emerson states, believes in miracles, conceived as "the perpetual openness of the human mind to new influx of light and power..." (O, 100).

Emerson keeps his distance from the transcendentalists in his essay by speaking always of what "they" say or do, despite the fact that he was regarded then and is regarded now as the leading transcendentalist. He notes with some disdain that the transcendentalists are "'not good members of society," that they do not work for "the abolition of the slave-trade" (though both these charges have been leveled at him). He closes the essay nevertheless with a defense of the transcendentalist critique of a society pervaded by "a spirit of cowardly compromise and seeming, which intimates a frightful skepticism, a life without love, and an activity without an aim" (O, 106). This critique is Emerson's own in such writings as "Self-Reliance," and "The American Scholar"; and it finds a powerful and original restatement in the "Economy" chapter of Thoreau's Walden.