Never before in American history has the United States military relied so heavily on civilian contractors. The men and women who support our army in Iraq, Afghanistan, Qatar, Bosnia and dozens of other nations all over the world do hundreds of unique jobs. Soldiers no longer do their own laundry, cook their own food, truck their own supplies, or build their own bases. Civilian contractors, private military contractors, or corporate warriors, the names by which they are called are not important. What is important is America needs these people in the Global War on Terror. Civilians in war zones are essential for victory in Iraq.
Soldiers of fortunes, hirelings that fight for money, are not new to world history. In Mercenaries, a book detailing the history of warriors paid to fight and written by Michael Lee Lanning (256), Appendix E is Article 47 of the Geneva Conventions that defines a mercenary. The Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 clearly states, �A mercenary is anyone who: (a) is specifically recruited locally or abroad in order to fight in an armed conflict; (b) does, in fact, take a direct part in the hostilities; (c) is motivated to take part in the hostilities essentially for private gain.� The Roman Empire hired barbarians to fight for them during the 4th century. Sir Francis Drake, an English admiral, began his career as a privateer fighting the Spanish in the New World for treasure. During the Revolutionary War, Britain used Hessian mercenaries to fight against the Continental Army. Today, the United States government contracts its wars to companies: Blackwater, Aegis, Custer Battles, Critical Intervention Services, Defensesecurity, Tactical Response Services, Vinnell Corporation and more. Businesses are going to help accomplish the mission in Iraq even if it takes a hundred years.
The only reason there has not been a draft, as was the case in the Vietnam War, is because civilians inflate troop numbers, which leaves the military free to do combat operations. There are about one-hundred thousand contractors in Iraq. Many are even foreign nationals from third world countries or natives from Iraq. Compared to this number, the coalition of the willing is an absurd term. All other nations besides America, which has about one-hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in Iraq, do not have anywhere close to one-hundred thousand soldiers combined fighting for Operation Iraqi Freedom.
The men and women who serve in the armed services do so voluntarily. If there was no Kellogg Brown and Root, this would not be an option for President Bush�s latest strategy for winning, a troop surge. Now, with the Iraq war in its sixth year, and with most countries withdrawing, civilians are playing an important role replacing the jobs soldiers once did. Our military is stretched thin. Military police are augmented by civilian cops in American bases. Even the job of guarding military installations in America, searching vehicles and preventing unauthorized access, has been given to civilians working for AKAL, a security company. Unless the number of enlistments rose, and the size of the army increased, the current troop levels in Iraq and Afghanistan would not be possible without a draft.
Since civilians are in Iraq supporting our troops, reenlistment rates are higher than if soldiers had to work longer and harder to do the tasks outsourced to companies like Kellogg Brown and Root. The standard of living in Iraq for soldiers is higher than any other war in possibly the history of warfare. After the initial blitzkrieg and fall of Saddam�s regime in 2003, living conditions were not good; there were no air conditioners, gyms, big screen TV�s, or even tents to sleep under. Present day conditions have improved drastically. All bases have these things and more.
Managed by civilians, there is no shortage of ice, food, water, or even soft drinks. In fact, subcontracted foreign nationals work extremely hard to make American military members feel comfortable. Today, no soldier washes dishes, does his own laundry, or even manages garbage. Foreign nationals from 3rd world countries do the menial tasks a soldier once had to do. They even go as far as to pick up litter and cigarette butts from the ground. Without companies, every soldier in Iraq would not have access to the internet or phones�at least not as well as they do now. Luxuries have probably played a part in the average soldier�s choice to reenlistment, and if not, it certainly has improved moral and the ability of our soldiers to do their jobs more efficiently.
The largest companies replace the jobs of the best trained American soldier. Licensed to Kill by Robert Pelton (168) details the hired guns in the war on terror and shows the true size of these corporations. Pelton alleges, �In early 2006, the �Big 3� [Triple Canopy, Blackwater, and DynCorp] won a shared $1-billion contract to provide American embassy security worldwide.� Allowing private security to replace the military makes an all-volunteer army possible in a time of war.
Private military contractors reduce American casualties. As of March 7, 2008, there have been 3,974 Americans killed in action in Iraq alone. The death toll would be higher if civilians were added to that number. However, the advantage of outsourcing jobs in Iraq is that it saves the government money. Civilians cannot get life insurance in combat zones, and it is not provided by the government. Insurance is privatized, so even when a civilian is wounded, our taxes are not used. Money is not the only benefit; civilians conveniently save American lives. Super convoys, or trucks that drive in packs of about one-hundred, clear the roads for Americans travelling dangerous routes. Main supply route Tampa (MSR 1) is the highway that stretches from Kuwait to Baghdad. Securing and preventing roadside bombs on it is impossible because of the large distance it covers. Therefore, a simple fact of life in Iraq is any insurgent can place bombs on the side of the road at anytime, and they do. The benefit of allowing civilians, most of which are from 3rd world countries, to drive super convoys across MSR Tampa is that they get hit by the bombs instead of American forces. First platoon, Delta Company, 2-81 Infantry, Fourth Infantry Division�s standard operating procedure was to drive behind super convoys as much as possible.
In September 2006 around Forward Operating Base Kalsu next to MSR Tampa, a civilian truck was destroyed by an improved explosive device. The sight of the truck on fire could be seen miles away. Presumably, it was a catastrophic kill with no survivors. The truck was carrying Gatorade. After the wreckage was recovered, the only debris that remained was a small crater, black scorch mark, and Gatorade rubble. The driver would not be listed in the Department of Defense�s killed in action or wounded in action count. Because the truck was a civilian vehicle with a civilian driver, the American armed forces are at least one soldier stronger. Dina Rasor and Robert Bauman (167) believe in their book Betraying Our Troops, �Titan and its parent company, L3, have lost 216 employees and subcontractors killed in Iraq as of November 2006.� Most likely the source is true because D. Co. 2-81 Inf. forced workers for Titan to sit in the right rear seat in humvees, which was the most dangerous seat right next to the gas tank.
Contractors are well-trained, highly motivated professionals. The companies that contract people have various job opportunities, but all require a great deal of professionalism and experience. An entry level position generally ranges from $65,000/yr. to $100,000/yr. depending on the location. The technically proficient, well-trained mercenary can make $200,000/yr. After three-hundred and thirty days of working outside the United States, all the money made is untaxed. Most likely, a shortage of people willing to risk the hazards for this much money will not happen. A private (E-1) in the U.S. Army makes $1,300 a month.
A few examples of the contract opportunities at Blackwater USA include private security specialist, designated defensive marksman, emergency medical technician, search and rescue medic, and mobile personal security detail (PSD). All positions require three years of experience and qualifications in their respective fields. The most difficult job, mobile personal security detail operations, has the highest requirements. PSD applicants must have eight years of prior service with a large amount of Special Forces operations. Recalling the contract to guard Paul Bremer who was head of the Coalition Provisional Authority during the reconstruction, Jeremy Scahill�s book, Blackwater, reveals how this company works:
Combat Support Associates (CSA) has two companies: Ltd., a limited company in the United States that recruits, and a shell company in the Cayman Islands that is set up to avoid paying taxes. CSA Kuwait has 5,000 men and women working in every base in the country. Seven-hundred and fifty are force protection officers (FPO) who guard military installations. One company alone has more contractors than five battalions of soldiers. The requirements for employment as a FPO are a clean criminal record, U.S. citizenship, a driver�s license, prior military/police training, a good credit history, and the ability to get a security clearance. Combat Support Associates does not hire people unqualified for the job. Employees of CSA are well-trained professionals.
The opposition might say that contractors and private militaries in Iraq and elsewhere around the world are ruthless murderers. Although it is the case that Iraqi law and the Uniform Code of Military Justice do not apply to them, there is oversight in their actions. The companies that do quasi military operations in Iraq are put into life-threatening situations every day. Leniency must be given to these brave men and women who must be able to defend themselves and not worry about Iraqi law in a combat zone. They are not above the law. Usually, cameras are installed and radio transmissions are recorded. Most contractors do not even carry weapons.
Na�ve people might think only the United States Armed Forces is needed to accomplish the goals set by President Bush for victory. Workers who decide to help could be called unpatriotic, greedy, war-profiteers because their motivation is mostly financial. Skilled workers do make small fortunes for their trades, and that may be their main reason for risking their lives. Nevertheless, they earn their money. L-3 Communications Titan Group fills a shortage of people the Department of Defense critically needs: Arabic linguists. Titan Group manages translators in Iraq, hiring locals who live there to translate for line units and fluent American citizens who work on high security mission critical tasks. Furthermore, most contractors are support jobs. Terrorism is not only fought with guns. Richard Miniter (162) insists in his book Shadow War, �The civilian employees of virtually every federal agency are now fighting the War on Terror. The Treasury Department and the Internal Revenue Service have deployed regulators to cut off funds supporting the global terror.�
War has become a business. The true reason for the invasion of the Republic of Iraq in 2003 could be it was a threat to America�s national security. Saddam was a horrible dictator, and a free nation would make a good ally. However, Iraq is now a war for profit with significant costs that this generation may not be able to afford. Never before in history have so many companies been involved in a combat zone. Civilians have always played a significant function in the military-industrial complex. Operation Iraqi Freedom has set a new precedent for what civilians can do in the military-industrial complex. Unless more casualties, a draft, or a dwindling army is wanted, companies and the people who work for them are indispensible and necessary despite the large monetary cost.