On the surface, this question seeks to isolate a school of thought that
sits comfortably within ‘post-enlightenment liberal thought’2
while being ‘favourable to democratic reform and individual liberty’,3
and apply it to a cultural paradigm whose majority believe that ‘Liberalism’
is both foreign to the Islamic way and lacking in any real legitimacy.4
However, as ‘Liberalism’ is such a multidimensional term, it has the potential
to influencing different parts of the Islamic world in different ways.
As an ideology, Liberalism may take on a theological or political nature,
or focus on addressing issues of personal power and autonomy.
Liberalism and Education
Rahman5 argues that if such a phenomena as ‘Islamic Liberalism’ does exist, then much of its genesis will be found within the educational reforms undertaken by both the classical modernists and neo-revivalists. While early attempts at combining Islamic traditions with Western institutions struggled under staunch criticism,6 increased communication and mobility led to the gradual introduction of Western style educational systems into Islamic society.
However, while modernity led to a expansion of the intellectual horizon
available to Muslims, the Islamic education system struggled to develop
an integrated approach to education. Secular and religious fields of education
became very separate academic entities. Rahman7
views this educational dichotomy as one of the main obstacles to the development
of Islamic Liberalism. While Islamic Liberalism became part of the intellectual
landscape, it failed to progress much further. The problem seems deeper
than the absence of an academic synthesis free of Western imperialistic
forces. In the end, Liberalism exists as an ideology which does not presuppose
a doctrinal base, thus causing alarm from the theologians, and raising
suspicion from many other sectors of the Islamic community outside of the
‘knowledge class.’8
How is Liberalism theologically possible?
Liberalism does not understand religion as knowledge which is fixed and unchangeable, but as opinion which is liable to change over time, regardless of its impact on society norms. What prevails as a consensual opinion may or may not carry the legitimacy of truth or knowledge. Liberalism is essentially tolerant, allowing diversity in those areas which are often traditionally held to be fundamental.9 The paradox in all this, is that tolerance presupposes a degree of community and individual autonomy10 that is often regarded as virtually absent in various Islamic cultures.
Where traditional belief understands the scriptures as the basis for
absolute truth, the methodology of the liberal theologian goes past what
is written in the Qur’an. Believing that the text does not limit the meaning
of revelation, liberals search for a meaning that, while based on the written
word, goes beyond those words to that which is represented or revealed
by language.11
How does it work in practice - problems with the State
I believe that some of the inherent difficulties in Islamic Liberalism begin to emerge when examining the issue of the state. This can be seen in how Islamic Liberals use very different presuppositions to reach their conclusion.
One group of liberals, finding that Islam is virtually silent on specific political requirements as regards to state institutions, argue that the establishment of liberal institutions is both possible and desirable. Further, the silence of the Shari’a implies that ‘Islam is compatible only with a liberal system in which Muslims are free to choose and change their political arrangements’,12 within the context of an Islamic state. However, the inherent Liberal tendency of constructing an argument from silence tends to weaken the exegetical and doctrinal basis required to mobilise an organised Islamic movement that is able to withstand fundamentalist pressure.13
The other group finds very specific canonical precedent and draws on
caliphate history to justify the establishment of Liberal institutions.
While this is slightly contradictory to Liberal ideology in that it seeks
to find a basis within a historical absolute, it hints at a joining of
fundamentalist and liberal principles on issues of the Islamic state and
social order. This raises questions as to the tactical methods available
in the mobilisation of the bourgeoisie into reformation. A joining of forces
would be both theoretically possible and highly expedient. For it appears
that while the Liberals have the ideologies to administer a modern state,
they are largely incapable of gaining the popular support needed for reform.
It is the fundamentalists who posses the ability to mobilise the masses.14
What are the consequences of this?
In amongst all this, lines between various schools of thought become blurred to a degree that suggests a fair amount of cultural misunderstanding of the ideological distinctions within the Islamic world. I believe this is further exemplified in the way in which various Islamic Resurgence movements while espousing ‘Liberal’ terminology, often sought to construct authoritarian political and social structures that verged on being totalitarian.15
How correct is Binder in his assertion that Liberalism is unsuitable for much of the Islamic world?16 Talad Asad17 would argue the point differently, suggesting that if religion is understood as a subset of culture unconcerned with belief or meaning, then it is Islam that exists as a sociological tool for the shaping of cultural forces. The question would then become ‘What cultures could accommodate forms of Liberalism?’ Religious Liberalism would follow as a matter of course. This can be seen in how Liberalism and Islam have been able to co-exist in some areas. Liberalism was a driving force in the reformations of Turkish society under Mustafa Kemal,18 though it must be remembered that Turkey has a history of being more politically and intellectually heterogeneous than most other Islamic cultures.19
Binder is not overly optimistic in his outlook for the future of Islamic
Liberalism. Part of this lack of confidence could be traced back to some
of his founding presuppositions; namely the indivisibility of political
liberalism and the heavy emphasis on consensus.20
I find this hard to reconcile with the way in which Liberalism is often
directed towards divisive non-religious ends such as political representation
and feminism, where the interests of one group are promoted over another
group. The diversity of Islamic reaction to the issues of modernity, and
the inevitable conflict inherent with individual autonomy demand that liberalism
take on a flexible nature. In the end, not all Islamic societies will reform
in the same way, but the experience of Turkey and Indonesia demonstrate
that Islamic Liberalism is capable of succeeding.
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1
S.J. Grenz and R.E. Olson. Twentieth-century theology: God and the
world in a transitional age InterVarsity Press, Illinois, 1992,
p. 51.
Historically, ‘liberalism’ refers to a specific movement
in Christian Protestantism that arose in Germany around the turn of the
century, with scholars such as Ritschl, Hegel and Schleiermacher.
2 Deakin University Faculty of Arts. Religion and Modernity: The Case of Islam Deakin University, Geelong, 1996, p. 45.
3 The Australian Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English (seventh edition), G.W. Turner (ed.) Oxford University Press: Melbourne, 1987, p. 618.
4 C.J. Adams, ‘Islamic resurgence:religion and politics in the Muslim world.’, Cities of Gods: faith, politics and pluralism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. (N. Biggar, J.S. Scott and W. Schweiter, eds.), Greenwood Press, 1986, p. 179.
5 A. Bahasoan, ‘The Islamic reform movement: an interpretation and criticism’, Prisma: The Indonesian Indicator, Vol. 35, March 1985, pp. 135-8.
6 F. Rahman. ‘Islam: challenges and opportunities’, Past Influences and Present Challenge, A.T. Welch & P. Cachia, (eds.) Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1979, p. 321.
7 F. Rahman. Islam & Modernity:Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1982, pp. 136-9.
8 B.B. Lawrence. ‘Toward a history of global religion(s) in the twentieth century: parachristian sightings from an interdisciplinary Asianist’, Sixteenth Annual University Lecture in Religion, 23 March 1995, Arizona State University, p. 6.
9 L. Binder. Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1988, p. 2-3.
10 Lawrence, ‘Toward a history of global religion(s) in the twentieth century’, p. 16.
11 Binder. Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies, p. 4.
15 Adams, Islamic resurgence:religion and politics in the Muslim world, p. 174.
16 Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies, p. 245.
17 in Lawrence, ‘Toward a history of global religion(s) in the twentieth century’, pp. 16-7.
18 R. Tapper (ed.) ISLAM in Modern Turkey: religion, politics and literature in a secular state, B. Tauris & Co Publishers, London, 1991, pp. 5-6.
20
Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies,
p. 2.