Apart from the strategic results of the German-Soviet pac5t, Russia�s most effective contribution to Germany�s military successes was undoubtedly the mobilization of the Communist parties against the war, which after the [Ribbentrop-Molotov] pact of 23rd August had become essentially �imperialist.� Directives on the new policy had tone out to all the parties belonging to the Communist International from three sources : Molotov�s speech to the Supreme Soviet on 31st August, 1939 ; an article by George Dimitrov in October, to which the widest publicity was given throughout the world ; and the manifesto of the Communist International issued on the occasion of the 22nd anniversary of the October Revolution. In theory, the war was to be opposed in all the belligerent countries without exception. But even omitting the fact that the bracketing together of Britain, France and Germany was already of some help to Hitler, the campaign against the war was in practice effective only in the democratic countries. In Germany the Hitler régime had much less to fear from Communist opposition, for it had been almost entirely liquidated years before. Moreover, at this period the basic policy of the German Communists was to do everything in their power to support the German-Soviet pact. Their party leaders, who had fled to Moscow, used language against Britain and France—and against them exclusively—which sometimes surpassed even the Nazi Press in its unparalleled violence. One of them, a secretary of the Communist International named Walter Ulbricht, launched an attack on the Social Democratic leader Rudolf Hilferding, who was guilty of having told Socialists it was their duty to fight with the Western democracies against Hitler.¹ After taking him sharply to task, Walter Ulbricht came out against any attempt to prolong the war. �The German Government,� he wrote, �announced its desire for friendly relations with the Soviet Union, whereas the Anglo-French warmongers wished to make war on her. It is in the interests of the Soviet people and the German workers to thwart Britain�s plans. All they want is a rapid end to the war . . .� The slogan of �immediate peace� was used by all the Communist parties between September, 1939, and June, 1941.

In March, 1940, Ribbentrop expressed to Mussolini his satisfaction at the new attitude of the U.S.S.R. on the grounds that �since the pact was signed, the Soviet has stopped trying to interfere in our internal affairs.�² The U.S.S.R. had in fact interfered through the Communist International, but in a way that fitted in perfectly with Berlin�s own interests and plans.⁴

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    ¹ In an article on The meaning of war. Which appeared in Neuer Vorwaerts, organ of the leaders of the German Social Democratic Party. [etc]
    ² Die Welt (organ of the Communist International. Published in Stockholm), 9th February,1940.  Walter Ulbricht is now [1951] the leaders of the �United Socialist Party� in Eastern Germany, and in this capacity is conducting a virulent campaign against the Social Democrat leader Kurt Schumacher, who spent long years in a concentration camp for his opposition to the Hitler régime. And so it goes on . . . Boston : Beacon Press, 1951.

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