From Chinese Political Thought in the Twentieth Century
Chester T. Tan, 1971
At the close of the feudal age, Confucius (551-479 B.C.) attempted to restore order to a world in which central authority had collapsed and feudal lords struggled among themselves to gain hegemony. As a means of achieving peace and stability, Confucius preached �rectification of names,� i.e., titles connoting certain specific rights and duties. Ideally, this system, strictly adhered to, would eliminate conflict, disorder, and usurpation.Confucius� unique contribution, however, was the moral order he endeavored to build. The crucial principle of his philosophy is jen. The word has been translated as �benevolence,� but it means much more. Confucius defined a man of jen as one who is �courteous in his private life, deferential in public service, and faithful to other people.�1 He asserted that �the firm, the resolute, the simple, and the modest is near to jen.�2 Jen is therefore the manifestation of what is genuine in human nature and the doing o what is right and proper. It embraces all the moral qualities a man should exhibit in his relations with others, emphasizing sympathetic fellowship among men. It advocates unselfish assistance to others; � A man of jen, wishing to establish himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to elevate himself, he seeks to elevate others.�3
The Confucian state is founded not on a legal system but on moral principles. �if you govern me by laws and keep them in order by penalties,� says Confucius, �they will avoid penalties, but lose their sense of shame. If you govern them by the principles of virtue, and keep them in order by li, they will retain their sense of shame, and moreover will become good.�4 Li signifies decorum, ritual, or rules of propriety. While law is backed by force, li relies on public opinion and social pressure. Li is the nucleus of customs that regulate men�s lives gently but effectively. Although it was later to develop into tedious and cumbersome ceremony, Confucius placed li second to virtue. Given a virtuous rustic and a well-mannered un-virtuous man, Confucius would have preferred the former.
Government by virtue was to create a new governing class. Integrity and ability, not noble birth, were to be the qualifications for officials. To train men accordingly, Confucius revised the educational system. To reform a society in which only aristocratic families could afford tutors for their children, Confucius offered education to qualified students, regardless of birth and wealth. In doing so, he made it possible for people of humble condition to enter government service and rise in the social scale.
Although his philosophy incorporated certain democratic concepts, Confucius did not advocate government by the people. He did not wish to overthrow the hereditary prince, insisting instead on loyalty to and respect for him. He proposed that men of virtue should assume the responsibility of governing within a monarchical structure, but for the benefit of the people. This view was further developed by Mencius (c. 385-303 B.C.), the great disciple of Confucius, who held that it is the duty of the government to see that the people are well maintained, with attention to the careful inculcation of filial and fraternal duties. Mencius goes beyond Confucius in upholding the rights of men. The people. Mencius says, are the most important element in a state, the sovereign the least. If a ruler outrages humanity and justice, he may be put to death.
Another highly influential school of though in old China was Taoism. This doctrine has traditionally been attributed to Lao Tzu, a contemporary of Confucius, although modern research suggests that the Book of Tao5 was composed in a later period, at some time during the fourth century B.C. Taoism teaches that the secret of the universe is in its natural development. It preaches the wisdom of inaction and the value of quietude and calm. Inaction, however, does not mean inertia; rather, Taoism oppose action that is unnatural, strained, calculated, or self-assertive. Taoists denounce the Confucian principles of humanity and justice, the rules of propriety, and the institutions of ceremonials and rituals, all of which they regard as artificial and futile restraints on natural growth.
Taoism further scorns governmental interference, punishment, and war. An incipient anarchism, it asserts that �when the government is dull and lazy, its people are pure and happy; when the government is efficient and sharp, is people are discontented.�6 [?] Denying the efficacy of governmental regulation and social convention, it advises curbing one�s desire and opposes the quest for the knowledge that stimulates desire. �Abandon wisdom and eject knowledge,� it counsels, �and the people will be benefited a hundredfold.�7 [?]
The movement of nature, according to Taoism, consists n reversion. �All things, however flourishing they may be, return to their roots.�8 Thus weakness is preferable to strength, [?] for things decay after reaching their prime; tolerance is preferred to dogmatism, which provokes opposition. He who knows glory but remains humble will preserve sufficient power. These precepts not only describe the operation of nature and life, they are offered as rules for individual conduct. As revelations of the paradoxical nature of human relations they become maxims for self-;reservation.
The Taoist rejection of authority, while conducive to individual freedom, of course undermines the very foundation of social life. In their reliance upon the state of nature, Taoists neglect man�s social character and natural fallibility. Even so, the emphasis of Taoist thought on simplicity provides a valuable safeguard against hypocrisy and rigidity; its principle of relativity is of great significance in terms of the Chinese mentality. By discouraging aggressiveness, Taoism foster a certain serenity in its adherents.
1. The Analects, Bk. 6, ch. 19.
2. Ibid., Bk. 13, ch. 27.
3. Ibid., Bk. 6, ch 28.
4. Ibid., Bk. 2, ch. 3.
5. Tao-te ching, hereafter cited as Lao Tzu.
6. Lao Tzu, ch. 58.
7. Ibid., ch. 19.
8. Ibid., ch. 16.Garden City, New York : Doubleday, 1971, pages 1- 4, notes p. 20.
Tan, Chester C. Uniform Title [ Chinese political thought in the twentieth century. Korean] Title Chungguk hyŏndae chŏngchʻi sasangsa : Kang Yu-wi, Son Mun esŏ Chang Kae-sŏk, Mo Tʻaek-tong kkaji / Chʻesŭtʻa Tʻan chŏ ; Min Tu-gi yŏk. 中國現代政治思想史 : 康有為,孫文에서蔣介石,毛澤東까지 / 체스타탄著 ; 閔斗其譯. Publisher Sŏul Tʻŭkpyŏlsi : Chisik Sanŏpsa, 1977 (1979 printing) 서울特別市 知識產業社, 1977 (1979 printing) Description xi, 299 p., [6] p. of plates : ill. ; 21 cm. Language Korean Note Translation of: Chinese political thought in the twentieth century. Note Includes bibliographical references and index.Tan, Chester C. Title Chinese political thought in the twentieth century [by] Chester C. Tan. Publisher Garden City, N.Y. : Doubleday, 1971. Description viii, 390 p. 22 cm. Language English Note Includes bibliographical references.
Tan, Chester C. Title The Boxer catastrophe, by Chester C. Tan. Publisher New York, Octagon Books, 1967. Description ix, 276 p. 24 cm. Series Columbia studies in the social sciences ;no. 583 Language English Note Reprint of the 1955 ed. Note Bibliography: p. [245]-263. Bibliographical footnotes.
Tan, Chester C. Title The Boxer catastrophe, by Chester C. Tan. Publisher New York, Columbia University Press, 1955. Description ix, 276 p. 24 cm. Series Columbia studies in the social sciences,no. 583 Language English Note Bibliography: p. [245]-263. Bibliographical footnotes.