Political Actions
for the overthrow of American Slavery, began to be considered important in 1835, but the decision to make it State and National was not settled until 1840. Neither of the great parties, Whigs or Democrats, dared to copy into their platforms and anti-slavery principle, and to start the �Third Party,� with here and there a scattering vote and, knowing that they would be compelled to toil on without an electing a single officer, looked like a tremendous task. It was too great an undertaking for any bit the most earnest and courageous workers. At length these few saw that there was no hope of gaining their object in any way than to make a direct issue with the accursed evil. Many sincerely wished slavery destroyed and did not like to vote to perpetuate it, but wished to evade the question. They tried to think that the North had nothing to do with the system. They resorted to do with the system. They resorted to every argument to persuade themselves that it was meddling with that which did not belong to us to attempt to rid the nation of this malady. But the ever returning fact made every American citizen feel that, �if one member suffered, all suffered with it.� If two families lived in one house and one families part was on fire, it would not be esteemed meddling with that which did not concern with that which did not concern the other the other if he should proffer his help to put it out. Even though the one in the burning part should delight to see his burn, it would not make the other rest satisfied that he had nothing to do with it. He would have something to do with it immediately, meddling or not meddling. He would make his first duty to know that his own part was safe, be destroying the element which would consume them both.

The South were ever and anon reiterating the words, �hands off,� �let us alone,� �ours is a domestic institution and we are to manage it to suit ourselves.� But this is the feeling of every criminal, when perpetuating his worst deeds. The burglar enters your dwelling, takes your watch, you money, your silver ware and goods, and departs saying, �hands off,� and �let me alone.� The horse thief takes your best span and drives away driving your carriage while uttering the words, �hands off,� and �let me alone.� The robber says, �dead men tell no tales,� and takes your money and riding away in triumph exclaims, �hands off,� and �let me alone.� But this was the very thing our South Ridge Anti-Slavery Society men had resolved not to do. They intended to follow them with moral suasion, as long as that would avail anything, and then take up �legal suasion� and political action. They had not undertaken this abolition work in boy�s play. It was a matter involving great principles, and to be carried out to the utmost extent. Because slaver was hedged about the law, State rights and money-making powers if it was the blackest crime the sun ever looked upon, it was to be ferrited out and put down. If they could impress the children of ten years with the responsibilities of their calling to redeem the nation from this curse, they would not cease their efforts until the work was done. This was their object, and in this they were successful.

To form a great national, political party, that should have for its leading object the destruction of slavery in the United States, was the thought for which the liberty-loving men bent their energies. It was among the smallest of enterprises in the beginning. Like a grain of mustard seed, it seemed the least of all. It took it rise in the Summer of 1840, when the Whig party called the front General Wm. Henry Harrison, as candidate for the presidency, and the Democrats, Hon. Martin Van Buren. The organization of the anti-slavery men was called �The Liberty Party.� For a change political men called it the �Third Party.� At the October Election for governor, there was one Liberty vote cast, the first in Conneaut Township, and this was the ballot of Diocletian Wright. In Ashtabula county there were fourteen, entitling scattering. The Liberty Party candidate for presidency was James G. Birney, of New York, for Vice President, Thomas Earle, of Pa. Mr. Birney was a Whig in politics, and while living in Kentucky was a slaveholder claiming twenty-seven as his property. But becoming an abolitionist he brought them into a free state and set them at Liberty. At the presidential election in November, James G. Birney received from South Ridge three votes, Diocletian Wright, Ralph Wright, and Dana Jacobs. In Monroe there was four votes cast for Mr. Birney, viz., by Martin Kellogg, Robert McCellen, Albert Kellogg, and Luther Dean. In Ohio there were 903 anti-slavery votes. In the United States the Liberty Candidate received 6, 414. Small as it was, it alarmed the south, for they saw in it, the beginning of a party that was to triumph. It was the Moses that was to lead the children of African descent into freedom. The other parties made little impression compared to this. In 1844, when Henry Clay and James K. Polk were candidates, the former Whig and latter a Democrat, the Liberty Party put into the field J.G. Birney, now of Michigan for President, and Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for Vice President. At this time, South Ridge, which was called New Guiana, had made great advances, and gave a majority vote for the Liberty candidate. In the State there was an advance to 8050, and in the United States to 62,127.

The political action began and grew even while Anti-slavery societies were molding public sentiment with moral suasion. While object has ever been the same, viz., to ameliorate the condition of the slave and give him self possession, Anti-slavery men have served under different names. In 1848 the Liberty Party, formed eight years before, was absorbed in the Free Soil Party. After eight years longer, in 1856, the Free Soil Party was absorbed into the Republican, which continues to present time. There are those at South Ridge who have grown to political rank that never voted with a pro-slavery party. From the beginning of their civil life they have cast ballots for Liberty, Free Soil, and Republican principles.

The Free Baptist Church
has never tolerated pro-slavery principles in its membership. Both the pulpit and the pew have ever been in such strong sympathy for the oppressed that it would be uncomfortable for any person of opposite sentiment to live with them. Rev. F.W. Straight, from time to time reminded his congregation of the divine call to, �proclaim liberty to the captive,� that they �loose the bands of wickedness, undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free, and that they break every yoke.� May 3rd, 1857, Rev. Rufus Clark preached a sermon on the �Higher Law,� in which he took the position that whenever human laws contravened the Divine it was man�s duty to violate those laws in obedience to the divine. The discourse was published in the Conneaut Reporter. He also preached the funeral sermon of Captain John Brown, executed by the order of Governor Wise, at Charleston, Va., Dec. 2nd, and for his associates, John E. Cook, Edward Coppie, and two colored men, Shield Greens, and John A. Copeland, on the 16th of the same month, 1859, for an attempt at Harper�s Ferry, Va., to open the way of escape to the slaves. After delivering this sermon at South Ridge, the people in Pierpont called for it to be preached to them, which was done accordingly at the next Sabbath.

These are a few specimens of the work that went on at our place for more than twenty years, and until the war of the rebellion in 1861. Then came the enlistments in the service from our Bible classes and citizens, men of staunch moral character, true patriotism and daring bravery. A nobler corps of soldiers never responded to our country�s call, in the hour of danger. They were temperate, honest, and truthful. They were reliable at home and reliable in the field. In the day of battle our gallant boys never ran, but stood at their post, or were shot down in their tracks. They gave their lives for their country, in this last great baptism of blood, and American freedom triumphed over the gallant yoke of slavery. It gave us the second edition of our independence, at the very moment when the oppressors were aiming a death blow at the heart of the Great Republic.