ARGENTINA ERUPTS: AN ANALYSIS OF A POPULAR UPRISING

THE BOILING POINT

The events began on Tuesday, December 18 and spread to the suburbs of Buenos Aires on Wednesday. Food riots and other examples of direct action were reported throughout northeastern Argentina, in Buenos Aires, Cordoba, Rosario, and looting occurred at several stores and supermarkets. Thousands of poor Argentineans banged pots and pans and demanded food outside of businesses, only to face state repression. Stores were counseled by the government to not give out food independently, but often the clamor of the people forced them to. Argentina is Latin America's third largest economy, but in recent years has been in serious economic crisis. The week prior to the rioting a general strike and road blockades were gaining in momentum.

The unemployment rate of the country is 20% and 2,000 people a day fall under the poverty line. The militancy of the past few weeks is nothing new. In 1989, there were massive protests and rioting against unjust economic policies, which helped topple the government.

These food riots quickly turned into massive anti-government demonstrations, as over one million people in Buenos Aires, out of a population of 2.7 million, marched through the streets demanding an end to the neoliberal economic policies of the International Monetary Fund and the 2002 austerity plan. In order to pay back I.M.F. loans, poor nations are forced to accept Structural Adjustment Programs (or S.A.P.'s), which mean the gutting of social services and infrastructure. Argentina is in $155 billion debt, and the liberalization of the national economy has meant suffering for the vast majority of Argentineans.

When the government began to see the insurgency for the threat it really was, it immediately tried to crack down on the revolt. Confrontations between demonstrators and police in Cordoba and La Plata became common, and led to the deaths of 28 people, hundreds of injured, and thousands of arrested. It's unfortunate that these 28, who died fighting capitalist globalization just as much as Carlo Guiliani did, aren't given nearly as much attention in activist circles. On Wednesday, the government declared a 'state of siege'. Assembled groups of three or more people were made illegal, and all constitutional rights were disbanded. The army decided not to aid in the repression of the populace, and this led to a serious crisis. At this time many cabinet ministers resigned, and Argentina was in utter chaos.

On Thursday, the President Fernando De la R�a, and the Economy Minister Cavallo, adamantly pro-privatization, resigned after two years in office. De la R�a fled into a helicopter to save himself from the anger of the demonstrators surrounding the Presidential Palace. The "Pink Palace", Argentinean equivalent to the White House, was taken over by the people. There was an air of defiance, but also of hope as the corrupt administration was toppled. This looked like a potentially revolutionary situation and the question became: What are we going to do next? Various answers came from various places.

Hundreds of demonstrators clashed with security forces outside of the Congress building. Argentina's congress named Eduardo Duhalde president (the fifth within two weeks) on January 1, 2002 to serve until 2003 presidential elections. This is clearly a move to maintain capitalist social peace, and to prevent an insurrection. Duhalde, an old style Peronist, was forced to make cautious statements and to make some sort of concessions to the people, with empty platitudes about "populism". Hundreds of police surrounded the Plaza de Mayo to quell the unrest. Duhalde is a former governor of Buenos Aires whose government was frequently charged with corruption. Jorge Ocampo, a 38-year old electrician said, ``The problem is that there aren't any alternatives; our political leaders are all either scarred by charges of corruption or seen as part of the system.'' It's clear that nothing at all will be changed through electing a new ruler, and that what's required is complete social transformation.

SAP-PING THE LIVES OF THE PEOPLE

Privatization in the 1990s under Menem led to massive layoffs, and price increases for public utilities, such as electricity and phones. The IMF made it clear that they were not going to lend Argentina money. In December 2001 people not wanting their pesos to be devalued, rushed to the banks to convert the pesos to dollars on a one-to-one rate. Economy Minister Cavallo made a law limiting the withdrawals to $1,000 a month, angering the middle class. This is one reason why the middle class joined the demonstrations. Very few people in Argentina have money in the banks, and the impoverished masses are making more radical demands than the middle class; fighting for the end of capitalist injustice and for a really democratic, humane, and just society.

Mark Weisbrot, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a Washington D.C. based think-tank writes: "For 20 years now, Latin America has followed Washington's advice and slashed tariffs, swallowed IMF austerity plans and sold off tens of billions of dollars of state assets to foreigners." When Argentina was forced to "peg" its currency to the dollar, which made the peso overvalued, it made it nearly impossible to escape recession. A mild recession was turned into an international economic crisis created directly by the IMF.

In 1999, the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) approved the use of S.A.P.s. It was approved as part of a $2 billion pilot experiment. The "budget cuts" that President De la Rua promised the IMF were not fully pushed through, so the IMF, which has lent Argentina $18 billion since 1999 decided to end financial aid. The IMF demands fiscal austerity, which hurts the poor most of all and demands that social services be sacrificed to the business interests and financial investments of multinational corporations.

WHICH WAY FORWARD?

It's imperative that the people don't fall into the dead-end of social democracy or reformism. It doesn't look very likely that the government will succeed in enforcing a military dictatorship onto such an ungovernable populace, so their only other option is to use social democratic politicians who vaguely promise change and reform and claim to be on the side of the people. This is just another tactic used to pacify the unrest, and once their power is consolidated they will build up a highly powerful police state to make sure nothing like this ever happens again. This happened in Bolivia, in 2000. There was a near-revolution; with most of the country shut down by a general strike, and road blockades throughout most cities. The town of Cochabamba won a victory over corporate takeover of their water, but unfortunately they eventually gave in to the reformist pleading for 'order'.

As some of the graffiti from Paris May '68 said, "Those who make revolutions only half-way merely dig their own graves". The Communist Party and the trade union leaders of the C.T.A. (who "don't want things to get out of hand") will opportunistically try and recuperate this insurrection, but it is to be hoped, considering the inspiring fact that few party banners were to be seen in the streets and that much of the organizing was spontaneous, that they will not succeed.

As anarchists, where do we stand? How can the mass of working people form a dual-power to the state and organize their society along lines of direct participatory democracy, social equality, and mutual aid? What forces in Argentina already exist that have a coherent theoretical understanding of anti-authoritarian principles and tactics, and how are these principles and tactics going to be popularized and agitated for?

The most well-known and most established anarchist group in Argentina is the OSL (Organizacion Socialista Libertaria) which has been active in labor struggles for many years now, and in radicalizing the working class. In the paper En la Calle, 'the voice of organized anarchism', they state: "We must throw ourselves fully towards building people's organisation, because if we the people are not capable of giving ourselves the society which we want and need, ex-President Menem is there waiting to be called, as a replacement part so that nothing changes, waiting like a wolf in the darkness to eat the carrion left behind by financial capital after the long neoliberal fiesta which burnt its last candle today."

The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo are struggling to redress the crimes and 'disappearances' of Argentina's military dictatorship of 1976-83. The OSL reported that five or six Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo were beaten up. The most promising answer to the question of organization are the burgeoning Argentinean soviets (Asambleas Populares). The people of Almagro, Buenos Aires have formed a popular assembly as a real alternative to the state.

In their "Declaration" they write: "(...) The state of assembly and mobilization (is) the only way to guarantee our right as workers, neighbors and Argentineans (...) We call all the neighborhoods of the Capital to create and take part in all the assemblies and forms of organization set up by their neighbors and organizations. And we call to create connection commissions (comisiones de enlace) with the assemblies already formed or about to be formed."

Among their demands are the immediate resignation of the Supreme Court, the immediate liberty of all political prisoners, and an end to the neoliberal policies of the IMF and World Bank, which starve the people of poor nations. Their call for a "convocation of a free and sovereign Popular Constituent Assembly in all the country, based on popular assemblies in the neighborhoods, factories, counties, and provinces" is clearly a radical one, demanding the solidarity and support of North American radicals.

A danger to keep in mind is that if a popular revolution becomes successful, and mutual aid counter-institutions are created on a large scale, he U.S. or the U.N. could militarily intervene as a "peacekeeping force". This is not as unrealistic as it sounds. There are numerous examples of states or coalitions of states intervening to crush popular revolutions and experiments in self-sufficiency (Nicaragua, Chile, Cuba). Apart from the Leninist take-over of these revolutions, there were also real practical experiments in self-organization, direct democracy and mutual aid. Keep in mind that Bush described Argentina as a "key friend and ally" and isn't too eager about the possibility of losing U.S. hegemony in Latin America. The truth is, Argentina is a materially wealthy country, and could provide the means of subsistence for every individual if organized rationally and with people in mind instead of profits.

After September 11, the U.S. government has a new arsenal of repressive legislation and a whole new batch of excuses with which to crush popular dissent. A popular revolution in Argentina could be conflated with "terrorism", and moral legitimacy for a military attack would be maintained in the eyes of 'Middle America'.

This would especially be bolstered by the fact that the people of Argentina might have to arm themselves in self-defense against any kind of imperialist attack. This is not unlikely; arms already play a part in the political scene, as anti-Duhalde leftists and Peronist supporters fought in the streets.

Hopefully these earthquakes will shake the rest of Latin America and help mobilize the people of Ecuador, Bolivia and Brazil, whose militancy is not in doubt. These countries are equally being fucked by the IMF and World Bank and only self-organization and practical self-sufficiency will be able to create a credible alternative.

If North American anti-capitalists remain in solidarity with the people of Argentina, and real links are built between the two continents, then Bush is going to have a hard time planning a military intervention in the coming struggles ahead.

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