CALLINICUS -v1.1
April 19, 531
by Chris Jackson
symbol set required: master 1

CHANGES FROM 1.0 -

rearranged some of the Byzantine army so the archers would be outnumbered and the bulk
of the infantry would be on the Euphrates side, as described.


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

After the defeat at Daras, Kobad deliberated on what route to take next in 531. Saracen
king Alamundar proposed a new strategy: bypassing the fortresses on the Upper Euphrates,
he would cross lower down and boldly invade the desert north of Palmyara (considered a
natural bulwark) and strike Antioch itself. Kobad approved and alotted 15,000 men for 
the offensive. With Alamundar as a guide, this force led by Azareth crossed the
Middle Euphrates, and panic set in at Antioch with word of the invasion. 

Belisarius upon learning of the invasion decided to leave the frontier lightly defended
and bring 20,000 men to the small lake of Gabbula, 60 miles east of Antioch to meet
the enemy. When the Persians learned of this they began to retreat back to Persia,
and Belisarius pursued them, encamping each night where the Persians had been the
night before. Eventually he reached Sura, a small town opposite Callinicus on the
other side of the Euphrates. The Persians intended to cross back here and Belisarius
intended to let them, thinking there was too much to risk in a pitched battle. But his 
army, including raw recruits, were clamouring for their first battle. It was the day 
before Easter, and the soldiers were fasting in the daytime, but Belisarius was being 
pressured and denounced by his men and some of his officers as well. It is said that 
Belisarius finally yielded to them and deflected accusations of cowardice by pretending
he had only opposed them as a test of their eagerness, although this story of his 
reluctance may have been a story concocted to deflect his responsibility for the battle.

The Byzantines, facing south, touched the Euphrates with their left flank where most
of the infantry was stationed. In the middle, Belisarius commanded the cavalry. On
the right the Byzatines were strengthened by steep ground. Saracens and Lycaonians, some
of which were fresh, inexperienced recruits, were on this side.

For some time the battle was hotly contested. Both armies fought with missile weapons, and
the Byzantines, though fewer in numbers, had better bows and were more accurate. After
two-thirds of the day elapsed, Alamundar led a charge on the Roman right. Ascan the Hun
was able to hold them in check but when he and his 800 men fell, this part of the field
was carried. The Lycaonian rustics fell with little resistance, and the Saracens streamed
off the field, pursued by fellow Saracens. Belisarius, seeing the death of Ascan, was forced
to flee with his cavalry to the infantry on the left. Dismounting and locking their shields,
the Byzantines were able to fend off the Persian attacks the rest of the day until night fell
and they could escape over the Euphrates. The Persians buried the dead the next day and found
to their dismay that about as many Persians as Byzantines littered the battlefield. 

The battle, regardless of how much credit or blame Belisarius should deserve for it, did not 
much affect the outcome of the campaign. The Persians retreated as they had intended, and so 
great were their losses that Kobad relieved Azareth of any high command. 

On September 8, 531, the aged Kobad died suddenly. His third son Chosroes took the throne but
only after slaying every male of his father's house. Possibly due to these domestic problems 
he was eager to make peace with Constantinople. After some diplomatic wrangling, an "Eternal 
Peace" was concluded in 532. All boundaries were restored to pre-war positions, Daras was 
abandoned as a military post, and Justinian agreed to pay Persia 11,000 pounds of gold towards
expenses of guarding the Caucusus. The war was declared a draw, but Justinian was perhaps 
willing to put up with these terms if he had already eagerly turned his eye to the west.

Belisarius was recalled to the capital and probably married Antonina (b.483?) around this time. 
But his career had only just begun, for Justinian would soon launch another campaign...  


SOURCES

Hodgkin, Thomas. "Italy and Her Invaders, Volume 3". London: Russell and Russell, 
     (1880-89), 1967.

Norwich, John Julius. "Byzantium: The Early Centuries". New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989.

Vasiliev, Alexander A. "History of the Byzantine Empire". Madison: University
     of Wisconsin Press, 1952.


BATTLE NOTES

Since the Persians had better bows I maintained the long bow/short bow difference that was in 
the Daras scenario. The Persians will find that their foot archers take quite a while to get 
into position in this scenario. The Persian AI isn't too good in this scenario as it tends to 
just dance around in front of the Byzantines, allowing themselves to become pin cushions for the 
Byzantine archers who are capable of some really heavy fire in this scenario. All this being said,
it is quite possible to win as the Persians by draining the Byzantine morale fast enough. Because 
of the range of the bows, it looks like the Persians will have to endure one round of arrows before
they can close the gap. The Persians are outnumbered, and they take very bad losses in the early 
rounds, but  the longer the scenario goes, the better the Persians can do as they bring the foot 
archers up. The cavalry can flank the archers (as played by the computer) pretty easily. Also note
that the Byzantine archers at the bottom of the screen are of lower quality. 
Although it would make sense for the Byzantines to have higher morale than the Persians, I had to 
drop it to better modify the effects of their fatigue due to fasting. Try playing with the morale
ratings to affect the level of challenge.


- Chris Jackson
March 25, 2000  