In 1993, I and
four otherstraveled clandestinely across East
Timor to gather evidence of the genocide
committed by the Indonesian dictatorship. Such
was the depth of silence about this tiny country
that the only map I could find before I set out
was one with blank spaces stamped "Relief
Data Incomplete." Yet few places had been as
defiled and abused by murderous forces. Not even
Pol Pot had succeeded in dispatching,
proportionally, as many people as the Indonesian
tyrant Suharto had done in collusion with the
"international community."
In East Timor, I found a
country littered with graves, their black crosses
crowding the eye: crosses on peaks, crosses in
tiers on the hillsides, crosses beside the road.
They announced the murder of entire communities,
from babies to the elderly. In 2000, when the
East Timorese, displaying a collective act of
courage with few historical parallels, finally
won their freedom, the United Nations set up a
truth commission; on 24 January, its 2,500 pages
were published. I have never read anything like
it. Using mostly official documents, it recounts
in painful detail the entire disgrace of East
Timor's blood sacrifice. It says that 180,000
East Timorese were killed by Indonesian troops or
died from enforced starvation. It describes the
"primary roles" in this carnage of the
governments of the United States, Britain and
Australia. America's "political and military
support were fundamental" in crimes that
ranged from "mass executions to forced
resettlements, sexual and other horrific forms of
torture as well as abuse against children."
Britain, a co-conspirator in the invasion, was
the main arms supplier. If you want to see
through the smokescreen currently around Iraq,
and understand true terrorism, read this
document.
As I read it, my mind
went back to the letters Foreign Office officials
wrote to concerned members of the public and MPs
following the showing of my film Death of a Nation.
Knowing the truth, they denied that
British-supplied Hawk jets were blowing
straw-roofed villages to bits and that
British-supplied Heckler & Koch machine-guns
were finishing off the occupants. They even lied
about the scale of suffering.
And it is all happening
again, wrapped in the same silence and with the
"international community" playing the
same part as backer and beneficiary of the
crushing of a defenseless people. Indonesia's
brutal occupation of West Papua, a vast,
resource-rich province stolen from its
people, like East Timor is one of the
great secrets of our time. Recently, the
Australian minister of
"communications," Senator Helen Coonan,
failed to place it on the map of her own region,
as if it did not exist.
An estimated 100,000
Papuans, or 10 per cent of the population, have
been killed by the Indonesian military. This is a
fraction of the true figure, according to
refugees. In January, 43 West Papuans reached
Australia's north coast after a hazardous
six-week journey in a dugout. They had no food,
and had dribbled their last fresh water into
their children's mouths. "We knew,"
said Herman Wainggai, the leader, "that if
the Indonesian military had caught us, most of us
would have died. They treat West Papuans like
animals. They kill us like animals. They have
created militias and jihadis to do just that. It
is the same as East Timor."
For over a year, an
estimated 6,000 people have been hiding in dense
jungle after their villages and crops were
destroyed by Indonesian special forces. Raising
the West Papuan flag is "treason." Two
men are serving 15- and ten-year sentences for
merely trying. Following an attack on one
village, a man was presented as an
"example" and petrol poured over him
and his hair set alight.
When the Netherlands
gave Indonesia its independence in 1949, it
argued that West Papua was a separate geographic
and ethnic entity with a distinctive national
character. A report published last November by
the Institute of Netherlands History in The Hague
revealed that the Dutch had secretly recognized
the "unmistakable beginning of the formation
of a Papuan state," but were bullied by the
administration of John F Kennedy to accept
"temporary" Indonesian control over
what a White House adviser called "a few
thousand miles of cannibal land."
The West Papuans were
conned. The Dutch, Americans, British and
Australians backed an "Act of Free
Choice" ostensibly run by the UN. The
movements of a UN monitoring team of 25 were
restricted by the Indonesian military and they
were denied interpreters. In 1969, out of a
population of 800,000, some 1,000 West Papuans
"voted." All were selected by the
Indonesians. At gunpoint, they "agreed"
to remain under the rule of General Suharto
who had seized power in 1965 in what the
CIA later described as "one of the worst
mass murders of the late 20th century." In
1981, the Tribunal on Human Rights in West Papua,
held in exile, heard from Eliezer Bonay,
Indonesia's first governor of the province, that
approximately 30,000 West Papuans had been
murdered during 1963-69. Little of this was
reported in the west.
The silence of the
"international community" is explained
by the fabulous wealth of West Papua. In November
1967, soon after Suharto had consolidated his
seizure of power, the Time-Life Corporation
sponsored an extraordinary conference in Geneva.
The participants included the most powerful
capitalists in the world, led by the banker David
Rockefeller. Sitting opposite them were Suharto's
men, known as the "Berkeley mafia," as
several had enjoyed US government scholarships to
the University of California at Berkeley. Over
three days, the Indonesian economy was carved up,
sector by sector. An American and European
consortium was handed West Papua's nickel;
American, Japanese and French companies got its
forests. However, the prize the world's
largest gold reserve and third-largest copper
deposit, literally a mountain of copper and gold
went to the US mining giant
Freeport-McMoran. On the board is Henry
Kissinger, who, as US secretary of state, gave
the "green light" to Suharto to invade
East Timor, says the Dutch report.
Freeport is today
probably the biggest single source of revenue for
the Indonesian regime: the company is said to
have handed Jakarta $33bn between 1992 and 2004.
Little of this has reached the people of West
Papua. Last December, 55 people reportedly
starved to death in the district of Yahukimo. The
Jakarta Post noted the "horrible irony"
of hunger in such an "immensely rich"
province. According to the World Bank, "38
per cent of Papua's population is living in
poverty, more than double the national
average."
The Freeport mines are
guarded by Indonesia's special forces, who are
among the world's most seasoned terrorists, as
their documented crimes in East Timor
demonstrate. Known as Kopassus, they have been
armed by the British and trained by the
Australians. Last December, the Howard government
in Canberra announced that it would resume
"cooperation" with Kopassus at the
Australian SAS base near Perth. In an inversion
of the truth, the then Australian defense
minister, Senator Robert Hill, described Kopassus
as having "the most effective capability to
respond to a counter-hijack or hostage recovery
threat." The files of human-rights
organizations overflow with evidence of
Kopassus's terrorism. On 6 July 1998, on the West
Papuan island of Biak, just north of Australia,
special forces massacred more than 100 people,
most of them women.
However, the Indonesian
military has not been able to crush the popular
Free Papua Movement (OPM). Since 1965, almost
alone, the OPM has reminded the Indonesians,
often audaciously, that they are invaders. In the
past two months, the resistance has caused the
Indonesians to rush more troops to West Papua.
Two British-supplied Tactica armored personnel
carriers fitted with water cannon have arrived
from Jakarta. These were first delivered during
the late Robin Cook's "ethical
dimension" in foreign policy. Hawk
fighter-bombers, made by BAE Systems, have been
used against West Papuan villages.
The fate of the 43
asylum-seekers in Australia is precarious.
In contravention of
international law, the Howard government has
moved them from the mainland to Christmas Island,
which is part of an Australian "exclusion
zone" for refugees. We should watch
carefully what happens to these people. If the
history of human rights is not the history of
great power's impunity, the UN must return to
West Papua, as it did finally to East Timor.
Or do we always have to
wait for the crosses to multiply?
Back to Top
3. UNDERSTANDING THE ROOTS OF
MIGRATION: THE DEBATE IN THE US
BY
THE STAFF
OF WITNESS FOR PEACE (MEXICO)
In recent days, millions
have taken to the streets to protest unjust
immigration policies and to influence legislation
under debate in the Senate. Many of you have
called your senators letting them know your views
on pending legislation. Our work is far from
finished.
On May 1st, show your
solidarity with undocumented immigrants by
participating in The Great American Boycott
2006a day without an immigrant"
("El Gran Paro Americano 2006un día
sin inmigrante"). For information about
actions going on in different parts of the
country, see www.ImmigrantSolidarity.org
and www.NoHR4437.org.
Background
Legislation in the House
of Representatives, HR 4437, would make the
presence of undocumented persons in the U.S. a
felony punishable by jail time, immediately
qualifying 12 million people in this country for
sentencing. The bill criminalizes humanitarian
assistance to the undocumented, putting churches,
social service providers, and good
Samaritans at risk nationwide, and
increases sanctions against those who employ
them.
Our nation is deeply
divided on immigration issues. The countrys
11 to 12 million undocumented immigrants are
variously described as an occupying army of
thieves, snatching jobs and subverting our laws,
or as a wholesome community of strivers, eager to
build families and chase the American dream.
A majority of the
undocumented workers come from Mexico.
Although many people in
the U.S. blame migrants for taking our jobs,
Witness for Peace believes that the real blame
lies with neo-liberal trade policies endorsed by
our own government. In the twelve years since the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
passed:
Mexico has seen over 1.5
million farmers displaced by the dumping of cheap
corn imports from U.S. producers.
Many of these rural
workers have migrated to the border cities, where
they have sought employment in maquilas
(foreign owned assembly plants or garment
factories), more than tripling the population of
these free trade centers.
The purchasing power of
the minimum wage (about $4.50 US/day) declined by
more than 20 percent.
Other displaced workers
who have lost their jobs due to maquilas
closing in search of cheaper labor have decided
to make the perilous journey to the United
States: It is estimated that Mexican immigration
to the U.S. has doubled since NAFTA began.
Uprooted from their
communities by economic policies that have
destroyed their livelihoods, more and more
Mexicans cross the border in hopes of making a
future for themselves and their children. These
migrants are refugees of an economic war that
leaves scars in the fabric of community life in
the small towns that send migrants north each
year.
The U.S. depends on
migrants for their labor and the Mexican
government depends on them to send money home to
their families. In 2005 Mexicans living abroad
sent more than 20 billion dollars in remittances
back to their communities in Mexico. These
remittances take the place of the subsidies that
were phased out as part of the requirements for
neoliberal structural adjustment.
Neither HR 4437 nor
the Senate compromise bill address the basic
questions about immigration: Why do people leave
their homes and families behind and often risk
their lives to migrate to the U.S.? Why are they
willing to accept jobs paying far below minimum
wage?
Join a Witness for
Peace delegation to learn about the roots of
migration!
This summer Witness for
Peace offers delegations to Mexico with a special
focus on migration. These delegations will
challenge delegates to learn about the realities
not discussed in the current immigration debate.
They will spend time in communities in southern
Mexico to learn about the roots of migration.
Other delegations in the future may visit the
U.S.-Mexico border with Witness for Peace partner
organizations.
June 27-July 6, 2006:
The Human Cost of GlobalizationRoots of
Exploitation and Migration. Ten days, $960 US
plus airfare. Deadline for applications: May 10.
Sponsored by the New England Region of Witness
for Peace. (Call Joanne Ranney at 802-434-2980,
EDT, or write [email protected].)
July 23-31, 2006:
Free Trade and the Roots of Migration. Nine
days, $870 US plus airfare. Deadline for
applications: June 4. Sponsored by the Witness
for Peace Northwest Region. (Call Leo Gorman at
503-327-5757, PDT, or write
[email protected].)
We hope that one of
these delegations will work for you. Please also
alert your friends and associates to these
opportunities. As one former Mexico delegate
wrote, There has been virtually no
discussion in the United States regarding the
connection between agricultural policy and its
impact on rural Mexico, and migration issues.
This is the perspective Ive been trying to
bring to conversations, and it is a perspective I
would have lacked had I not participated in the
delegation.
All are welcome to
submit applications for either of these
delegations. Further information and application
forms are available at www.witnessforpeace.org, or
by contacting the delegation coordinators listed
above, or Vera Wiedenbeck at
[email protected].
If the above dates do
not work for you or others who might be
interested, please check with us regularly, as
Witness for Peace will continue to offer
delegations to Mexico. Please contact us for
further information. We are also willing to
arrange delegations specifically for interested
groups: students, labor, sister cities, religious
congregations, etc. Please contact [email protected].
Back to Top
4. ABSTINENCE BACKFIRES
BY
SHARON
SMITH
One of the Christian
Right's most cherished ideological victories
since the 1990s has been the dominance of
federally funded "abstinence only until
marriage" programs now taught to millions of
teenagers across the country.
New evidence, however,
suggests that these same programs have
contributed to soaring rates of unplanned
pregnancies, out-of-wedlock births and, yes,
abortions among women who are young or poor.
Abstinence education was
not an invention of the Bush administration but
was quietly tucked into Clinton's 1996 welfare
reform bill-dangling federal grants for
abstinence-only programs to cash-starved
states-funded with $97 million in 1999 and rising
to nearly $170 million last year.
Ironically, teenage
contraceptive use had nearly doubled during the
Reagan era, when comprehensive sex
education-including contraception
instruction-still remained the norm.
In contrast, U.S. law
now requires federally funded sexuality education
to inform teenagers that ''sexual activity
outside the context of [monogamous and
heterosexual] marriage is likely to have harmful
psychological and physical effects.''
These programs do not
let the facts stand in the way of traumatizing
teenagers from developing a remotely healthy
attitude toward their own sexuality.
As the Washington
Post reported in 2004, "Many American
youngsters participating in federally funded
abstinence-only programs have been taught
[falsely] over the past three years that abortion
can lead to sterility and suicide, that half the
gay male teenagers in the United States have
tested positive for the AIDS virus, and that
touching a person's genitals 'can result in
pregnancy.'"
A Congressional study in
2004 discovered that the curricula used by 69
educational organizations in 25 states taught
adolescents that a 43-day-old fetus is a
"thinking person" and that the HIV
virus can be spread by sweat or tears.
In addition,
abstinence-only programs universally neglect to
teach teenagers to use contraception,
instead emphasizing false accusations about
contraceptive failure. The Congressional
study found, for example, that many abstinence
programs claimed condoms fail to prevent HIV
transmission as often as 31 percent of the time,
when the actual statistic is just 3 percent.
Not surprisingly,
abstinence promotion has not decreased teen
sexual activity but has led to an increase in
unprotected sex. A recent Columbia University
study found that 88 percent of teenage girls who
take "virginity pledges" eventually
have premarital sex-but are one-third less likely
to use contraception when they do so.
At least two-thirds of
American teenage females have had sex by the time
they reach the age of 18, according to the Center
for Disease Control. In any given year, nine in
ten teenagers who have heterosexual sex without
contraceptives become pregnant.
Nearly 80 percent of
U.S. teen births take place outside of
wedlock-overwhelmingly to low-income women, while
one in four sexually active teens acquires a
sexually transmitted disease.
Federal funding for
contraception has declined by 59 percent (in
constant dollars) since 1980. As a result, women
living in poverty are almost four times more
likely to become pregnant unintentionally than
women of even moderate means.
According to
reproductive rights researchers from the Alan
Guttmacher institute, the rate of unplanned
pregnancy rose by nearly 30 percent for
women living below the federal poverty line
between 1994 through 2001-while falling by
20 percent during the same time period for women
in families earning just $16,000 annually for a
family of three.
Among the poorest women,
the proportion of unwanted pregnancies that
resulted in live births increased by almost 50
percent between 1994 and 2001, while it declined
for women in families whose income was at least
twice the official poverty level.
Unintended pregnancies
led to almost even numbers of births and
abortions.
U.S. teen pregnancy
rates are double those in England and Canada, and
nine times more than those in the Netherlands and
Japan.
Research shows that when
contraception is readily available, the rate of
unplanned pregnancy drops. France offers
free emergency contraception to teenagers,
without requiring them to inform their parents,
yet France has an abortion rate half of that in
the U.S.
For the record, no
scientific evidence exists to show that
consensual sex between teenagers is harmful in
any respect.
Back to Top
5. US SCORES POORLY ON INFANT
MORTALITY
(Shortcomings in basic health care,
obesity cited for low rank among modern
nations)
|
BY
LINDSEY
TANNER
|
| |
Among 33
industrialized nations, the United States
is tied with Hungary, Malta, Poland and
Slovakia with a death rate of nearly 5
per 1,000 babies, according to a new
report. Latvia's rate is 6 per 1,000.
"We are the
wealthiest country in the world, but
there are still pockets of our population
who are not getting the health care they
need," said Mary Beth Powers, a
reproductive health adviser for the
U.S.-based Save the Children, which
compiled the rankings based on health
data from countries and agencies
worldwide.
The U.S. ranking
is driven partly by racial and income
disparities. Among U.S. blacks, there are
9 deaths per 1,000 live births, closer to
rates in developing nations than to those
in the industrialized world.
"Every time
I see these kinds of statistics, I'm
always amazed to see where the United
States is because we are a country that
prides itself on having such advanced
medical care and developing new
technology ... and new approaches to
treating illness. But at the same time
not everybody has access to those new
technologies," said Dr. Mark
Schuster, a Rand Co. researcher and
pediatrician with the University of
California, Los Angeles.
The Save the
Children report, released Monday, comes
just a week after publication of another
report humbling to the U.S. health care
system. That study showed that white,
middle-aged Americans are far less
healthy than their peers in England,
despite U.S. health care spending that is
double that in England.
In the United
States, researchers noted that the
population is more racially and
economically diverse than many other
industrialized countries, making it more
challenging to provide culturally
appropriate health care.
About half a
million U.S. babies are born prematurely
each year, data show. Black infants are
twice as likely as white babies to be
premature, to have a low birth weight and
to die at birth, according to Save the
Children.
The researchers
also said lack of national health
insurance and short maternity leaves
likely contribute to the poor U.S.
rankings.
Other possible
factors in the U.S. include teen
pregnancies and obesity rates, which both
disproportionately affect black women and
increase risk for premature births and
low birth weights.
In past reports
by Save the Children released
ahead of Mother's Day U.S.
mothers' well-being has consistently
ranked far ahead of those in developing
countries but poorly among industrialized
nations. This year, the United States
tied for last place with the United
Kingdom on indicators including mortality
risks and contraception use.
While the gaps
for infants and mothers contrast sharply
with the nation's image as a world
leader, Emory University health policy
expert Kenneth Thorpe said the numbers
are not surprising.
"Our health
care system focuses on providing
high-tech services for complicated cases.
We do this very well," Thorpe said.
"What we do
not do is provide basic primary and
preventive health care services."
Back to Top
6.
THE HARDEST WORD
|
BY
SCOTT RITTER
|
| |
One has
to wonder as to what must have
been going through the minds of
those who were advising George W
Bush and Tony Blair to "come
clean", so to speak,
about their respective
shortcomings regarding the
conduct of the war in Iraq. With
over 2,460 American and 106 UK
soldiers killed in Iraq (not to
mention untold thousands of dead
Iraqis), the two people in the
world most responsible for the
ongoing debacle in Iraq displayed
the combination of indifference
and ignorance that got them neck
deep in a quagmire of their own
making to begin with.
President
Bush kicked himself for
"talking too tough",
while the British prime minister
ruminated on the decision to
disband the Ba'athist
infrastructure that held Iraq
together in the aftermath of the
fall of Saddam Hussein. Neither
expressed any regret over the
decision to invade Iraq in the
first place.
Bush
made no reference to the
exaggerated and falsified claims
about Iraqi weapons of mass
destruction he and his loyal ally
bandied about so freely in the
months leading up to the invasion
of Iraq in March 2003. Blair,
recently returned from a visit to
Baghdad where he met with the
newly appointed prime minister of
Iraq, Nouri al-Maliki, did not
reflect on the reality that the
Iraq of Saddam Hussein was a more
peaceful and prosperous land
before British and American
troops overthrew the Iraqi
president and condemned Iraq to
the horrific reality of
insurgent-fed civil strife.
"Despite
setbacks and missteps, I strongly
believe we did and are doing the
right thing," Bush remarked,
although he was quick to add,
"Not everything has turned
out the way we hoped". That,
of course, could qualify for the
understatement of the year. For
his part, Blair spoke of faulty
judgements, perhaps the greatest
of which was to underestimate the
scope and intensity of the
insurgency, which he in typical
fashion characterized as fighting
against the democratic process,
as opposed to struggling against
an illegal, illegitimate and
unjust occupation.
Blair
shared his reflective insights at
moment when the people of the
United Kingdom were wrestling
with new revelations concerning
how he misled their attorney
general, Lord Goldsmith, into
putting forward a legal finding
that enabled Britain to go to war
with Iraq void of a second United
Nations security council
resolution. Blair had apparently
told Lord Goldsmith that Iraq was
in "material breach" of
its obligations, despite the fact
that no new intelligence on WMD
had been unearthed, and UN
weapons inspectors were on the
ground in Iraq receiving total
cooperation from the Iraqi
government. Not a peep from the
prime minister on this matter,
though.
For his
part Bush waxed eloquently about
the cost of war to America.
"No question that the Iraq
war has, you know, created a
sense of consternation here in
America," the president
said. "I mean, when you turn
on your TV screen and see
innocent people die day in and
day out, it affects the mentality
of our country." He added:
"I can understand why the
American people are troubled by
the war in Iraq. I understand
that. But I also believe the
sacrifice is worth it and it's
necessary."
Of course, the president remained
mute as to the current visit to
Iraq by the commandant of the
Marine Corps, General Michael
Hagee, who in the light of recent
accusations of excessive force on
the part of Marines fighting a
life and death struggle in the
Anbar province of Iraq, were
cautioned to kill "only when
justified". Some 717 Marines
have lost their lives in the
fighting in Iraq, most in the
violence-prone Anbar province,
where the Iraqi insurgency is
particularly deeply entrenched.
Marines from the 3rd Battalion,
5th Regiment are accused of
slaughtering scores of innocent
Iraqis in the aftermath of a
fire-fight that followed a deadly
attack on the Marines by a
road-side bomb. In the middle of
a conflict not of their making,
fighting an enemy as deadly and
resolute as they themselves are,
the Marines are now lectured by
general's to destroy only that
which needs destroyed, kill only
those who need killed, as if war
was ever that easy.
Instead
of focusing on the horrific
reality of the unmitigated
disaster that these two
politicians are solely
responsible for inflicting on
their own respective armed forces
and the people of Iraq, Bush
deflected any talk about bringing
American troops home. "I
have said to the American people,
'As the Iraqis stand up, we'll
stand down,'" he said.
"But I've also said that our
commanders on the ground will
make that decision." Blair
dutifully chimed in that, in the
aftermath of his Baghdad visit,
he "came away thinking that
the challenge is still immense,
but I also came away more certain
than ever that we should rise to
it."
Both
politicians were playing to their
respective electorates, Blair in
an effort to forestall his
inevitable departure from
government, Bush trying against
hope to prevent a democratic
landslide in the mid-term
elections upcoming in November.
But they both forgot that, to
paraphrase an old military
saying, "the enemy has a
vote, too." And the Iraqi
insurgency votes on a daily
basis, its ballots counted in the
bodies of those killed because of
the violence brought on Iraq
thanks to the decision by Bush
and Blair to invade.
That
decision, based upon lies and
deceit, and done in pursuit of
pure power (either in the form of
global hegemony, per Bush, or a
pathetic effort to ride Bush's
coattails in the name of
maintaining a "special
relationship", for Blair),
underscores the reality that when
it comes to Iraq, both are
resting on a policy that is as
corrupt as one can possibly
imagine.
Void of
any genuine reflection as to what
actually went wrong, and lacking
in any reality-based process
which seeks to formulate a sound
way out of Iraq, these two
politicians are simply continuing
the self-delusional process of
blundering down a path in Iraq
that can only lead to more death
and destruction.
Perhaps
the advisors of Bush and Blair
thought they were going to put a
human face on two leaders who had
been so vilified over the Iraq
debacle. If so they failed. The
joint press conference was little
more than a pathetic show where
two failed politicians voiced
their continued support of failed
policies, which had gotten their
respective nations embroiled in a
failed war. To quote Blair:
"What more can I say?
Probably not wise to say anything
more at all."
Back to Top
7. RESIST THIS
US BACKLASH
(Cuba is in danger of
being punished by Europe
for Washington's loss of
clout in Latin America)
|
BY
IAN
GIBSON
|
| |
Faced
with a loss of influence
in Latin America as a
result of the shift to
the left, the US
government has been
furiously lobbying
sympathetic European
states to create
political leverage on
Washington's behalf. As a
partner in a
"special
relationship",
Whitehall is a prime
target.
The
first test of the new US
strategy towards its
recalcitrant neighbors
will come next week when
the EU meets to agree on
a united approach to
relations with Cuba. The
"common
position" will set
out a policy for
engagement with the
Havana administration and
is binding on member
states. The threat is of
a shift towards a
diplomatic freeze, or
even sanctions against
the Caribbean island.
Those
of us who have observed
Cuba's social system
remain perplexed by the
following contradiction:
that the determination to
"make poverty
history" attracts
strong support from the
EU in principle, yet when
a country takes steps to
ensure the concept
becomes reality, a
disapproving silence
ensues. This has been
demonstrated in Cuba,
Venezuela, Bolivia and
even Argentina.
Cuba
is the only country in
Latin America that does
not receive assistance
from international
financial institutions
such as the World Bank
and the International
Monetary Fund, which are
supposed to contribute to
the development of third
world countries. It is
also the only nation on
the continent with whom
the EU has not signed a
cooperation agreement.
Yet social advances
continue, underpinned by
moderate but consistent
economic growth.
The
UN recently announced
that Cuba is the only
country in Latin America
that has no malnutrition.
The World Health
Organisation reports that
the Cuban doctor-patient
ratio is 1:170, better
than the US average of
1:188. In addition, WHO
has commended Cuba for
outstanding literacy
levels and rates of
infant mortality and life
expectancy that outstrip
Washington DC - despite
45 years of an illegal
economic blockade imposed
by successive US
administrations. Cuba's
international activities
also deserve recognition.
It is operating
humanitarian missions in
68 countries and, in 2005
alone, 1,800 doctors from
47 developing countries
graduated in Cuba under a
free scholarship scheme.
Yet
western governments -
including our own - offer
little acknowledgement of
these achievements. The
Foreign Office explains
it "cannot have
normal relations with
Cuba" due to
human-rights concerns.
Amnesty International
claims that 72 prisoners
of conscience are
detained in Cuban jails,
an allegation rejected by
the Cuban government,
which argues that all
were tried and found
guilty of being in the
pay of an enemy power -
the US. The International
Red Cross has meanwhile
reported that up to
40,000 people are
detained by coalition
forces in Iraq without
charge.
If
we are to promote the
eradication of poverty
and greater global
cohesion, there must be a
sense of justice and
mutual respect. Our
government should promote
exchanges with nations
like Cuba and see what we
can learn from one
another. Scope exists for
cooperation in
biotechnology. Vaccine
exports from Cuba doubled
last year and clinical
trials in several
countries established
Cuba as a world leader in
cancer research and
treatment.
It
must be hoped that the EU
will resist US pressure,
despite the tendency of
countries like Poland and
the Czech Republic to
rush to do Washington's
bidding. More than 170
MPs have signed a Commons
motion calling for an
independent positive
approach to Cuba in the
Brussels negotiations.
They recognise that there
is much to gain from
cooperation with Latin
America but, as recent
history reminds us, much
to be lost from policies
of isolation.
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