At first glance, the
Philippine Islands and Iraq
could not be more different. While one setting is full of lush jungles, the
other is barren. Yet both were, and in the case of Iraq,
continue to be, scenes of conflict in which the United
States is involved. The similarities do not
end there, however. The war fought in the Philippines
has numerous lessons to teach the current leadership in Iraq,
most of which have been ignored. To analyze the present day, however, we must
understand the past.
While the US-Filipino
war began on February 4, 1899,
the roots of the conflict were found in the Spanish-American War. On May 1, 1898, at 5:45 am, Commodore George Dewey ordered shots to be
fired on Spanish ships in Manila Bay.
After a decisive victory, Dewey was left with a bigger problem: the US Navy could
not seize Manila with just ships.
Luckily for Dewey, help was acquired in a rebel movement led by a young man
named Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy. This movement had been a thorn in Spain’s
side since 1896, and while Aguinaldo himself had been exiled to Hong
Kong, he still funded their attacks. With such an obvious solution
to his ground troop problem, it is no wonder that Dewey chose to bring
Aguinaldo back from Hong Kong to occupy Manila.
On May 19, Aguinaldo and Dewey met on Dewey’s flagship to discuss Dewey’s plan.
Apparently,
there was a miscommunication between the both of them. Aguinaldo came away from
their meeting with the assumption that the US would support an independent
Philippines; Dewey maintained that he only wanted the Filipino troops to harass
Spanish troops until he could get American troops there, telling Aguinaldo, “Go
ashore and start your army.”1 Even before Aguinaldo got to the Philippines,
the Filipino armies had begun fighting the Spanish, slowly conquering in the
archipelago except Manila. On June 12, 1898, Aguinaldo issued a
declaration of independence based on the
US model. 2 In what should have
been a signal on the US
stance to this turn of events, Dewey refused to attend the ceremony.
Around the end
of June, the first batch of US troops arrived to “complete the reduction of
Spanish power in the archipelago.”3 After negotiating with Aguinaldo, the US
troops moved through the Filipino troops and into Manila,
where they discovered that the Spanish commanders wanted to surrender, but not
to the Filipinos. Finally, the Americans and Spanish decided that they would
fake a battle, with Dewey shooting a few shells at Manila,
“forcing” the Spanish to surrender. This supposed battle occurred on August 13, 1898, leaving the city of Manila
occupied by US troops, who held the Filipino troops out by force. When the
surrender ceremony took place, the Filipinos had no part in the ceremony.4
After four more
months of fighting in other Spanish possessions, the treaty ending the Spanish-American
War was signed on December 10, 1898.
In said treaty, the US
paid Spain 20
million dollars for the title to the Philippines.
The US also
stated their goal as “benevolent assimilation.” 5 Even though the Americans
began cleaning up Manila by
repairing the roads, vaccinating inhabitants, 6 and other generally helpful
things, the Filipinos still had no urge to be annexed by the Americans. In
fact, the Filipino people had already set up their own government, electing
Aguinaldo as their president. As tensions rose between the US
troops and the Filipino troops, skirmishes were inevitable. On the night of February 4, 1899, the tension
blossomed into war.
Private Willie
Grayson was on guard duty in a section of Manila
known for numerous skirmishes between the Filipinos and Americans. Around 8 pm, Grayson spotted a few Filipinos headed
towards him with weapons at the ready. As Grayson later recalled, “I yelled
‘halt’ and the man moved…I thought the best thing was to shoot him. He
dropped.” 7 Grayson then ran back to his camp to tell the other men in his unit
that the Filipinos were everywhere, which caused more shooting. The war had
begun.
By the end of
March, Aguinaldo’s capital had been captured. The Filipino Congress eventually
voted to accept the US
occupiers in order to stop what was quickly turning into a massacre.
Aguinaldo’s head general, Antonio Luna, arrested most of the Congress for
treason shortly afterward. They were quickly freed by Aguinaldo. On June 5, 1899, Luna was assassinated.
By early
December 1899, Aguinaldo was on the run once more with the Americans on his
heels. One of his generals, Gregorio del Pilar, volunteered to stay behind at Tila
Pass with sixty men, declaring that
“the Americans could never take this place, and if they ever did take it, it
would be over my dead body.”8 On December 2, del Pilar and fifty of his sixty
men were killed. After this last battle, the Filipinos resorted to guerrilla
warfare.
During the
months leading to the election of 1900, Aguinaldo intensified his guerilla
campaign, hoping to win a victory for the Democratic candidate, who had
declared himself opposed to imperialism. 9 This tactic didn’t work, however,
and President William McKinley was reelected. Earlier in the year, the general
in charge of American troops was replaced by General Arthur MacArthur.
MacArthur recruited native
soldiers
to help him fight the rebels. He also received a telegram from the War
Department giving him permission to ruthlessly exterminate the guerrillas. 10 On
the civilian front, an Ohio judge
named William Howard Taft was sent to help the Filipinos to adjust to civilian
rule. US
soldiers were once again used to build schools, vaccinate people, set up courts
run by native people, and hold sanitation campaigns. 11 On December 23, 1900, several former members of
the independence movement created a political party that went around the Philippines,
telling the guerillas to surrender and take a loyalty oath to the US.
12
While all of
this helped to end the war, the final blow was issued by Brigadier General
Frederick Funston. On March 6, 1901,
Funston began his plot: he and a few of his soldiers would be “captured” by troops
pretending to be reinforcements for Aguinaldo, who then would capture
Aguinaldo. Using this deception, they were able to get through Aguinaldo’s
defenses and capture him. On April 19,
1901, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation declaring American
sovereignty and asking his former comrades to give up the struggle. 13
Most of the
insurgents did, but a few continued to rebel. One village actually slaughtered
close to an entire company. One Brigadier General, “Hell-Raising Jake” Smith,
took his revenge by killing any Filipino over 10 years old on the island where
it happened. 14 To journalists, it appeared that “American soldiers are
determined to kill
every
Filipino in sight.” 15 By July 4, 1902,
President Roosevelt (President McKinley had been assassinated in the meantime)
declared the war over.What did America
learn from the US-Filipino War? For starters, Commodore George Dewey should
have been clear on what he desired from Aguinaldo, and should have made sure
that Aguinaldo understood too. Dewey was too vague on what exactly he wanted
Aguinaldo and his men to accomplish. In fact, Dewey later claimed by the time
he knew Aguinaldo had misunderstood him, that “[h]e would not have listened to
me; I could not have stopped him.” 16 Because of Aguinaldo’s declaration of
independence, the Filipino people felt that they were free, making them
resentful of the American occupying forces. Second, the US
should have let the Filipinos have a spot in the surrender ceremony. The
Filipinos had fought the battles that defeated the Spanish; not letting them
have a part in the ceremony created more tension between the Americans and the
civilians. Another lesson learned was that to gain civilian trust, US soldiers
had to help to improve living conditions. During the US-Filipino War, Taft’s
insistence on US troops helping to rebuild villages served the dual purpose of
appeasing Filipino civilians who might have been guerrilla supporters and it
gave the Americans local allies. Fourth, just because the leader of the
rebellion is removed from power, it doesn’t mean the resistance will stop. In
theory, Aguinaldo’s proclamation should have stopped the rest of the
guerrillas. As history showed, while it got rid of most of them, a few die-hard
believers of Philippine independence continued to fight. Fifth, if all else
fails, isolate the guerrillas and starve
them out.
While moving all of the law-abiding citizens of a province into a concentration
is unethical, it effectively dried up the guerrillas’ water supply. 17 Finally,
use citizens to fight against other citizens. Using the Macabebes
against the ruling Tagalogs was a great way to get
guides and other men to fight for the Americans.
Can any of these lessons be applied today? Of course; the first lesson
is obviously one. When commanders use local leaders, they need to make sure
that their intentions are clear, so that nothing can be misinterpreted. In
fact, if the commanders would sign a contract or some sort of statement in
which their intentions are addressed, miscommunication would be kept to a
minimum. Still, the US soldiers’ presence is still resented by Iraqi citizens
who want them to leave. But unlike the US-Filipino campaign, the US
president declared Iraq
independent, not a local leader; this situation is partly of America’s
own making.
The second
lesson can and has been used in a broader sense. The American soldiers of today
are attempting to help the Iraqis set up their own government, with Iraqi
citizens in every administrative position. Instead of the Americans picking the
new leaders, the Iraqis have had democratic elections. The US
troops in the Philippines,
on the other hand, first put Americans in power, not giving the Filipinos any
voice at all. Only as the guerilla campaign picked up force did the Americans
begin putting the native citizens in figurehead positions in villages. In some
instances, the Americans chose the same people to run the villages that the
guerrillas had also chosen.18
The third
lesson, building and rebuilding the occupied country in order to gain the trust
of the citizenry, is also being used. US soldiers’ forces today are split between
defeating the guerrillas and
helping to rebuild Iraq.
In fact, rebuilding Iraq
appears to be US
soldiers’ first priority. In the US-Filipino War, however, rebuilding the
country took a back seat to the overall goal of suppressing the Filipino guerrillas.
Although rebuilding the Philippines
was a part of the American occupation policy, it appears to have been
relatively abandoned until William Howard Taft emphasized it in 1900. 19
The fourth lesson has now been re-taught to the American soldiers in Iraq.
During the US-Filipino War, the US
soldiers were viewed as oppressive invaders and Aguinaldo, who had been elected
as the independent president of the Philippines,
was looked upon as a hero. Aguinaldo was also a symbol of Philippine
independence itself. The fact that most of the guerrilla attacks ended after
Aguinaldo proclaimed that the war was over is evidence that he still wielded
considerable power. However, even Aguinaldo could not predict the meaning of
Philippine independence to some of the rebels. In Iraq,
however, while most of the Iraqi citizens appeared to be happy that Saddam was
gone, they were not happy that American soldiers had to invade their country to
get rid of him. Also, the ruling Sunni Muslims were not pleased that their
reason for power had been captured. It should come as no surprise that they
also want the Americans to leave Iraq.
The American soldiers should have been ready for this turn of events. This lack
of preparation for a guerrilla war has contributed to the deaths of US troops.
The fifth lesson,
a call for total war, has not been used yet. During the US-Filipino War, this
step was necessary for the war to end. Since both the guerrillas and
law-abiding citizens looked alike, the US
troops locked the law-abiding citizens (and those who pretended to be) away in
concentration camps. While numerous citizens died, the result of this action
was successful. As long as the guerrillas could depend on civilian help,
pacification was impossible. 20 In today’s world, of course, the rounding up
and imprisonment of citizens is not looked upon favorably anywhere. If the United
States attempted to imprison Iraqi citizens,
there would be an almost global uproar. While never ethically okay, the
soldiers of the US-Filipino War were able to get away with it because of the
feelings of the time, the feeling that “Filipinos were foreigners as well as
enemies." 21
The final lesson, using natives in
American battles, is also useful and has been implemented successfully. During
the US-Filipino War, the greatest evidence of this was in Funston’s plan to
capture Aguinaldo. The Macabebes were able to get
close enough to Aguinaldo to capture him because they were natives. The Macabebes were not the only tribes the Americans used. In
most cases, the tribes were much harsher to the guerrillas than the US
troops. 22 In Iraq,
The US troops are training Iraqi units to help them fight the insurgents. These
troops will help to protect the Iraqi government once the US
troops are withdrawn.
In conclusion, the US-Filipino War
and the situation in Iraq
have numerous similarities. Although the terrain is different, the situation is
eerily similar. In both cases, it was assumed that victory would be quickly won
for the Americans. In both the Philippines
and Iraq, the
real battles were not even battles at all, but guerrilla attacks. Because of
this, the US-Filipino war has numerous lessons that can be used in Iraq.
While most of them have not been
forgotten and have been used, some have been neglected. Time will tell whether Iraq
will end up like the Philippines.