Is-7
Principju:
Inhaddmu tassew is-solidarjeta,
fost hwejjeg ohra billi nkunu lesti nerfghu parti mill-piz.
Vince Caruana,
2, Sqaq l-Gharghar, Birkirkara. Tel:
491373 email: [email protected]
The Lomé Convention, which governs relations
between the European Union and the countries of the African, Caribbean and
Pacific (ACP) group, formed the basis of the European Community’s co-operation
policy from 1975 until 28 February 2000. The
year 2000 marked the reform of this EU-ACP partnership through the Cotonou
Agreement.
The number one objective of this new
partnership is to reduce poverty, and the ways in which this can best be done
will determine the strategies for cooperation.
The need is for an integrated approach that takes account of the complex
nature of poverty, and this approach will concentrate on three areas of
co-operation:
economic development;
social and human development; and
the integration of regional co-operation.
Objectives
for every area of co-operation are:
equality between men and women;
the sustainable management of the environment; and
the strengthening of institutional capacities.
These areas of co-operation and objectives
are similar to what we often seek and desire for our own country.
In fact most of the discussions regarding Malta’s current bid to join
the EU focus on possible benefits from similar areas of co-operation and objectives.
These issues surely merit a thorough and exhaustive internal discussion
so that we will be in a better situation to decide the future of our country.
However if we eventually join the European Union our obligations will be
mainly on the “donor” side of development co-operation partnerships.
This brings us to the main question of this short analysis:
“In our discussions on Malta’s current application to join the EU,
are we giving sufficient attention to how we will be able to fulfil our
international obligations to promote sustainable development, reduce poverty and
advance the conditions for peace?”
A quick scan of the current debate indicates
that our discussions are skewed towards what our country might gain or lose,
with the result that we are not considering adequately our moral duties to help
the poor and to try to create a more just world. This apparent omission is not only from the part of
government and businesses but also from that of the third sector. This is that
particular set of organisations variously called and including NGOs, nonprofits,
people's organisations, voluntary associations, voluntary development
organisations, civil society organisations, unions, religious organisations and
co-operatives. In order to bring
about transformational changes aimed at addressing root causes of global crises,
particularly those of deepening poverty, environmental destruction and social
disintegration, the third sector locally needs to examine its strengths and
weaknesses, its governance and management, its relations with government and
business organisations, its role in social, economic and political development
and the legal environment in which it exists.
The government sector, the business sector and
the third sector are urged to become more familiar with any opportunities and
threats for solidarity and compassion for the fate and well-being of others,
including unknown distant others, that might arise from eventual membership of
the EU.