Ria Gorospe
(paper below)
Philippine
Mission in Rebuilding East Timor
East Timor is the newest
country in the world. It became an
independent republic on May of 2002.
The
Crisis: Indonesia and East Timor
§
In 1974 Portugal began liberating
its colonies.
§
In 1975, Portugal and Indonesia
held talks regarding the decolonization of East Timor and decided to hold a
referendum to allow the local East Timorese to decide their future.
§
There emerged of various
independence movements. The dominant movements were the Timorese Democratic
Union (Uniao Democratica Timorense, or UDT), and the Revolutionary Front for an
Independent East Timor (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente, or
Fretilin).
§
The UDT proposed a conservative
transition to independence that included retaining close ties with Portugal. The
Fretilin, on the other hand, wanted outright independence.
§
In November 1975, Fretilin declared
unilateral independence but the independence was short-lived as Indonesian
forces invaded East Timor in December and annexed the area.
§
In 1976, Indonesia declared East
Timor as its 27th province,
but this declaration was never recognized by the United Nations.
The
Resistance
§
Fretilin was the front liner of the
organizations against Indonesian colonization.
§
The leader of Fretilin was Jose
Alexandre “Xanana” Gusmao, who led guerilla attacks against Indonesian
forces in East Timor.
§
Aside from the guerilla warfare,
Fretilin activist Jose Ramos-Horta, who escaped the Indonesian onslaught,
traveled the world for more than two decades, speaking for the cause of East
Timor autonomy.
§
Catholic Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo
also fought for the cause of East Timor, standing as a visible pro-independence
figure.
§
In 1983 Gusmao initiated talks with
the Indonesian military in an effort to secure a peaceful liberation of East
Timor. Gusmao was captured by Indonesian military on 1992 and imprisoned in
Jakarta.
§
Ramos-Horta and bishop Belo
continued their nonviolent effort for East Timor’s independence and were
accorded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996.
The
election and the violence
§
In early 1999, Habibie agreed to
hold an election to let the East Timorese vote on whether East Timor would
become an autonomous region under Indonesia or an independent nation.
§
On May 5, 1999, Indonesia and
Portugal signed a UN-brokered agreement, establishing the process for an
election in August that would determined the East Timorese stand. As part of the
provisions, a United Nations team went to the territory to conduct the
plebiscite.
§
98.6% of those who registered for
the polls voted on August 30. During the 5 days that the UN counted the ballot,
pro-Indonesian militias went on a rampage, pillaging and destroying towns.
Thousands of civilians fled to the hills for protection.
§
On September 4, UN announced that
78.5% voted for independence.
§
On September 15, by the order of
the UN Security Council, with the agreement of the Indonesian government,
deployed an Australian-led peacekeeping force (InterFET).
§
The Australian troops arrived on
September 20 and Indonesian military began to withdraw.
§
On October 20, Indonesia’s
national assembly ratified the August 30 decision in East Timor and repealed the
1976 legislation that had annexed East Timor.
The
Aftermath
§
After the Indonesian ratification
of the August 30 decision, the UN formally took over the administration of East
Timor.
§
Investigations conducted afterwards
found that 60% to 80% of East Timor’s property was destroyed and 75% of the
population was displaced during the elections. UN estimates about 1500 people
were killed.
§
The invasion and occupation of East
Timor by Indonesia is estimated to have claimed over 200,000 lives.
Independence
§
In August 2001 East Timor held its
first democratic elections with 16 parties participating. The elections
established an 88-member constituent assembly tasked with writing the first ever
constitution of East Timor.
§
On April 2002, former guerilla
resistance leader Xanana Gusmao was elected the first East Timorese president.
§
On May 20, 2002, East Timor became
independent.
East
Timor Issues
§
Human Rights Violations
§
The Militia and Indonesian army
§
US Involvement
East
Timor Economic Outlook
§
Presently, East Timor is the
poorest Asian nation.
§
East Timor is heavily dependent on
foreign aid.
§
The money for the East Timor
government will supposedly come from the revenues from the oil and gas field off
the East Timor southern coast- known as the Timor Gap.
§
Up to 90 percent of East Timorese
live on less than US$1 (Php50) a day and more than half the population are
illiterate.
The Role of the United Nations in East
Timor
UNAMET
The
May 5 Agreement between Indonesia and Portugal entrusted the UN
Secretary-General with organizing a “popular consultation”, and thus UNAMET
was formed. The United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) was established on
June 11, 1999.
§
Its main objective was to carry out
the “popular consultation” or referendum among the Timorese people.
§
The mission included 240
international staff, 270 civilian police (CivPol), 50 military liaison officers
(MLO), 425 UN volunteers (UNV), and 668 local East Timorese staff for
translation and driving (plus 3600 East Timorese who where hired for five days
to run the referendum).
INTERFRET
Resolution
No. 1264 of the United Nations called for an establishment of a multinational
force (INTERFRET) on September 15, 1999.
§
This would be under a unified
structure to be headed by a member state of the UN (Australia).
The
INTERFRET’S mandate:
§
To restore peace and order in East
Timor
§
To support the UNAMET mission
Australia
contributed 4500 troops while another 3000 came from other nations such as New
Zealand, Britain, Thailand, Philippines, South Korea, Singapore and so on.
UNTAET
The
UN Security Council established on October 25, 1999 the United Nations
Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET).
§
UNTAET is an integrated,
multi-dimensional peacekeeping operation fully responsible for the
administration of East Timor during its transition to independence.
In
line with the UN Security Council Resolution No. 1272, the UN Secretary- General
appointed a Special Representative to the secretary-General (SRSG).
§
SRSG is responsible for all phases
of UN military and civil operations.
§
SRSG has the power to enact laws
and regulations, and to amend, suspend, repeal existing laws.
§
The mission is under the authority
of SRSG Sergio Vieira de Mello of Brazil who was the UN Undersecretary-General
for Humanitarian Affairs.
Mandate
of UNTAET
§
To provide security and monitor
peace and order
§
To establish an effective
administration
§
To assist in the development of
civil and social services
§
To ensure the coordination and
delivery of humanitarian assistance, rehabilitation, and development assistance
Peacekeeping Force
The
UN peacekeeping force has now formally replaced INTERFRET under the command of
Lt-General Jaime de los Santos of the Philippines.
§
UN has authorized a force of 8950
troops, 200 military observers, and a 1640 contingent of civilian police.
§
The budget estimated for the
operation is US $ 200 million.
Principles
and rationale for peacekeeping operations:
§
PKOs are set up only with the
consent of the parties to the conflict and should enjoy their continuous support
and cooperation.
§
The operation must not interfere in
the internal affairs of the host countries and must be impartial with the
parties in conflict.
§
Use of force only for self-defense,
as a last resort.
§
Clear and practicable mandate from
the UN Security Council.
§
Provision of personnel and
logistics by member-states on a voluntary basis.
§
Sound financial basis of PKO.
UNTAET’s
Peacekeeping force maintains security and renders humanitarian assistance to its
people.
Mandate
of Peacekeeping Force:
The
mission of the Peacekeeping Force and the United Nations Military Observer Group
(UNMOG) is to help maintain a secure environment in East Timor.
§
To assist UNTAET in conducting a
safe and democratic elections
§
To assist the East Timor Public
Administration
§
Develop a sustainable organizations
and infrastructures
Philippine participation in peacekeeping
operations
The
context of Philippine participation:
§
To reaffirm the country’s
international commitment to the UN
§
To contribute positively and
actively in the maintenance of regional and international peace and stability
§
To gain international prestige and
recognition
§
To help advance ASEAN goals and
interests
§
To protect Filipino nationals in
the country of deployment
§
Possibly enhance bilateral
relations either with the host-country or with other peacekeeping participants
§
To aid newly-independent countries
§
To enhance the personal and
professional skills of both army and police personnel and also financial
remuneration
Policy
framework and guidelines for Philippine participation in UN peace operations
The
Republic of the Philippines is committed to global peace, and as a founding
member of the United Nations, abides by its Charter and recognizes that the
maintenance of international peace and security is a primary responsibility of
the United Nations.
Scope
of Philippine involvement:
§
The
Philippines supports the role of the United Nations in resolving conflicts, as
provided for under Chapter VI and VII of the Charter.
§
Philippine
participation in UN peace operations should be decided by taking into
consideration the following factors: national
capabilities, the domestic peace and order situation, and ultimately, national
interest and national goals.
§
UN
peace operations that are being, or may be, conducted in Southeast Asia and
other areas of Asia Pacific will be given highest priority in considering
Philippine participation. The Philippines, consistent with its national
policy, and to further strengthen its capability, may also participate in UN
peace operations outside the Asia Pacific region.
§
The
safety and security of Philippine personnel assigned to UN peace operations are
of paramount importance. In this regard, for the Philippines to
participate in a UN peace operation, that operation must have the following:
1.
authority from the UN Security Council
2.
a clear and achievable mandate
3.
a determinable, if not definite, time frame and exit strategy
4.
consent of the receiving state of the UN peace operation.
Operational
issues:
§
The
President of the Republic of the Philippines, upon advice from the Secretary of
Foreign Affairs, the Secretary of National Defense, and/or the Presidential
Adviser on National Security shall have the sole prerogative to decide on
Philippine participation in any UN peace operations.
§
The
deployment of Philippine civilian police and military contingents to UN peace
operations will be primarily conducted through the assistance of the UN
Secretariat either through ‘letter of assist’ or through pre-arranged
chartered or commercial land, sea or air transportation.
§
If
advance deployment is unavoidable before UN assistance becomes available, the
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), for military personnel, and the
Philippine National Police (PNP), for civilian police personnel, will initially
cover the expenses for such deployment. If necessary, funds may also be
sourced from the Presidential Contingency Fund. The Department of Foreign
Affairs (DFA) will coordinate with the appropriate office of the United Nations
Secretariat on the immediate reimbursement of expenses to the governmental
agency concerned.
Deployment
of
Philippine personnel in UN peace operations shall be governed by duration of the
mandate as specified in the UN resolution authorizing the peace operation,
availability of Philippine personnel, including troops, civilian police,
humanitarian workers and seconded personnel, and safety and security
considerations of Philippine personnel.
Any
or all of the following conditions must be met before the decision to withdraw Philippine personnel from a UN peace operation: in internal
conflicts where violence continues unabated; where consent of all parties is not
available; humanitarian assistance demands strong security measures; and where
little law and order exist.
Measures
to enhance Philippine participation in UN peace operations:
It
is essential that qualified Philippine personnel assigned to UN peace operations
are well trained, well-prepared and well-equipped, and that they are able
to carry out their tasks effectively, in accordance with the highest
standards of safety and security. In the recruitment,
selection and assignment of personnel who will participate in UN peace
operations, due consideration shall be given to their ability
to cooperate with other international contingents, necessary skills, and
psychological stability. The considerations for recruitment, selection
and assignment of personnel for UN peace operations should be prescribed by the
AFP and the PNP.
Pre-deployment
briefings
for Philippine personnel, including information on the UN’s Standard Operating
Procedures, Rules of Engagement and the provision of United Nations manuals and
handbooks and/or guidelines will be undertaken by relevant government agencies
and institutions. Training materials from the DPKO will be provided by the
Department of Foreign Affairs.
The Philippine Contingent
§
Filipino soldiers joined the
humanitarian and peacekeeping efforts through the Philippine Humanitarian
Mission to East Timor (PHILSMET) later named Philippine Battalion (PHILBATT).
§
PHILSMET was led by the late
Colonel Felix L. Cabreros.
§
The contingent left on September
18, 1999 for Darwin, Australia, prior to the deployment for East Timor.
§
First batch: deployment 3-6 months
§
Huge allowance: US $ 998 per month
(free food and shelter)
§
Upon their arrival in Dili, East
Timor, the AFP contingent instantly started humanitarian work under the
INTERFRET.
§
They focused on civil military
operations and humanitarian assistance.
Contingent (total=240): 2
doctors, 2 nurses, 2 engineers, 2 dentists, 30 medics, 30 enlisted personnel
from SF Civil Military Operations, the rest combatants.
UNITED NATIONS IN EAST TIMOR:
Humanitarian assistance or trappings of a
colonial protectorate?
Thesis
Statement:
The
UN mission in East Timor became a backdrop for foreign countries to protect and
pursue their interests to the newly “independent” country.
The United Nations Security Council composed of powerful and influential
nations agreed last October 25, 1999 to establish an Interim Administration in
East Timor to aid in its transition to “independence”.
The InterFET under the Australian-led troops presently deployed at that
time was a fifteen-nation “peacekeeping forces” with the real purpose of
opening up and marketing the impoverished nation to the capitalist and super
powers. Indeed, this nation offers lucrative and profitable investments, very
cheap labor, and natural resources of paramount importance (pertaining to its
oil and gas reserves).
The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)
began operating on February 2000. It comprised of 8950 “peacekeeping
troops”, 200 military observers, 1640 police officers and a great number of
civilian administrators. The first commander of the Peacekeeping Force of the
UNTAET is Lieutenant General Jaime de los Santos from January to July 2000.
In accordance to the UN Security Council Resolution No. 1272 there will
be a Special Representative of the Secretary-General, in the person of Sergio
Vieira de Mello, a 51-year old Brazilian, to head the interim administration. It
will be noted that de Mello is one of the rising stars of the UN, is the
Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs. He is responsible for the setting up
of a civilian administration in Kosovo. He is also a Portuguese speaker.
The SRSG is vested all the administrative, legislative, and judicial
powers — in short he has authority similar to a colonial viceroy or
governor-general. He is to report directly to the UN Secretary-General Kofi
Annan on all matters happening in East Timor. He is fully responsible for all
phases of UN military and civil operations.
Apparently, because of the huge responsibility and power given to the
UNTAET, it became a combat zone and arena for competing economic and strategic
interests. The nations participating in the mission all want to promote their
national interests, meaning their business interests.
First is Australia, the “generous and benevolent” neighbor of East
Timor. Leading the InterFET, Australia deployed some 5000 troops in the country
with its priority of protecting their economic interests rather protecting the
welfare of the Timorese people. With Australia as the leader, it placed itself
in a good position to have an influential say in the UN set-up administration.
In the Howard Doctrine, his vision of Australia as the US Deputy in the
region made an impact to its foreign policy to intervene aggressively in the
region because of the country’s special case – western civilization located
in Asia. Within days, Howard received several negative comments on his
“deputy” concept throughout Asia and inside the country and this prompted
him to make a public denial regarding the issue. For the government, East Timor
provides a staging point for them to be identified with the rest of the region.
The Australian government was fully aware of the plans of the Indonesian
cabinet and military in assembling militias. The Howard administration predicted
that any militia violence would offer the necessity of humanitarian pretext to
embark on an Australian-led “peacekeeping” operation.
And even before the militia attacked during the post-referendum period,
the Australian government began training its military for peacekeeping
operations. Having prepared its troops, it easily lobbied to become the leader
of the InterFET.
Captain Andrew Plunkett revealed that the Howard government suppressed
intelligence reports that could have saved many lives. He has a
top-security-clearance that gave him access to secret data and reports. He also
affirmed that some UN police and Australia military election observers urged the
local Timorese to remain in town after the elections and seek the protection of
the Indonesian police. Despite the fact that they already knew that violence
would happen, they did nothing and just let many die.
Their primary interest is the Timor Gap which generates billions of
revenues. When Peter Cosgrove and thousands of military personnel were deployed
in East Timor on September 1999, their real mission was to safeguard the
Australian corporate and strategic interests. The Perth Agreement concluded this
mission signed on February 29, 2000 by de Mello and Australian Minister on
Resources Nick Minchin which favors the Australian government large revenues in
oilfields especially the Bayu Undan oilfield.
The present Australian administration gave $3.9 B aid to East Timor from
September 1999 to June 2004 and 90% of this is devoted for military purposes. It
would keep 1200 troops in East Timor “for long as necessary” to protect not
the Timorese people but their oil and gas operations.
Portugal too wants to battle also. As a former colonizer, Portugal is
still interested on what the country can offer to them. After the celebration of
East Timor’s independence, the President and Prime Minister of Portugal
resumed its business and invited the newly “independent” nation to join the
CPLP which is a summit of Portuguese-speaking nations, in other words, an
association of its former colonies, to strengthen business and diplomatic
relations.
Petrogal, Portugal’s gas company already negotiated with CNRT
representative Mari Alkatiri, who became East Timor’s Prime Minister,
regarding the exploitation of the oilfields.
Of course, the United States is also one of the warriors in the
battleground. Although it did not provide troops in the mission, it supplied the
mission with logistics support.
It is obvious that US has various interests in Indonesia that’s why
they reacted rather slowly to the violence happening in East Timor. Many US
administrations supported the annexation of Indonesia to East Timor. They even
increased their military aid and sales of weapons and equipment to Indonesia.
State Department spokesperson Jaime Rubin confirmed saying, “We have myriad
interests in Indonesia and what our job is to try to balance these various
interests.” Then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger also has reasons why the
US opt to maintain good ties with Indonesia; it is the fourth most populous
nation in the world rearing almost half of the region’s population, it has
strategic geographic locations, it has rich resources especially oil and gas
reserves, it controls several pivotal sea lanes connecting the Pacific to the
Indian Ocean, it implements an anti-communist policy, and acts as a regional
policeman particularly in restoring democracy in Cambodia.
Even in other secessionist places in Indonesia, like Aceh and Irian Jaya
there still are US investments. In Aceh, Mobil is heavily-invested while in
Irian Jaya, there is Freeport where McMoRan operates the world’s largest gold
mines.
In a broader economic interest, America has to maintain and control the
flow of IMF and World Bank in Indonesia. It must implement its “structural
policies” such as the removal of limitations on foreign investors, promotion
of an export-oriented economy, privatization of government corporations and
enterprises, and unsurprisingly, the reduction of subsidies to the poor such as
food and fuel subsidies.
Stated above are the facts why the United States decided to “move
gently’ on East Timor. However, America has also interests in East Timor and
to take the first step in their participation in the exploitation of the
Timorese resources, the US government established an American Embassy in Dili,
Timor last May 2002.
The US sent two prominent figures to witness the occasion; one is
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs James Kelly and
the other is former president William Jefferson Clinton. In his speech, Asst.
Sec. Kelly said that “America stands behind the people East Timor in the cause
of freedom in the Pacific.”
Ex-president Clinton also expressed his message to the Timorese refugees
who came back to their newly “independent” country saying, “I want to
congratulate you on being able to com back to East Timor, a country that is
free, democratic, and free from oppression.”
Ironically, this free, democratic, and oppression-free country has been
and will still be dominated and monopolized by the same imperialist powers.
Nothing substantial has changed. It is sad that that those people congratulating
East Timor are the same people who supported and aided the militias who
destroyed their home. It must be emphasized that the Kopassus killers who are
pioneers of atrocities such as systematic rapes, tortures, executions, and
violence were trained by both the US and Australian military.
In an open forum following the inauguration of the American embassy,
Clinton was asked about his country’s involvement regarding the violence in
East Timor and he became very infuriated and defensive. The dialogue is as
follows:
Question:
Mr. Clinton, you sold weapons to the Indonesian military and offered them F-16s.
The next day a White House official told the New York Times Suharto was
"our kind of guy." Your administration under the JCET program sent
Green Berets into Indonesia to train the Indonesian KOPASSUS Special Forces in
advanced sniper technique urban warfare and similar tactics. In 1999, in April,
when the Indonesian military and militias massacred.
Former President Clinton:
Get to the point.
Question:
I am getting to the point. Yes, I am getting exactly to the point.
Former President Clinton:
You want to make a speech. Give him a hand, he is making a good speech.
Question:
In 1999, in April, the Indonesian military and their militias massacred 50
people in the rectory in Liquica. They hacked them with machetes. Two days
later, Admiral Blair, the Commander for the Pacific, your commander, met with
General Wiranto, the Indonesian commander. He offered to help him in lobbying
the U.S. Congress to get full U.S. military training restored. He made no
mention of the Liquica massacre. During that same period, the Indonesian
militias rampaged here in downtown Dili. They attacked the house of Manuel
Carrascalao, and they massacred the refugees there. Yet you continued for months
with aid to the Indonesian military. Why?
Former President Clinton:
What is your question?
Question:
Why did you continue with aid to the Indonesian military if they were killing
civilians?
Former President Clinton:
First of all I cannot answer the question you asked about Admiral Blair, you
will have to ask him because I am not aware of that. I say first of all I don't
believe America or any of the other countries were sufficiently sensitive in the
beginning, for a long time, a long time before 1999, going all the way back to
the 1970s, to the suffering of the people of East Timor.
I
don't think we can defend everything that we did. I think that our objective,
was to try to keep Indonesia from coming apart and from having some of the
influences that I think we still worry about when Indonesia dominates. Which, in
my judgment, made us not as sensitive as we should have been to the suffering of
the people here. And all I can say is that when it became obvious to me what was
really going on, and that we couldn't justify not standing up for what the East
Timorese wanted, and some decent treatment for them, this under the guise of
trying to hold Indonesia together at first and a larger foreign policy issue, I
tried to make sure we had the right policy. And that is what I said today, that
is what we tried to do.
I
can't say that everything we did before 1999 was right. I am not here to defend
everything we did. We never tried to sanction or support the oppression of East
Timorese, but I think if you look in there at the foreign policy for the 30 or
40 years before that, all during the cold war, there were times when there were
all kinds of reasons we thought we needed to support countries in holding them
together and keeping them going in certain directions, which made us
insufficiently attentive to what was happening to some minority groups. So,
that's my answer. I think we are doing the right thing in New Zealand. I think
we did the right thing in the UN. I think we did the right thing in bringing the
Australians and ASEAN troops here. And I think the right thing to do is to do
what the leaders of East Timor said. They want to look forward, and you want to
look backward. I am going to stick with the leaders. You want to look backward,
have at it, but you will have to have help from someone else.
The Bush administration is also presently involved in East Timor. Early
this year, Secretary of State Colin Powell announced that the President already
gave the green light to sale weapons to East Timor and to engage in military
cooperation. This will strengthen their ties with the newest “independent”
nation.
Two US oil companies expressed their “concerns” on East Timor. The
Petro Timor is willing to finance an East Timor case in the World Court to
pursue their rights against Australia and correct the maritime boundaries in the
Timor Gap. For the company, Australia was wrong when it suddenly announced that
it would no longer submit to the UNCLOS where it is one of the signatories
regarding maritime boundaries. Another
oil company, the Unocal campaigns for the construction of pipeline to East Timor
instead on Darwin, Australia. This will be more beneficial to East Timor because
it will generate them more revenues and employment. It will be also beneficial
for the companies and contractors since it is cheaper to process oil and gas
reserves in East Timor than Darwin because it is nearer from the reserves and
supplies.
Even the Philippines who joined in the “peacekeeping” forces also
gained from the mission. The East Timor-Philippines Business Council formed by a
prominent Filipino businessman Fernando Peña to pursue economic ties.
For a long time the East Timorese people are manipulated and used by the
western powers as pawns for their economic and strategic interests. And now,
having attained it’s supposedly independence, is a far cry from being the
outcome of decades of mobilizations of the masses and working classes against
the imperialists. And the worst thing is that the country is completely
dependent to the same imperialists for its existence and survival.
One of the UNTAET’s mandates is to establish an effective
administration. However, it seems that the created Republic of East Timor under
the Gusmao administration is least likely effective and democratic. During its
celebration of “Independence Day”, according to the East Timor Public
Administration, “Timor Leste will become the first notion of the new
millennium and the world’s newest democracy. After 500 years of colonization
and 25 years of armed struggle, the Timorese people will at last embrace the
freedom for which they have fought so long and hard.”
And in order for the event to push thru, the organizers were obliged to
get sponsors. The plaque dedicated to the “Heroes of Resistance” will also
feature the names of donors like the oil and gas corporations such as the
Phillips Petroleum, Shell, Osaka Gas, and Woodside Energy.
Out of eighty countries who promised that they will attend the ceremony,
only four came, most are participants of the UN mission in rebuilding East
Timor. This manifests the urgency and the weight of their interests to the
country. The President and Prime Minister of Portugal were there. The ANZUS also
graced the event, Prime Minister John Howard of Australia, Prime Minister Helen
Clarke of New Zealand, and former President Bill Clinton of the United States.
The National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT) which is the most
influential group among the East Timorese has a rather an unusual concept of
“self-determination”. They aim for stability in peace and order as well as
profits for investors. For them, “self-determination” had nothing to do with
struggle against imperialist oppression. In contrast, they perceive the concept
as winning the support of one or other capitalist power, preferably Australia or
Portugal to form a separate state with the native elites as junior partners.
The May 5 Agreement between the UN, Portugal, and Indonesia agreed upon
that there would be a referendum administered by UN and under the control of the
Indonesian military. It can be seen that the three parties made a very critical
decision without even consulting the East Timorese people.
The CNRT opposed the ballot and was well aware of an Indonesian-backed
militia. However, they concluded that in the event that the people will vote for
independence, the militia will surely unleash violence and terror on the people
and this will result to UN and western powers to intervene and accordingly fix a
CNRT government.
Fretilin victory is an expected victory. Now that the CNRT had its way,
and its government set up under the leadership of Gusmao, there is still
oppression. The election was a total pretense, with Xavier de Amaral as a token
candidate. The international media and UN already declared Gusmao as the winner
even before the elections came. As the president, he is vested powers like power
to veto legislation, abolish government, dissolve parliament, command the Armed
forces, and declare a state of emergency.
In August 1998, while still in prison, Gusmao held secret discussions in
his prison cell with Peter Cockroft, and executive of BHP Australian mining
company. He assured Cockroft that an East Timorese government would protect
Australian and other foreign investments in the Timor Gap. A few days after,
Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer called upon Jakarta to release
Gusmao.
He ordered his Falintil guerilla not to revenge against the militia
because this might compromise their goal of attracting western backing. In his
administration, he asked all registered parties to sign the National Unity Pact
which prohibits them from criticizing each other. The pact also asked parties to
render support to him as inaugural president.
Though Fretilin didn’t get landslide votes as projected and got only
57% of the votes, they still constituted the majority. They were able to block
the elections for the next five years. And by gaining two-thirds seats in the
Assembly, they were able to control the making of the constitution. After the
constitution has been completed, no referendum on the constitution can be held;
nonetheless, the Assembly can amend the constitution anytime by two-thirds vote.
Democracy is foregone when the people were not given the right to vote
for or against their constitution. Much more their constitution guarantees the
interests foreign investors and emerging capitalist elites. It encourages
private ownership of production and foreign investments.
The hope of building a government of pro-poor and pro-people collapsed
with the rise of a constitution which is pro-capitalist and pro-authoritarian.
Adding to the misery of the people, the UN mandate will continue with 6500 UN
troops, police officers, judicial officers, and administrators until May 2004
which can be extended. The UN Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) will
train and supervise the newly-established military and police forces in East
Timor.
Quoting the senior historian of the CIA, Gerald Haines, “Each region
was assigned its role in this welfare project. Southeast Asia was crucial. It
was supposed to fulfill its main function as a source of raw materials and
profits for industrial societies.” Taken
from the George Kennan’s policy planning staff it asserts the role played by
these third world counties to the welfare of the capitalist system; that these
under developed nations are the provider for the super powers.
East Timor provides another tragic example of a myth of
“independence” that will forever be a semi-colonial protectorate. Sadder it
is, the UN which is supposed to promote and protect humanitarian welfare rather
becomes a tool for global capitalist to exploit a weak nation and impose a
global capitalist order. Independence now becomes synonymous to free trade zones
enjoyed not by the people but by the imperialists.