Paul Manalo
The Motives
Behind Norway’s ‘Offer of Good Offices’ by Paul Manalo
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Norway, a country located on the northwestern edge of the European
continent, officially became the venue for the peace process between the
Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic
Front (NDF) last March 9, 2001 when both parties released a joint statement
regarding the participation of the Nordic country as host and/or facilitator.
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Consequently, when the peace talks resumed last April 27, 2001, it was
held in Oslo, Norway. However, the gracious offer of the said country was cut
short on June 13, 2001.
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Thus, Norway’s six-year standing offer to host and/or facilitate the
talks was put to use only for less than two (2) months.
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What constitutes Norway’s ‘Offer of Good Offices’ is primarily
participation as a host and/ or facilitator.
This means that the country has a less active role compared to other
peace processes where it acted as a mediator.
Also part of the offer was financial support for the NDF, meaning, the
Norwegian government paid for the expenses of the former when they were in
Norway. The government side, out of
national pride according to Chief Negotiator Silvestre Bello, offered to pay for
its own expenses.
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Norway has sponsored many peace negotiations, until now. As stated
earlier, Norway is or has become involved in peace processes in almost every
part of the world.
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In North America, the country acted as mediator in
internal conflicts in Guatemala.
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In South America, it participated in the
negotiations in Colombia.
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In Africa, it was instrumental in the peace
processes between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
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In the Middle East, Norway assisted in secret
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO) which eventually led to the famous ‘Oslo
Agreement’.
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In South Asia, it is currently sponsoring the talks between Sri Lanka and
the Tamil Tigers.
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And lastly, in South East Asia, it hosted and/or facilitated the peace
process between the GRP and the NDF, before the recess was unilaterally declared
(Nicolas, 2001).
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However, it should be noted that Norway was not at all times successful
in these countries. An example
would be the case of Israel and the PLO, there are still disputes between these
two parties. Also, if the strictest
sense of peace negotiations would be taken into account wherein both parties
would lay down their concerns and try to settle them, it would not be true in
the case of countries where the so-called agreements were just imposed on rebel
groups. But what is important in
citing these instances is that Norway, in one way or another, was a part of it.
The point is, Norway makes itself involved in facilitation or mediation,
no matter what the outcome is, as part of its quest for recognition by the
international community.
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The next proof of Norway’s goal to be remembered as a peace-loving
nation is its granting of the Nobel Peace Prize.
The country’s high regards for international serenity is manifested in
its annual award given to outstanding contributors for the preservation of
peace. However, the award is not
only reflective of the country’s efforts for the promotion of peace and order,
it also encourages other countries, institutions, and individuals to do the
same.
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Recent developments showed that Norway’s campaign of peace-building
eventually led to its membership in the United Nations Security Council as a
rotating member for 2 years (Nicolas, 2001). Such active participation is in
line with the security council’s primary responsibility of maintaining
international peace and security in behalf of all countries that are members of
the United Nations. Being in the security council has a dual character.
First, it is a means to be influential in peace processes.
And next, it is one of the reasons why Norway actively participates in
such processes.
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The previous discussions all claim that Norway’s ‘offer of good
offices’ is being offered because it is the country’s way to make its
presence known in the world. Therefore,
it is important to remember that the other ways are not as effective. According to Sandra Nicolas, the economic means is limited.
Although Norway has a higher Gross Domestic Product per head than the
United States, its relatively small population of 4.5 million compared to that
of the USA with close to 300 million limits its economic power.
Hence, even if the GDP per head of Norway at US$ 36,100 is higher than
USA with only US$ 29,080, when these figures are multiplied by their respective
population, USA dominates the competition.
On that account, the Nordic country would have to settle with
‘unconventional means’ to establish its place in international geopolitics.
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One such reason is that there are numerous companies with ‘Norwegian
interests’ in the Philippines. The term ‘Norwegian interests’ simply means
that the companies have either parent companies in Norway, partly owned by
Norwegians, and/or those that are affiliated to Norway.
These included companies from the shipping industry, recruitment and/or
manning agencies, fish and other seafoods dealers, maritime training and
consultancy firms, and chemical manufacturers. The author has enough reason to
believe that Norway’s offer is partly due to the protection of its investments
and companies here. The Norwegian
government must have deemed important that business transactions are not to be
affected by internal conflicts. And
with that in mind, there is no better way to secure their businesses than to be
involved in the possible solution to the problem. And there’s an added bonus to this, if in case Norway is
the venue where the peace process concludes, it is just right to hypothesize
that the said country will reap the fruits of its efforts. A possible benefit would be a special treatment or
prioritizing their companies and not other foreign ones.
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Aside from the Norwegian companies in the country, it is also relevant to
look at the exports of Norway. Fish is Norway’s biggest export. Semi manufactured products, chemicals and engineering
products are the other goods. According
to Trine Juranli, there was no substantial increase in exports from the
Philippines to Norway, no significant added investments, and jokingly, no
drastic increase in the number of Filipinos in Norway.
She explained that the changes in these economic indicators include
reasons other than just offering to be host and/or facilitator for the peace
talks. However, the author also
believes that it is still premature to expect sudden changes in these
indicators. One must remember that
Norway hosted and/or facilitated for barely two (2) months.
Given more time to participate, changes can be expected.
And going back to the possibility of a successful peace process held in
Oslo, Norway, one can presume that this would result to special bilateral trade
agreements, if not stronger economic relationship between the Philippines and
Norway.
- Another economic motive behind Norway’s offer is
that it is eyeing oil and gas explorations in the Philippines (Nicolas, 2001).
According to Ms. Nicolas’ article, the Nordic country is interested to
develop the reported oil and gas reserves in Palawan, particularly the Malampaya
natural gas fields with an estimated 78 billion cubic meter reserves. It is not
far from reality that Norway might invest in the country given the rich
resources up for grabs in Malampaya. And
it might be possible that Norway would ask for special considerations regarding
the said plan from the Philippine government in return for its hosting job.
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However, what is important to remember is that the motives, whether
political or economic, is not enough to predetermine the success of Norway as
host and/or facilitator for the GRP-NDF Peace Process. Ergo, the reasons
provided are not even half of the formula for success.
There are other factors that are more influential than these.
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In the first place, Norway cannot act as a host and/or facilitator is
there is no mutual consent and willingness from both parties. The simple role of providing the venue requires the formal
request of both parties, as stated by Ms. Juranli. She relates that the only condition Norway imposes on
countries needing their support is that there should be an agreement between the
concerned parties. In the case of
the Philippines and the NDF, before Norway became host, there was a lot of
concerns for both sides. For the
GRP, Mr. Bello cited that their problem was to find a place that is nearer than
Netherlands, the previous venue. Therefore,
their problem is mainly due to distance. However, in accordance to the same
article of Ms. Nicolas, she revealed that the government side has long been
resisting talks abroad. In
contrast, the NDF is worried that if the peace talks would be held in the
country, they might be assassinated one by one, as lamented by Professor
Villegas. According to him, the NDF
would gladly accept any venue that is outside the country.
With all of these concerns being posed, both parties eventually came up
with a decision to make Oslo, Norway, the next place for their talks.
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Recently, these requirements are hard to attain.
For example, the current events led to a difference in opinion.
Chief Negotiator Bello looks forward to Norway’s eventual mediation
while Professor Villegas stressed that Norway must stay neutral for it to
maintain credibility as a host and/or facilitator.
He also expressed fear that if Norway mediates, it will side with the GRP.
He views the comment of Norway, ‘there is no room for murder in the
peace process’ pertaining to the assassination of Congressman Aguinaldo by the
NPA, as an act siding with the GRP. Fortunately,
according to the professor, Norway took back those words, for if not, the
country would definitely lose its credibility and the NDF would not engage in
the peace talks anymore. Therefore,
it is hard to come up with a mutual consent and willingness to make Norway as
mediator.
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Still another reason for the unguaranteed success of the talks if in case
Norway mediates is its limited powers compared to the parties.
Once Norway moves to a role that is more active than what it is now, it
can still only do so much. The
author believes that the GRP and the NDF has the final word on matters, not
Norway.
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The author acknowledges the fact that with Norway as facilitator, it can
influence the outcome of the peace process to work for its own interests,
however, its power is still limited. The
question of whether agreements can be forged was, is and will always be in the
hands of the GRP and the NDF. No
matter how influential Norway becomes, the possible outcome is still in the
hands of the parties concerned. Any
influence is futile as long as one party does not succumb to it. One can speculate that if Norway does mediate, it can sway
the government side. And if the NDF
detects a collaboration between the GRP and Norway, it is logical to assume that
the NDF is likely to declare a recess and will think twice of resuming the
talks. Thus, no agreement can be
forged if one side loses the willingness to pursue talks.
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In a nutshell, the greatest of motives does not assure success at the
very least. What can be said is
that with proper reasons, intentions and a genuine desire for world peace, one
nation can make a difference.
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Now that
the peace talks between the GRP and the NDF is in standstill, one can only hope
that once it resumes, agreements can be set, compromises be made and eventually,
the conclusion for the quest of lasting internal peace and order.
And the real compliment for Norway is due when it becomes the final
destination of the talks and that binding agreements are not only signed, but
also implemented.