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NOTES FROM "THREE ESSAYS ON NATIONALIST INDUSTRIALIZATION"

OF EMMANUEL DE DIOS, MANUEL MONTES, AND JOSEPH LIM

The following are my personal notes from the essay. Done November 1994.

 

 

WHICH TO STRESS:   AGRICULTURE OR INDUSTRY?

 

 

 

DE DIOS,  EMMANUEL

 

MONTES, MANUEL

 

 

1.     THE FORMULA REGARDING INDUSTRY, AND IN PARTICULAR HEAVY INDUSTRY, BEING THE LEADING SECTOR SHOULD NOT BE TAKEN AS AN INDICATION OF ACTUAL INVESTMENT PRIORITIES.  "LEADING" SHOULD NOT MEAN "FIRST";  IT SHOULD MEAN "ADVANCED"  (p. 28)

2.     IT IS NOT THE PRESERVATION OF AGRICULTURE PER SE BUT THE PRESERVATION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS IN AGRICULTURE WHICH IS HOLDING BACK INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT (p. 28)

3.     PRIORITIES SHOULD BE PLACED ON THE REDISTRIBUTION OF LAND, THE RAISING OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY THROUGH SIMPLE COOPERATION AND EFFICIENT NONLABOUR-DISPLACING TECHNOLOGY, THE PRODUCITON OF MASS CONSUMER ITEMS AND SIMPLE TOOLS AND IMPLEMENTS (LIGHT AND MEDIUM INDUSTRIES) AND THEN AND ONLY THEN GOING IN HEAVILY  FOR HEAVY INDUSTRIES. THIS DOES NOT MEAN THAT A FEW WELL--CHOSEN HEAVY INDUSTRIAL PROJECTS SHOULD NOT BE UNDERTAKEN IMMEDIATELY BUT THESE SHOULD NOT EAT UP THE BULK OF INVESTMENT FUNDS (p. 28)

 

1.     INDUSTRIALIZATION SHOULD BE THE MAIN PROGRAM WHILE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT MUST SUPPORT IT  (p.  34)

2.     THE INDUSTRY-AND-AGRICULTURE POSITION MIGHT BE HARMLESS BUT WITH THIS POSITION CONFLICT IS AVOIDED AT THE LEVEL OF IDEAS WHILE ACTUAL PLANNING FOR INDUSTRIALIZATION IS NOT ADDRESSED (p. 33)

3.     THE MORE INTENSIVE AND PRODUCTIVE USE OF AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES FOR FOOD PRODUCTION INSTEAD OF EXPORT CROPS MUST BE PRIORITIZED.  IN  TURN, PROPERTY REFORM IN AGRICULTURE AND REORIENTATION AWAY FROM EXPORTS MUST BE GIVEN MORE PRIORITY TO PERMIT INTENSIVE LAND USE.   BUT THIS DOES NOT MEAN THAT INCREASING SUSTAINABLE MANUFACTURING ACTIVITIES MUST AWAIT FOR THE SAID REFORMS TO TAKE PLACE,  OR THAT THE COUNTRY CANNOT UNDERTAKE  INVESTMENTS IN A FEW, WELL-CHOSEN BASIC INDUSTRIES.  (p. 34)

 

 

 

DE DIOS, EMMANUEL

1.     there is no hindrance in economic theory to the possibility that the country may industrialize or deepen capital accumulation under a protectionist umbrella of tariffs, and subsidies given to private capital.  In practice, this has been achieved, in different ways and varying degrees,  by such formerly underdeveloped countries as Japan, the NICs, and some countries in Latin America.  (p. 12)

2.     if  monopoly rents are to be allowed in an industry at all, then it would certainly make more sense for such an industry to be nationalized, i.e., state owned (p. 15)

MONTES, MANUEL

1.     the guarantee that the evils of industrialization will be checked is to pursue industrialization within a democratic political framework

2.     the case of  Japan and the Asian newly industrializing countries (NIEs) forcefully demonstrate that natural resources are of secondary importance to industrialization    (p. 32)

3.     the agriculture that industrialization requires is that which will feed the population and the exports that industrialization requires are those of manufactures, not agricultural products   (p. 33)

4.     the imperative for nationalist industrialization emanates from Philippine historical reality.  (p. 34-34-35)

The first reality is that the Philippines had been a colony of Spain and the United States; nationalist industrialization is directed at rooting out the colonial economic structure and changing the country's position in the international division of labor.  The second reality is that the Philippines must attempt to industrialize within a world dominated by strong industrial powers;  industrialization must be nationalist because sovereign power  must be used to support  the growth of domestic manufacturing capability. The third reality is that assets and incomes are very unevenly distributed; industrialization must be carried out from a starting point wherein the majority are very poor and that the people's ability to participate in industrialization must be raised to make the process feasible. (p. 34-36)

5.     very often,  the cost of attracting foreign investments to the country exceed the benefits. (p. 35)

6.     Protection must be provided to domestic enterprises.  This protection is directed at shielding enterprises from foreign competition so that they build up the capability to match the world level of efficiency. Protection should not be directed at granting monopoly privileges. Protected enterprises must earn protection by periodic demonstration of reducing their production costs.  (p. 40)

7.     the World Bank and conservative economists have identified export-orientation as a key factor in the successful industrialization drive of Korea and Taiwan. The export successes of these countries have permitted their domestic industries to expand.  We must point out, however, that the successes in the manufactured exports of these countries depended on the initial existence of a domestic industrial capacity. These countries underwent vigorous periods of import-substitution that created the capability for manufactured exports. (p. 44)

8.     export-orientation within the context of the Philippine industrial structure, discourages domestic processing of agricultural products and raw materials and requires the massive entry of foreign enterprises into the country. Export earnings have always finance the economy's trade deficit and, lately,  service  the foreign debt.  The proper role exports should play is to finance the importation of needed capital equipment and technology not yet domestically available and to take advantage of  economies of scale in manufacture when the domestic market is too small to absorb all of the output. (p. 45)

9.     why Philippine efforts to industrialize failed in the 1950s (p. 46-49)?

a)    the advantages given to protected enterprises were so significant that there was no incentive at all to expand and integrate operation by selling to markets abroad

b)    because the domestic markets remain small, these protected enterprises eventually evolved into monopolies or oligopolies, which discouraged further capital investment

c)     the participation of foreign capital was such that they were drawing much capital out of the country that it made no sense for them to reinvest

d)    wrong enterprises were being protected to the detriment of others

e)     some enterprises were being protected for too long

f)     it is not protection that caused the failure of the industrialization process but the inappropriate implementation of protection

LIM, JOSEPH

1.       the primary objective of a new progressive order need not be the redistribution of wealth and income (mainly by changing property rights), with efficiency and growth relegated to a distant secondary role.   (p. 51)

2.       it is folly for the country to do the following:

a)     to close doors outright to all possible sources of external financing.    (p. 56)

b)     to embark immediately on a heavy industrialization program where the light, medium and labor-intensive industries are given secondary attention compared to heavy ones such as steel, automobiles, fixed equipment, and construction industries. (p. 58)

3.     studies have shown that South Korea has in effect protected its heavy industries for decades against foreign multinational firms even while it has reserved some areas like semiconductors for multinationals  (p. 68)

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