Chapter I [1516-1518]
SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V- PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY- COLONIAL POLICY- CONQUEST
OF CUBA- EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN
IN the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain occupied perhaps the
most prominent position on the theatre of Europe. The numerous states,
into which she had been so long divided, were consolidated into one
monarchy. The Moslem crescent, after reigning there for eight centuries,
was no longer seen on her borders. The authority of the crown did not,
as in later times, overshadow the inferior orders of the state. The
people enjoyed the inestimable privilege of political representation,
and exercised it with manly independence. The nation at large could
boast as great a degree of constitutional freedom as any other, at that
time, in Christendom. Under a system of salutary laws and an equitable
administration, domestic tranquillity was secured, public credit
established, trade, manufactures, and even the more elegant arts, began
to flourish; while a higher education called forth the first blossoms of
that literature, which was to ripen into so rich a harvest, before the
close of the century. Arms abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain
found her empire suddenly enlarged, by important acquisitions, both in
Europe and Africa, while a New World beyond the waters poured into her
lap treasures of countless wealth, and opened an unbounded field for
honourable enterprise. Such was the condition of the kingdom at the
close of the long and glorious reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, when on
the 23rd of January, 1516, the sceptre passed into the hands of their
daughter Joanna, or rather their grandson, Charles the Fifth, who alone
ruled the monarchy during the long and imbecile existence of his
unfortunate mother. During the two years following Ferdinand's death,
the regency, in the absence of Charles, was held by Cardinal Ximenes, a
man whose intrepidity, extraordinary talents, and capacity for great
enterprises, were accompanied by a haughty spirit, which made him too
indifferent as to the means of their execution. His administration,
therefore, notwithstanding the uprightness of his intentions, was, from
his total disregard of forms, unfavourable to constitutional liberty;
for respect for forms is an essential element of freedom. With all his
faults, however, Ximenes was a Spaniard; and the object he had at heart
was the good of his country. It was otherwise on the arrival of Charles,
who, after a long absence, came as a foreigner into the land of his
fathers. (November, 1517.) His manners, sympathies, even his language,
were foreign, for he spoke the Castilian with difficulty. He knew little
of his native country, of the character of the people or their
institutions. He seemed to care still less for them; while his natural
reserve precluded that freedom of communication which might have
counteracted, to some extent at least, the errors of education. In
everything, in short, he was a foreigner; and resigned himself to the
direction of his Flemish counsellors with a docility that gave little
augury of his future greatness. On his entrance into Castile, the young
monarch was accompanied by a swarm of courtly sycophants, who settled,
like locusts, on every place of profit and honour throughout the
kingdom. A Fleming was made grand chancellor of Castile; another Fleming
was placed in the archiepiscopal see of Toledo. They even ventured to
profane the sanctity of the cortes by intruding themselves on its
deliberations. Yet that body did not tamely submit to these usurpations,
but gave vent to its indignation in tones becoming the representatives
of a free people. The same pestilent foreign influence was felt, though
much less sensibly, in the Colonial administration. This had been
placed, in the preceding reign, under the immediate charge of the two
great tribunals, the Council of the Indies, and the Casa de
Contratacion, or India House at Seville. It was their business to
further the progress of discovery, watch over the infant settlements,
and adjust the disputes, which grew up in them. But the licences granted
to private adventurers did more for the cause of discovery than the
patronage of the crown or its officers. The long peace, enjoyed with
slight interruption by Spain in the early part of the sixteenth century,
was most auspicious for this; and the restless cavalier, who could no
longer win laurels on the fields of Africa and Europe, turned with
eagerness to the brilliant career opened to him beyond the ocean. It is
difficult for those of our time, as familiar from childhood with the
most remote places on the globe as with those in their own
neighbourhood, to picture to themselves the feelings of the men who
lived in the sixteenth century. The dread mystery, which had so long
hung over the great deep, had indeed been removed. It was no longer
beset with the same undefined horrors as when Columbus launched his bold
bark on its dark and unknown waters. A new and glorious world had been
thrown open. But as to the precise spot where that world lay, its
extent, its history, whether it were island or continent,- of all this,
they had very vague and confused conceptions. Many, in their ignorance,
blindly adopted the erroneous conclusion into which the great Admiral
had been led by his superior science,- that the new countries were a
part of Asia; and, as the mariner wandered among the Bahamas, or steered
his caravel across the Caribbean seas, he fancied he was inhaling the
rich odours of the spice-islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus every fresh
discovery, interpreted by his previous delusion, served to confirm him
in his error, or, at least, to fill his mind with new perplexities. The
career thus thrown open had all the fascinations of a desperate hazard,
on which the adventurer staked all his hopes of fortune, fame, and life
itself. It was not often, indeed, that he won the rich prize which he
most coveted; but then he was sure to win the meed of glory, scarcely
less dear to his chivalrous spirit; and, if he survived to return to his
home, he had wonderful stories to recount, of perilous chances among
the strange people he had visited, and the burning climes, whose rank
fertility and magnificence of vegetation so far surpassed anything he
had witnessed in his own. These reports added fresh fuel to imaginations
already warmed by the study of those tales of chivalry which formed the
favourite reading of the Spaniards at that period. Thus romance and
reality acted on each other, and the soul of the Spaniard was exalted to
that pitch of enthusiasm, which enabled him to encounter the terrible
trials that lay in the path of the discoverer. Indeed, the life of the
cavalier of that day was romance put into action. The story of his
adventures in the New World forms one of the most remarkable pages in
the history of man. Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the
progress of discovery had extended, by the beginning of Charles the
Fifth's reign, from the Bay of Honduras, along the winding shores of
Darien, and the South American continent, to the Rio de la Plata. The
mighty barrier of the Isthmus had been climbed, and the Pacific
descried, by Nunez de Balboa, second only to Columbus in this valiant
band of "ocean chivalry." The Bahamas and Caribbee Islands had been
explored, as well as the Peninsula of Florida on the northern continent.
To this latter point Sebastian Cabot had arrived in his descent along
the coast from Labrador, in 1497. So that before 1518, the period when
our narrative begins, the eastern borders of both the great continents
had been surveyed through nearly their whole extent. The shores of the
great Mexican Gulf, however, sweeping with a wide circuit far into the
interior, remained still concealed, with the rich realms that lay
beyond, from the eye of the navigator. The time had now come for their
discovery. The business of colonisation had kept pace with that of
discovery. In several of the islands, and in various parts of Terra
Firma, and in Darien, settlements had been established, under the
control of governors who affected the state and authority of viceroys.
Grants of land were assigned to the colonists, on which they raised the
natural products of the soil, but gave still more attention to the
suggar-cane, imported from the Canaries. Sugar, indeed, together with
the beautiful dye-woods of the country and the precious metals, formed
almost the only articles of export in the infancy of the colonies, which
had not yet introduced those other staples of the West Indian commerce,
which, in our day, constitute its principal wealth. Yet the precious
metals, painfully gleaned from a few scanty sources, would have made
poor returns, but for the gratuitous labour of the Indians. The cruel
system of repartimientos, or distribution of the Indians as slaves among
the conquerors, had been suppressed by Isabella. Although subsequently
countenanced by the government, it was under the most careful
limitations. But it is impossible to license crime by halves,- to
authorise injustice at all, and hope to regulate the measure of it. The
eloquent remonstrances of the Dominicans,- who devoted themselves to the
good work of conversion in the New World with the same zeal that they
showed for persecution in the Old,- but, above all, those of Las Casas,
induced the regent Ximenes to send out a commission with full powers to
inquire into the alleged grievances, and to redress them. It had
authority, moreover, to investigate the conduct of the civil officers,
and to reform any abuses in their administration. This extraordinary
commission consisted of three Hieronymite friars and an eminent jurist,
all men of learning and unblemished piety. They conducted the inquiry in
a very dispassionate manner; but, after long deliberation, came to a
conclusion most unfavourable to the demands of Las Casas, who insisted
on the entire freedom of the natives. This conclusion they justified on
the grounds that the Indians would not labour without compulsion, and
that, unless they laboured, they could not be brought into communication
with the whites, nor be converted to Christianity. Whatever we may
think of this argument, it was doubtless urged with sincerity by its
advocates, whose conduct through their whole administration places their
motives above suspicion. They accompanied it with many careful
provisions for the protection of the natives,- but in vain. The simple
people, accustomed all their days to a life of indolence and ease, sunk
under the oppressions of their masters, and the population wasted away
with even more frightful rapidity than did the aborigines in our own
country, under the operation of other causes. It is not necessary to
pursue these details further, into which I have been led by the desire
to put the reader in possession of the general policy and state of
affairs in the New World, at the period when the present narrative
begins. Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered; but no attempt
had been made to plant a colony there during the lifetime of Columbus;
who, indeed, after skirting the whole extent of its southern coast, died
in the conviction that it was part of the continent. At length, in
1511, Diego, the son and successor of the "Admiral," who still
maintained the seat of government in Hispaniola, finding the mines much
exhausted there, proposed to occupy the neighbouring island of Cuba, or
Fernandina, as it was called, in compliment to the Spanish monarch. He
prepared a small force for the conquest, which he placed under the
command of Don Diego Velasquez; a man described by a contemporary, as
"possessed of considerable experience in military affairs, having served
seventeen years in the European wars; as honest, illustrious by his
lineage and reputation, covetous of glory, and somewhat more covetous of
wealth." The portrait was sketched by no unfriendly hand. Velasquez, or
rather his lieutenant Narvaez, who took the office on himself of
scouring the country, met with no serious opposition from the
inhabitants, who were of the same family with the effeminate natives of
Hispaniola. The conquest, through the merciful interposition of Las
Casas, "the protector of the Indians," who accompanied the army in its
march, was effected without much bloodshed. One chief, indeed, named
Hatuey, having fled originally from St. Domingo to escape the oppression
of its invaders, made a desperate resistance, for which he was
condemned by Velasquez to be burned alive. It was he who made that
memorable reply, more eloquent than a volume of invective. When urged at
the stake to embrace Christianity, that his soul might find admission
into heaven, he inquired if the white men would go there. On being
answered in the affirmative, he exclaimed, "Then I will not be a
Christian; for I would not go again to a place where I must find men so
cruel!" The story is told by Las Casas in his appalling record of the
cruelties of his countrymen in the New World. After the conquest,
Velasquez, now appointed governor, diligently occupied himself with
measures for promoting the prosperity of the island. He formed a number
of settlements, bearing the same names with the modern towns, and made
St. Jago, on the south-east corner, the seat of government. He invited
settlers by liberal grants of land and slaves. He encouraged them to
cultivate the soil, and gave particular attention to the sugar-cane, so
profitable an article of commerce in later times. He was, above all,
intent on working the gold mines, which promised better returns than
those in Hispaniola. The affairs of his government did not prevent him,
meanwhile, from casting many a wistful glance at the discoveries going
forward on the continent, and he longed for an opportunity to embark in
these golden adventures himself. Fortune gave him the occasion he
desired. An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordova, sailed with
three vessels on an expedition to one of the neighbouring Bahama
Islands, in quest of Indian slaves. (February 8, 1517.) He encountered a
succession of heavy gales which drove him far out of his course, and at
the end of three weeks he found himself on a strange but unknown coast.
On landing and asking the name of the country, he was answered by the
natives, "Tectetan," meaning, "I do not understand you,"- but which the
Spaniards, misinterpreting into the name of the place, easily corrupted
into Yucatan. Some writers give a different etymology. Such mistakes,
however, were not uncommon with the early discoverers, and have been the
origin of many a name on the American continent. Cordova had landed on
the north-eastern end of the peninsula, at Cape Catoche. He was
astonished at the size and solid material of the buildings constructed
of stone and lime, so different from the frail tenements of reeds and
rushes which formed the habitations of the islanders. He was struck,
also, with the higher cultivation of the soil, and with the delicate
texture of the cotton garments and gold ornaments of the natives.
Everything indicated a civilisation far superior to anything he had
before witnessed in the New World. He saw the evidence of a different
race, moreover, in the warlike spirit of the people. Rumours of the
Spaniards had, perhaps, preceded them, as they were repeatedly asked if
they came from the east; and wherever they landed, they were met with
the most deadly hostility. Cordova himself, in one of his skirmishes
with the Indians, received more than a dozen wounds, and one only of his
party escaped unhurt. At length, when he had coasted the peninsula as
far as Campeachy, he returned to Cuba, which he reached after an absence
of several months, having suffered all the extremities of ill, which
these pioneers of the ocean were sometimes called to endure, and which
none but the most courageous spirit could have survived. As it was, half
the original number, consisting of one hundred and ten men, perished,
including their brave commander, who died soon after his return. The
reports he had brought back of the country, and still more, the
specimens of curiously wrought gold, convinced Velasquez of the
importance of this discovery, and he prepared with all despatch to avail
himself of it. He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four
vessels for the newly discovered lands, and placed it under the command
of his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, a man on whose probity, prudence, and
attachment to himself he knew he could rely. The fleet left the port of
St. Jago de Cuba, May 1, 1518. It took the course pursued by Cordova,
but was driven somewhat to the south, the first land that it made being
the island of Cozumel. From this quarter Grijalva soon passed over to
the continent and coasted the peninsula, touching at the same places as
his predecessor. Everywhere he was struck, like him, with the evidences
of a higher civilisation, especially in the architecture. He was
astonished, also, at the sight of large stone crosses, evidently objects
of worship, which he met with in various places. Reminded by these
circumstances of his own country, he gave the peninsula the name "New
Spain," a name since appropriated to a much wider extent of territory.
Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the same unfriendly reception
as Cordova, though he suffered less, being better prepared to meet it.
In the Rio de Tabasco or Grijalva, as it is often called after him, he
held an amicable conference with a chief, who gave him a number of gold
plates fashioned into a sort of armour. As he wound round the Mexican
coast, one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, afterwards famous in the
Conquest, entered a river, to which he also left his own name. In a
neighbouring stream, called the Rio de Vanderas, or "River of Banners,"
from the ensigns displayed by the natives on its borders, Grijalva had
the first communication with the Mexicans themselves. The cacique who
ruled over this province had received notice of the approach of the
Europeans, and of their extraordinary appearance. He was anxious to
collect all the information he could respecting them, and the motives of
their visit, that he might transmit them to his master, the Aztec
emperor. A friendly conference took place between the parties on shore,
where Grijalva landed with all his force, so as to make a suitable
impression on the mind of the barbaric chief. The interview lasted some
hours, though, as there was no one on either side to interpret the
language of the other, they could communicate only by signs. They,
however, interchanged presents, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction
of receiving, for a few worthless toys and trinkets, a rich treasure of
jewels, gold ornaments and vessels, of the most fantastic forms and
workmanship. Grijalva now thought that in this successful traffic-
successful beyond his most sanguine expectations- he had accomplished
the chief object of his mission. He steadily refused the solicitations
of his followers to plant a colony on the spot,- a work of no little
difficulty in so populous and powerful a country as this appeared to be.
To this, indeed, he was inclined, but deemed it contrary to his
instructions, which limited him to barter with the natives. He therefore
despatched Alvarado in one of the caravels back to Cuba, with the
treasure and such intelligence as he had gleaned of the great empire in
the interior, and then pursued his voyage along the coast. He touched at
St. Juan de Ulua, and at the Isla de los Sacrificios, so called by him
from the bloody remains of human victims found in one of the temples. He
then held on his course as far as the province of Panuco, where finding
some difficulty in doubling a boisterous headland, he returned on his
track, and after an absence of nearly six months, reached Cuba in
safety. Grijalva has the glory of being the first navigator who set foot
on the Mexican soil, and opened an intercourse with the Aztecs. On
reaching the island, he was surprised to learn that another and more
formidable armament had been fitted out to follow up his own
discoveries, and to find orders at the same time from the governor,
couched in no very courteous language, to repair at once to St. Jago. He
was received by that personage, not merely with coldness, but with
reproaches for having neglected so fair an opportunity of establishing a
colony in the country he had visited. Velasquez was one of those
captious spirits, who, when things do not go exactly to their minds, are
sure to shift the responsibility of the failure from their own
shoulders, where it should lie, to those of others. He had an ungenerous
nature, says an old writer, credulous, and easily moved to suspicion.
In the present instance it was most unmerited. Grijalva, naturally a
modest, unassuming person, had acted in obedience to the instructions of
his commander, given before sailing; and had done this in opposition to
his own judgment and the importunities of his followers. His conduct
merited anything but censure from his employer. When Alvarado had
returned to Cuba with his golden freight, and the accounts of the rich
empire of Mexico which he had gathered from the natives, the heart of
the governor swelled with rapture as he saw his dreams of avarice and
ambition so likely to be realised. Impatient of the long absence of
Grijalva, he despatched a vessel in search of him under the command of
Olid, a cavalier who took an important part afterwards in the Conquest.
Finally he resolved to fit out another armament on a sufficient scale to
insure the subjugation of the country. He previously solicited
authority for this from the Hieronymite commission in St. Domingo. He
then despatched his, chaplain to Spain with the royal share of the gold
brought from Mexico, and a full account of the intelligence gleaned
there. He set forth his own manifold services, and solicited from the
country full powers to go on with the conquest and colonisation of the
newly discovered regions. Before receiving an answer, he began his
preparations for the armament, and, first of all, endeavoured to find a
suitable person to share the expense of it, and to take the command.
Such a person he found, after some difficulty and delay, in Hernando
Cortes; the man of all others best calculated to achieve this great
enterprise,- the last man to whom Velasquez, could he have foreseen the
results, would have confided it.
Chapter II [1518]
HERNANDO CORTES- HIS EARLY LIFE- VISITS THE NEW WORLD- HIS RESIDENCE IN
CUBA- DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ- ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES
HERNANDO CORTES was born at Medellin, a town in the south-east corner of
Estremadura, in 1485. He came of an ancient and respectable family; and
historians have gratified the national vanity by tracing it up to the
Lombard kings, whose descendants crossed the Pyrenees, and established
themselves in Aragon under the Gothic monarchy. This royal genealogy was
not found out till Cortes had acquired a name which would confer
distinction on any descent, however noble. His father, Martin Cortes de
Monroy, was a captain of infantry, in moderate circumstances, but a man
of unblemished honour; and both he and his wife, Dona Catalina Pizarro
Altamirano, appear to have been much regarded for their excellent
qualities. In his infancy Cortes is said to have had a feeble
constitution, which strengthened as he grew older. At fourteen, he was
sent to Salamanca, as his father, who conceived great hopes from his
quick and showy parts, proposed to educate him for the law, a profession
which held out better inducements to the young aspirant than any other.
The son, however, did not conform to these views. He showed little
fondness for books, and after loitering away two years at college,
returned home, to the great chagrin of his parents. Yet his time had not
been wholly misspent, since he had laid up a little store of Latin, and
learned to write good prose, and even verses "of some estimation,
considering"- as an old writer quaintly remarks- "Cortes as the author."
He now passed his days in the idle, unprofitable manner of one who, too
wilful to be guided by others, proposes no object to himself. His
buoyant spirits were continually breaking out in troublesome frolics and
capricious humours, quite at variance with the orderly habits of his
father's. household. He showed a particular inclination for the military
profession, or rather for the life of adventure to which in those days
it was sure to lead. And when, at the age of seventeen, he proposed to
enrol himself under the banners of the Great Captain, his parents,
probably thinking a life of hardship and hazard abroad preferable to one
of idleness at home, made no objection. The youthful cavalier, however,
hesitated whether to seek his fortunes under that victorious chief, or
in the New World, where gold as well as glory was to be won, and where
the very dangers had a mystery and romance in them inexpressibly
fascinating to a youthful fancy. It was in this direction, accordingly,
that the hot spirits of that day found a vent, especially from that part
of the country where Cortes lived, the neighbourhood of Seville and
Cadiz, the focus of nautical enterprise. He decided on this latter
course, and an opportunity offered in the splendid armament fitted out
under Don Nicolas de Ovando, successor to Columbus. An unlucky accident
defeated the purpose of Cortes. As he was scaling a high wall, one
night, which gave him access to the apartment of a lady with whom he was
engaged in an intrigue, the stones gave way, and he was thrown down
with much violence and buried under the ruins. A severe contusion,
though attended with no other serious consequences, confined him to his
bed till after the departure of the fleet. Two years longer he remained
at home, profiting little, as it would seem, from the lesson he had
received. At length he availed himself of another opportunity presented
by the departure of a small squadron of vessels bound to the Indian
islands. He was nineteen years of age when he bade adieu to his native
shores in 1504,- the same year in which Spain lost the best and greatest
in her long line of princes, Isabella the Catholic. Immediately on
landing, Cortes repaired to the house of the governor, to whom he had
been personally known in Spain. Ovando was absent on an expedition into
the interior, but the young man was kindly received by the secretary,
who assured him there would be no doubt of his obtaining a liberal grant
of land to settle on. "But I came to get gold," replied Cortes, "not to
till the soil like a peasant." On the governor's return, Cortes
consented to give up his roving thoughts, at least for a time, as the
other laboured to convince him that he would be more likely to realise
his wishes from the slow, indeed, but sure, returns of husbandry, where
the soil and the labourers were a free gift to the planter, than by
taking his chance in the lottery of adventure, in which there were so
many blanks to a prize. He accordingly received a grant of land, with a
repartimiento of Indians, and was appointed notary of the town or
settlement of Agua. His graver pursuits, however, did not prevent his
indulgence of the amorous propensities which belong to the sunny clime
where he was born; and this frequently involved him in affairs of
honour, from which, though an expert swordsman, he carried away sears
that accompanied him to his grave. He occasionally, moreover, found the
means of breaking up the monotony of his way of life by engaging in the
military expeditions which, under the command of Ovando's lieutenant,
Diego Velasquez, were employed to suppress the insurrections of the
natives. In this school the young adventurer first studied the wild
tactics of Indian warfare; he became familiar with toil and danger, and
with those deeds of cruelty which have too often, alas! stained the
bright scutcheons of the Castilian chivalry in the New World. He was
only prevented by illness- a most fortunate one, on this occasion,- from
embarking in Nicuessa's expedition, which furnished a tale of woe, not
often matched in the annals of Spanish discovery. Providence reserved
him for higher ends. At length, in 1511, when Velasquez undertook the
conquest of Cuba, Cortes willingly abandoned his quiet life for the
stirring scenes there opened, and took part in the expedition. He
displayed throughout the invasion an activity and courage that won him
the approbation of the commander; while his free and cordial manners,
his good humour, and lively sallies of wit made him the favourite of the
soldiers. "He gave little evidence," says a contemporary, "of the great
qualities which he afterwards showed." It is probable these qualities
were not known to himself; while to a common observer his careless
manners and jocund repartees might well seem incompatible with anything
serious or profound; as the real depth of the current is not suspected
under the light play and sunny sparkling of the surface. After the
reduction of the island, Cortes seems to have been held in great favour
by Velasquez, now appointed its governor. According to Las Casas, he was
made one of his secretaries. He still retained the same fondness for
gallantry, for which his handsome person afforded obvious advantages,
but which had more than once brought him into trouble in earlier life.
Among the families who had taken up their residence in Cuba was one of
the name of Xuarez, from Granada in Old Spain. It consisted of a
brother, and four sisters remarkable for their beauty. With one of them,
named Catalina, the susceptible heart of the young soldier became
enamoured. How far the intimacy was carried is not quite certain. But it
appears he gave his promise to marry her,- a promise which, when the
time came, and reason, it may be, had got the better of passion, he
showed no alacrity in keeping. He resisted, indeed, all remonstrances to
this effect from the lady's family, backed by the governor, and
somewhat sharpened, no doubt, in the latter by the particular interest
he took in one of the fair sisters, who is said not to have repaid it
with ingratitude. Whether the rebuke of Velasquez, or some other cause
of disgust, rankled in the breast of Cortes, he now became cold toward
his patron, and connected himself with a disaffected party tolerably
numerous in the island. They were in the habit of meeting at his house
and brooding over their causes of discontent, chiefly founded, it would
appear, on what they conceived an ill requital of their services in the
distribution of lands and offices. It may well be imagined, that it
could have been no easy task for the ruler of one of these colonies,
however discreet and well intentioned, to satisfy the indefinite cravings
of speculators and adventurers, who swarmed, like so many famished
harpies, in the track of discovery in the New World. The malcontents
determined to lay their grievances before the higher authorities in
Hispaniola, from whom Velasquez had received his commission. The voyage
was one of some hazard, as it was to be made in an open boat, across an
arm of the sea, eighteen leagues wide; and they fixed on Cortes, with
whose fearless spirit they were well acquainted, as the fittest man to
undertake it. The conspiracy got wind, and came to the governor's ears
before the departure of the envoy, whom he instantly caused to be
seized, loaded with fetters, and placed in strict confinement. It is
even said, he would have hung him, but for the interposition of his
friends. Cortes did not long remain in durance. He contrived to throw
back one of the bolts of his fetters; and, after extricating his limbs,
succeeded in forcing open a window with the irons so as to admit of his
escape. He was lodged on the second floor of the building, and was able
to let himself down to the pavement without injury, and unobserved. He
then made the best of his way to a neighbouring church, where he claimed
the privilege of sanctuary. Velasquez, though incensed at his escape,
was afraid to violate the sanctity of the place by employing force. But
he stationed a guard in the neighbourhood, with orders to seize the
fugitive, if he should forget himself so far as to leave the sanctuary.
In a few days this happened. As Cortes was carelessly standing without
the walls in front of the building, an alguacil suddenly sprung on him
from behind and pinioned his arms, while others rushed in and secured
him. This man, whose name was Juan Escudero, was afterwards hung by
Cortes for some offence in New Spain. The unlucky prisoner was again put
in irons, and carried on board a vessel to sail the next morning for
Hispaniola, there to undergo his trial. Fortune favoured him once more.
He succeeded after much difficulty and no little pain, in passing his
feet through the rings which shackled them. He then came cautiously on
deck, and, covered by the darkness of the night, stole quietly down the
side of the ship into a boat that lay floating below. He pushed off from
the vessel with as little noise as possible. As he drew near the shore,
the stream became rapid and turbulent. He hesitated to trust his boat
to it; and, as he was an excellent swimmer, prepared to breast it
himself, and boldly plunged into the water. The current was strong, but
the arm of a man struggling for life was stronger; and after buffeting
the waves till he was nearly exhausted, he succeeded in gaining a
landing; when he sought refuge in the same sanctuary which had protected
him before. The facility with which Cortes a second time effected his
escape, may lead one to doubt the fidelity of his guards; who perhaps
looked on him as the victim of persecution, and felt the influence of
those popular manners which seem to have gained him friends in every
society into which he was thrown. For some reason not explained,-
perhaps from policy,- he now relinquished his objections to the marriage
with Catalina Xuarez. He thus secured the good offices of her family.
Soon afterwards the governor himself relented, and became reconciled to
his unfortunate enemy. A strange story is told in connection with this
event. It is said, his proud spirit refused to accept the proffers of
reconciliation made him by Velasquez; and that one evening, leaving the
sanctuary, he presented himself unexpectedly before the latter in his
own quarters, when on a military excursion at some distance from the
capital. The governor, startled by the sudden apparition of his enemy
completely armed before him, with some dismay inquired the meaning of
it. Cortes answered by insisting on a full explanation of his previous
conduct. After some hot discussion the interview terminated amicably;
the parties embraced, and, when a messenger arrived to announce the
escape of Cortes, he found him in the apartments of his Excellency,
where, having retired to rest, both were actually sleeping in the same
bed! The anecdote is repeated without distrust by more than one
biographer of Cortes. It is not very probable, however, that a haughty
irascible man like Velasquez should have given such uncommon proofs of
condescension and familiarity to one, so far beneath him in station,
with whom he had been so recently in deadly feud; nor, on the other
hand, that Cortes should have had the silly temerity to brave the lion
in his den, where a single nod would have sent him to the gibbet,- and
that too with as little compunction or fear of consequences as would
have attended the execution of an Indian slave. The reconciliation with
the governor, however brought about, was permanent. Cortes, though not
re-established in the office of secretary, received a liberal
repartimiento of Indians, and an ample territory in the neighbourhood of
St. Jago, of which he was soon after made alcalde. He now lived almost
wholly on his estate, devoting himself to agriculture, with more zeal
than formerly. He stocked his plantation with different kinds of cattle,
some of which were first introduced by him into Cuba. He wrought, also,
the gold mines which fell to his share, and which in this island
promised better returns than those in Hispaniola. By this course of
industry he found himself in a few years master of some two or three
thousand castellanos, a large sum for one in his situation. "God, who
alone knows at what cost of Indian lives it was obtained," exclaims Las
Casas, "will take account of it!" His days glided smoothly away in these
tranquil pursuits, and in the society of his beautiful wife, who,
however ineligible as a connection, from the inferiority of her
condition, appears to have fulfilled all the relations of a faithful and
affectionate partner. Indeed, he was often heard to say at this time,
as the good bishop above quoted remarks, "that he lived as happily with
her as if she had been the daughter of a duchess." Fortune gave him the
means in after life of verifying the truth of his assertion. Such was
the state of things, when Alvarado returned with the tidings of
Grijalva's discoveries, and the rich fruits of his traffic with the
natives. The news spread like wildfire throughout the island; for all
saw in it the promise of more important results than any hitherto
obtained. The governor, as already noticed, resolved to follow up the
track of discovery with a more considerable armament; and he looked
around for a proper person to share the expense of it, and to take the
command. Several hidalgos presented themselves, whom, from want of
proper qualifications, or from his distrust of their assuming an
independence of their employer, he one after another rejected. There
were two persons in St. Jago in whom he placed great confidence,- Amador
de Lares, the contador, or royal treasurer, and his own secretary,
Andres de Duero. Cortes was also in close intimacy with both these
persons; and he availed himself of it to prevail on them to recommend
him as a suitable person to be intrusted with the expedition. It is
said, he reinforced the proposal by promising a liberal share of the
proceeds of it. However this may be, the parties urged his selection by
the governor with all the eloquence of which they were capable. That
officer had had ample experience of the capacity and courage of the
candidate. He knew, too, that he had acquired a fortune which would
enable him to co-operate materially in fitting out the armament. His
popularity in the island would speedily attract followers to his
standard. All past animosities had long since been buried in oblivion,
and the confidence he was now to repose in him would insure his fidelity
and gratitude. He lent a willing ear, therefore, to the recommendation
of his counsellors, and, sending for Cortes, announced his purpose of
making him captaingeneral of the armada. Cortes had now attained the
object of his wishes,- the object for which his soul had panted, ever
since he had set foot in the New World. He was no longer to be condemned
to a life of mercenary drudgery; nor to be cooped up within the
precincts of a petty island; but he was to be placed on a new and
independent theatre of action, and a boundless perspective was opened to
his view, which might satisfy not merely the wildest cravings of
avarice, but, to a bold aspiring spirit like his, the far more important
cravings of ambition. He fully appreciated the importance of the late
discoveries, and read in them the existence of the great empire in the
far West, dark hints of which had floated from time to time in the
islands, and of which more certain glimpses had been caught by those who
had reached the continent. This was the country intimated to the "Great
Admiral" in his visit to Honduras in 1502, and which he might have
reached, had he held on a northern course, instead of striking to the
south in quest of an imaginary strait. As it was, "he had but opened the
gate," to use his own bitter expression, "for others to enter." The
time had at length come when they were to enter it; and the young
adventurer, whose magic lance was to dissolve the spell which had so
long hung over these mysterious regions, now stood ready to assume the
enterprise. From this hour the deportment of Cortes seemed to undergo a
change. His thoughts, instead of evaporating in empty levities or idle
flashes of merriment, were wholly concentrated on the great object to
which he was devoted. His elastic spirits were shown in cheering and
stimulating the companions of his toilsome duties, and he was roused to a
generous enthusiasm, of which even those who knew him best had not
conceived him capable. He applied at once all the money in his
possession to fitting out the armament. He raised more by the mortgage
of his estates, and by giving his obligations to some wealthy merchants
of the place, who relied for their reimbursement on the success of the
expedition; and, when his own credit was exhausted, he availed himself
of that of his friends. The funds thus acquired he expended in the
purchase of vessels, provisions, and military stores, while he invited
recruits by offers of assistance to such as were too poor to provide for
themselves, and by the additional promise of a liberal share of the
anticipated profits. All was now bustle and excitement in the little
town of St. Jago. Some were busy in refitting the vessels and getting
them ready for the voyage; some in providing naval stores; others in
converting their own estates into money in order to equip themselves;
every one seemed anxious to contribute in some way or other to the
success of the expedition. Six ships, some of them of a large size, had
already been procured; and three hundred recruits enrolled themselves in
the course of a few days, eager to seek their fortunes under the banner
of this daring and popular chieftain. How far the governor contributed
towards the expenses of the outfit is not very clear. If the friends of
Cortes are to be believed, nearly the whole burden fell on him; since,
while he supplied the squadron without remuneration, the governor sold
many of his own stores at an exorbitant profit. Yet it does not seem
probable that Velasquez, with such ample means at his command, should
have thrown on his deputy the burden of the expedition; nor that the
latter, had he done so, could have been in a condition to meet these
expenses, amounting, as we are told, to more than twenty thousand gold
ducats. Still it cannot be denied that an ambitious man like Cortes, who
was to reap all the glory of the enterprise, would very naturally be
less solicitous to count the gains of it, than his employer, who,
inactive at home, and having no laurels to win, must look on the
pecuniary profits as his only recompense. The question gave rise, some
years later, to a furious litigation between the parties, with which it
is not necessary at present to embarrass the reader. It is due to
Velasquez to state that the instructions delivered by him for the
conduct of the expedition cannot be charged with a narrow or mercenary
spirit. The first object of the voyage was to find Grijalva, after which
the two commanders were to proceed in company together. Reports had
been brought back by Cordova, on his return from the first visit to
Yucatan, that six Christians were said to be lingering in captivity in
the interior of the country. It was supposed they might belong to the
party of the unfortunate Nicuessa, and orders were given to find them
out, if possible, and restore them to liberty. But the great object of
the expedition was barter with the natives. In pursuing this, special
care was to be taken that they should receive no wrong, but be treated
with kindness and humanity. Cortes was to bear in mind, above all
things, that the object which the Spanish monarch had most at heart was
the conversion of the Indians. He was to impress on them the grandeur
and goodness of his royal master, to invite them "to give in their
allegiance to him, and to manifest it by regaling him with such
comfortable presents of gold, pearls, and precious stones as, by showing
their own good will, would secure his favour and protection." He was to
make an accurate survey of the coast, sounding its bays and inlets for
the benefit of future navigators. He was to acquaint himself with the
natural products of the country, with the character of its different
races, their institutions and progress in civilisation; and he was to
send home minute accounts of all these, together with such articles as
he should obtain in his intercourse with them. Finally, he was to take
the most careful care to omit nothing that might redound to the service
of God or his sovereign. Such was the general tenor of the instructions
given to Cortes, and they must be admitted to provide for the interests
of science and humanity, as wen as for those which had reference only to
a commercial speculation. It may seem strange, considering the
discontent shown by Velasquez with his former captain, Grijalva, for not
colonising, that no directions should have been given to that effect
here. But he bad not yet received from Spain the warrant for investing
his agents with such powers; and that which had been obtained from the
Hieronymite fathers in Hispaniola conceded only the right to traffic
with the natives. The commission at the same time recognised the
authority of Cortes as Captain General.
Chapter III [1518-1519]
JEALOUSY OF VELASQUEZ- CORTES EMBARKS- EQUIPMENT OF HIS FLEET- HIS
PERSON AND CHARACTER- RENDEZVOUS AT HAVANA- STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT
THE importance given to Cortes by his new position, and perhaps a
somewhat more lofty bearing, gradually gave uneasiness to the naturally
suspicious temper of Velasquez, who became apprehensive that his
officer, when away where he would have the power, might also have the
inclination, to throw off his dependence on him altogether. An
accidental circumstance at this time heightened these suspicions. A mad
fellow, his jester, one of those crack-brained wits,- half wit, half
fool,- who formed in those days a common appendage to every great man's
establishment, called out to the governor, as he was taking his usual
walk one morning with Cortes towards the port, "Have a care, master
Velasquez, or we shall have to go a hunting, some day or other, after
this same captain of ours!" "Do you hear what the rogue says?" exclaimed
the governor to his companion. "Do not heed him," said Cortes, "he is a
saucy knave, and deserves a good whipping." The words sunk deep,
however, in the mind of Velasquez,- as, indeed, true jests are apt to
stick. There were not wanting persons about his Excellency, who fanned
the latent embers of jealousy into a blaze. These worthy gentlemen, some
of them kinsmen of Velasquez, who probably felt their own deserts
somewhat thrown into the shade by the rising fortunes of Cortes,
reminded the governor of his ancient quarrel with that officer, and of
the little probability that affronts so keenly felt at the time could
ever be forgotten. By these and similar suggestions, and by
misconstructions of the present conduct of Cortes, they wrought on the
passions of Velasquez to such a degree, that he resolved to intrust the
expedition to other hands. He communicated his design to his
confidential advisers, Lares and Duero, and these trusty personages
reported it without delay to Cortes, although, "to a man of half his
penetration," says Las Casas, "the thing would have been readily divined
from the governor's altered demeanour." The two functionaries advised
their friend to expedite matters as much as possible, and to lose no
time in getting his fleet ready for sea, if he would retain the command
of it. Cortes showed the same prompt decision on this occasion, which
more than once afterwards in a similar crisis gave the direction to his
destiny. He had not yet got his complement of men, nor of vessels; and
was very inadequately provided with supplies of any kind. But he
resolved to weigh anchor that very night. He waited on his officers,
informed them of his purpose, and probably of the cause of it; and at
midnight, when the town was hushed in sleep, they all went quietly on
board, and the little squadron dropped down the bay. First, however,
Cortes had visited the person whose business it was to supply the place
with meat, and relieved him of all his stock on hand, notwithstanding
his complaint that the city must suffer for it on the morrow, leaving
him, at the same time, in payment, a massive gold chain of much value,
which he wore round his neck. Great was the amazement, of the good
citizens of St. Jago, when, at dawn, they saw that the fleet, which they
knew was so ill prepared for the voyage, had left its moorings and was
busily getting under way. The tidings soon came to the ears of his
Excellency, who, springing from his bed, hastily dressed himself,
mounted his horse, and, followed by his retinue, galloped down to the
quay. Cortes, as soon as he descried their approach, entered an armed
boat, and came within speaking distance of the shore. "And is it thus
you part from me!" exclaimed Velasquez; "a courteous way of taking
leave, truly!" "Pardon me," answered Cortes, "time presses, and there
are some things that should be done before they are even thought of. Has
your Excellency any commands?" But the mortified governor had no
commands to give; and Cortes, politely waving his hand, returned to his
vessel, and the little fleet instantly made sail for the port of Macaca,
about fifteen leagues distant. (November 18, 1518.) Velasquez rode back
to his house to digest his chagrin as he best might; satisfied,
probably, that he had made at least two blunders; one in appointing
Cortes to the command,- the other in attempting to deprive him of it.
For, if it be true, that by giving our confidence by halves, we can
scarcely hope to make a friend, it is equally true, that, by withdrawing
it when given, we shall make an enemy. This clandestine departure of
Cortes has been severely criticised by some writers, especially by Las
Casas. Yet much may be urged in vindication of his conduct. He had been
appointed to the command by the voluntary act of the governor, and this
had been fully ratified by the authorities of Hispaniola. He had at once
devoted all his resources to the undertaking, incurring, indeed, a
heavy debt in addition. He was now be deprived of his commission,
without any misconduct having been alleged or at least proved against
him. Such an event must overwhelm him in irretrievable ruin, to say
nothing of the friends from whom he had so largely borrowed, and the
followers who had embarked their fortunes in the expedition on the faith
of his commanding it. There are few persons, probably, who under these
circumstances would have felt called tamely to acquiesce in the
sacrifice of their hopes to a groundless and arbitrary whim. The most to
have been expected from Cortes was, that he should feel obliged to
provide faithfully for the interests of his employer in the conduct of
the enterprise. How far he felt the force of this obligation will appear
in the sequel. From Macaca, where Cortes laid in such stores as he
could obtain from the royal farms, and which, he said, he considered as
"a loan from the king," he proceeded to Trinidad; a more considerable
town, on the southern coast of Cuba. Here he landed, and erecting his
standard in front of his quarters, made proclamation, with liberal
offers to all who would join the expedition. Volunteers came in daily,
and among them more than a hundred of Grijalva's men, just returned from
their voyage, and willing to follow up the discovery under an
enterprising leader. The fame of Cortes attracted, also, a number of
cavaliers of family and distinction, some of whom, having accompanied
Grijalva, brought much information valuable for the present expedition.
Among these hidalgos may be mentioned Pedro de Alvarado and his
brothers, Christoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a
near relation of the governor, Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, and
Gonzalo de Sandoval,- all of them men who took a most important part in
the Conquest. Their presence was of great moment, as giving
consideration to the enterprise; and, when they entered the little camp
of the adventurers, the latter turned out to welcome them amidst lively
strains of music and joyous salvos of artillery. Cortes meanwhile was
active in purchasing military stores and provisions. Learning that a
trading vessel laden with grain and other commodities for the mines was
off the coast, he ordered out one of his caravels to seize her and bring
her into port. He paid the master in bills for both cargo and ship, and
even persuaded this man, named Sedeno, who was wealthy, to join his
fortunes to the expedition. He also despatched one of his officers,
Diego de Ordaz, in quest of another ship, of which he had tidings, with
instructions to seize it in like manner, and to meet him with it off
Cape St. Antonio, the westerly point of the island. By this he effected
another object, that of getting rid of Ordaz, who was one of the
governor's household, and an inconvenient spy on his own actions. While
thus occupied, letters from Velasquez were received by the commander of
Trinidad, requiring him to seize the person of Cortes, and to detain
him, as he had been deposed from the command of the fleet, which was
given to another. This functionary communicated his instructions to the
principal officers in the expedition, who counselled him not to make the
attempt, as it would undoubtedly lead to a commotion among the
soldiers, that might end in laying the town in ashes. Verdugo thought it
prudent to conform to this advice. As Cortes was willing to strengthen
himself by still further reinforcements, he ordered Alvarado with a
small body of men to march across the country to the Havana, while he
himself would sail round the westerly point of the island, and meet him
there with the squadron. In this port he again displayed his standard,
making the usual proclamation. He caused all the large guns to be
brought on shore, and with the small arms and crossbows, to be put in
order. As there was abundance of cotton raised in this neighbourhood, he
had the jackets of the soldiers thickly quilted with it, for a defence
against the Indian arrows, from which the troops in the former
expeditions had grievously suffered. He distributed his men into eleven
companies, each under the command of an experienced officer; and it was
observed, that, although several of the cavaliers in the service were
the personal friends and even kinsmen of Velasquez, he appeared to treat
them all with perfect confidence. His principal standard was of black
velvet embroidered with gold, and emblazoned with a red cross amidst
flames of blue and white, with this motto in Latin beneath: "Friends,
let us follow the Cross; and under this sign, if we have faith, we shall
conquer." He now assumed more state in his own person and way of
living, introducing a greater number of domestics and officers into his
household, and placing it on a footing becoming a man of high station.
This state he maintained through the rest of his life. Cortes at this
time was thirty-three, or perhaps thirty-four years of age. In stature
he was rather above the middle size. His complexion was pale; and his
large dark eye gave an expression of gravity to his countenance, not to
have been expected in one of his cheerful temperament. His figure was
slender, at least until later life; but his chest was deep, his
shoulders broad, his frame muscular and well-proportioned. It presented
the union of agility and vigour which qualified him to excel in fencing,
horsemanship, and the other generous exercises of chivalry. In his diet
he was temperate, careless of what he ate, and drinking little; while
to toil and privation he seemed perfectly indifferent. His dress, for he
did not disdain the impression produced by such adventitious aids, was
such as to set off his handsome person to advantage; neither gaudy nor
striking, but rich. He wore few ornaments, and usually the same; but
those were of great price. His manners, frank and soldier-like,
concealed a most cool and calculating spirit. With his gayest humour
there mingled a settled air of resolution, which made those who
approached him feel they must obey; and which infused something like awe
into the attachment of his most devoted followers. Such a combination,
in which love was tempered by authority, was the one probably best
calculated to inspire devotion in the rough and turbulent spirits among
whom his lot was to be cast. The character of Cortes seems to have
undergone some change with change of circumstances; or to speak more
correctly, the new scenes in which he was placed called forth qualities
which before lay dormant in his bosom. There are some hardy natures that
require the heats of excited action to unfold their energies; like the
plants, which, closed to the mild influence of a temperate latitude,
come to their full growth, and give forth their fruits, only in the
burning atmosphere of the tropics. Before the preparations were fully
completed at the Havana, the commander of the place, Don Pedro Barba,
received despatches from Velasquez ordering him to apprehend Cortes, and
to prevent the departure of his vessels; while another epistle from the
same source was delivered to Cortes himself, requesting him to postpone
his voyage till the governor could communicate with him, as he
proposed, in person. "Never," exclaims Las Casas, "did I see so little
knowledge of affairs shown, as in this letter of Diego Velasquez,- that
he should have imagined that a man, who had so recently put such an
affront on him, would defer his departure at his bidding!" It was,
indeed, hoping to stay the flight of the arrow by a word, after it had
left the bow. The captain-general, however, during his short stay had
entirely conciliated the good will of Barba. And, if that officer had
had the inclination, he knew he had not the power, to enforce his
principal's orders, in the face of a resolute soldiery, incensed at this
ungenerous persecution of their commander, and "all of whom," in the
words of the honest chronicler, Bernal Diaz, who bore part in the
expedition, "officers and privates, would have cheerfully laid down
their lives for him." Barba contented himself, therefore, with
explaining to Velasquez the impracticability of the attempt, and at the
same time endeavoured to traquillise his apprehensions by asserting his
own confidence in the fidelity of Cortes. To this the latter added a
communication of his own, in which he implored his Excellency to rely on
his devotion to his interests, and concluded with the comfortable
assurance that he and the whole fleet, God willing, would sail on the
following morning. Accordingly, on the 10th of February, 1519, the
little squadron got under way, and directed its course towards Cape St.
Antonio, the appointed place of rendezvous. When all were brought
together, the vessels were found to be eleven in number; one of them, in
which Cortes himself went, was of a hundred tons' burden, three others
were from seventy to eighty tons, the remainder were caravels and open
brigantines. The whole was put under the direction of Antonio de
Alaminos, as chief pilot; a veteran navigator, who, had acted as pilot
to Columbus in his last voyage, and to Cordova and Grijalva in the
former expeditions to Yucatan. Landing on the Cape and mustering his
forces, Cortes found they amounted to one hundred and ten mariners, five
hundred and fifty-three soldiers, including thirty-two crossbow-men,
and thirteen arquebusiers, besides two hundred Indians of the island,
and a few Indian women for menial offices. He was provided with ten
heavy guns, four lighter pieces called falconets, and with a good supply
of ammunition. He had, besides, sixteen horses. They were not easily
procured; for the difficulty of transporting them across the ocean in
the flimsy craft of that day made them rare and incredibly dear in the
islands. But Cortes rightfully estimated the importance of cavalry,
however small in number, both for their actual service in the field, and
for striking terror into the savages. With so paltry a force did he
enter on a conquest which even his stout heart must have shrunk from
attempting with such means, had he but foreseen half its real
difficulties! Before embarking, Cortes addressed his soldiers in a short
but animated harangue. He told them they were about to enter on a noble
enterprise, one that would make their name famous to after ages. He was
leading them to countries more vast and opulent than any yet visited by
Europeans. "I hold out to you a glorious prize," continued the orator,
"but it is to be won by incessant toil. Great things are achieved only
by great exertions and glory was never the reward of sloth. If I have
laboured hard and staked my all on this undertaking, it is for the love
of that renown, which is the noblest recompense of man. But, if any
among you covet riches more, be but true to me, as I will be true to you
and to the occasion, and I will make you masters of such as our
countrymen have never dreamed of! You are few in number, but strong in
resolution; and, if this does not falter, doubt not but that the
Almighty, who has never deserted the Spaniard in his contest with the
infidel, will shield you, though encompassed by a cloud of enemies; for
your cause is a just cause, and you are to fight under the banner of the
Cross. Go forward then," he concluded, "with alacrity and confidence,
and carry to a glorious issue the work so auspiciously begun." The rough
eloquence of the general, touching the various chords of ambition,
avarice, and religious zeal, sent a thrill through the bosoms of his
martial audience; and, receiving it with acclamations, they seemed eager
to press forward under a chief who was to lead them not so much to
battle, as to triumph. Cortes was well satisfied to find his own
enthusiasm so largely shared by his followers. Mass was then celebrated
with the solemnities usual with the Spanish navigators, when entering on
their voyages of discovery. The fleet was placed under the immediate
protection of St. Peter, the patron saint of Cortes; and, weighing
anchor, took its departure on the eighteenth day of February, 1519, for
the coast of Yucatan.
Chapter IV [1519]
VOYAGE TO COZUMEL- CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES- JERONIMO DE AGUILAR- ARMY
ARRIVES AT TABASCO- GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS- CHRISTIANITY
INTRODUCED
ORDERS were given for the vessels to keep as near together as possible,
and to take the direction of the capitana, or admiral's ship, which
carried a beacon-light in the stern during the night. But the weather,
which had been favourable, changed soon after their departure, and one
of those tempests set in, which at this season are often found in the
latitudes of the West Indies. It fell with terrible force on the little
navy, scattering it far asunder, dismantling some of the ships, and
driving them all considerably south of their proposed destination.
Cortes, who had lingered behind to convoy a disabled vessel, reached the
island of Cozumel last. On landing, he learned that one of his
captains, Pedro de Alvarado, had availed himself of the short time he
had been there to enter the temples, rifle them of their few ornaments,
and, by his violent conduct, so far to terrify the simple natives, that
they had fled for refuge into the interior of the island. Cortes, highly
incensed at these rash proceedings, so contrary to the policy he had
proposed, could not refrain from severely reprimanding his officer in
the presence of the army. He commanded two Indian captives, taken by
Alvarado, to be brought before him, and explained to them the pacific
purpose of his visit. This he did through the assistance of his
interpreter, Melchorejo, a native of Yucatan, who had been brought back
by Grijalva, and who, during his residence in Cuba, had picked up some
acquaintance with the Castilian. He then dismissed them loaded with
presents, and with an invitation to their countrymen to return to their
homes without fear of further annoyance. This humane policy succeeded.
The fugitives, reassured, were not slow in coming back; and an amicable
intercourse was established, in which Spanish cutlery and trinkets were
exchanged for the gold ornaments of the natives; a traffic in which each
party congratulated itself- a philosopher might think with equal
reason- on outwitting the other. The first object of Cortes was, to
gather tidings of the unfortunate Christians who were reported to be
still lingering in captivity on the neighbouring continent. From some
traders in the islands he obtained such a confirmation of the report,
that he sent Diego de Ordaz with two brigantines to the opposite coast
of Yucatan, with instructions to remain there eight days. Some Indians
went as messengers in the vessels, who consented to bear a letter to the
captives, informing them of the arrival of their countrymen in Cozumel,
with a liberal ransom for their release. Meanwhile the general proposed
to make an excursion to the different parts of the island, that he
might give employment to the restless spirits of the soldiers, and
ascertain the resources of the country. It was poor and thinly peopled.
But everywhere he recognised the vestiges of a higher civilisation than
what he had before witnessed in the Indian islands. The houses were some
of them large, and often built of stone and lime. He was particularly
struck with the temples, in which were towers constructed of the same
solid materials, and rising several stories in height. In the court of
one of these he was amazed by the sight of a cross, of stone and lime,
about ten palms high. It was the emblem of the God of rain. Its
appearance suggested the wildest conjectures, not merely to the
unlettered soldiers, but subsequently to the European scholar, who
speculated on the character of the races that had introduced there the
sacred symbol of Christianity. But no such inference, as we shall see
hereafter, could be warranted. Yet it must be regarded as a curious
fact, that the Cross should have been venerated as the object of
religious worship both in the New World, and in regions of the Old,
where the light of Christianity had never risen. The next object of
Cortes was to reclaim the natives from their gross idolatry, and to
substitute a purer form of worship. In accomplishing this he was
prepared to use force, if milder measures should be ineffectual. There
was nothing which the Spanish government had more earnestly at heart,
than the conversion of the Indians. It forms the constant burden of
their instructions, and gave to the military expeditions in this Western
Hemisphere somewhat of the air of a crusade. The cavalier who embarked
in them entered fully into these chivalrous and devotional feelings. No
doubt was entertained of the efficacy of conversion, however sudden
might be the change, or however violent the means. The sword was a good
argument when the tongue failed; and the spread of Mahometanism had
shown that seeds sown by the hand of violence, far from perishing in the
ground, would spring up and bear fruit to after time. If this were so
in a bad cause, how much more would it be true in a good one! The
Spanish cavalier felt he had a high mission to accomplish as a soldier
of the Cross. However unauthorised or unrighteous the war into which he
had entered may seem to us, to him it was a holy war. He was in arms
against the infidel. Not to care for the soul of his benighted enemy was
to put his own in jeopardy. The conversion of a single soul might cover
a multitude of sins. It was not for morals that he was concerned, but
for the faith. This, though understood in its most literal and limited
sense, comprehended the whole scheme of Christian morality. Whoever died
in the faith, however immoral had been his life, might be said to die
in the Lord. Such was the creed of the Castilian knight of that day, as
imbibed from the preachings of the pulpit, from cloisters and colleges
at home, from monks and missionaries abroad,- from all save one, Las
Casas, whose devotion, kindled at a purer source, was not, alas!
permitted to send forth its radiance far into the thick gloom by which
he was encompassed. No one partook more fully of the feelings above
described than Hernan Cortes. He was, in truth, the very mirror of the
times in which he lived, reflecting its motley characteristics, its
speculative devotion, and practical licence,- but with an intensity all
his own. He was greatly scandalised at the exhibition of the idolatrous
practices of the people of Cozumel, though untainted, as it would seem,
with human sacrifices. He endeavoured to persuade them to embrace a
better faith, through the agency of two ecclesiastics who attended the
expedition,- the licentiate Juan Diaz and Father Bartolome de Olmedo.
The latter of these godly men afforded the rare example- rare in any
age- of the union of fervent zeal with charity, while he beautifully
illustrated in his own conduct the precepts which he taught. He remained
with the army through the whole expedition, and by his wise and
benevolent counsels was often enabled to mitigate the cruelties of the
Conquerors, and to turn aside the edge of the sword from the unfortunate
natives. These two missionaries vainly laboured to persuade the people
of Cozumel to renounce their abominations, and to allow the Indian
idols, in which the Christians recognised the true lineaments of Satan,
to be thrown down and demolished. The simple natives, filled with horror
at the proposed profanation, exclaimed that these were the gods who
sent them the sunshine and the storm, and, should any violence be
offered, they would be sure to avenge it by sending their lightnings on
the heads of its perpetrators. Cortes was probably not much of a
polemic. At all events, he preferred on the present occasion action to
argument; and thought that the best way to convince the Indians of their
error was to prove the falsehood of the prediction. He accordingly,
without further ceremony, caused the venerated images to be rolled down
the stairs of the great temple, amidst the groans and lamentations of
the natives. An altar was hastily constructed, an image of the Virgin
and Child placed over it, and mass was performed by Father Olmedo and
his reverend companion for the first time within the walls of a temple
in New Spain. The patient ministers tried once more to pour the light of
the gospel into the benighted understandings of the islanders, and to
expound the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The Indian interpreter must
have afforded rather a dubious channel for the transmission of such
abstruse doctrines. But they at length found favour with their auditors,
who, whether overawed by the bold bearing of the invaders, or convinced
of the impotence of deities that could not shield their own shrines
from violation, now consented to embrace Christianity. While Cortes was
thus occupied with the triumphs of the Cross, he received intelligence
that Ordaz had returned from Yucatan without tidings of the Spanish
captives. Though much chagrined, the general did not choose to postpone
longer his departure from Cozumel. The fleet had been well stored with
provisions by the friendly inhabitants, and, embarking his troops,
Cortes, in the beginning of March, took leave of its hospitable shores.
The squadron had not proceeded far, however, before a leak in one of the
vessels compelled them to return to the same port. The detention was
attended with important consequences; so much so, indeed, that a writer
of the time discerns in it "a great mystery and a miracle." Soon after
landing, a canoe with several Indians was seen making its way from the
neighbouring shores of Yucatan. On reaching the island, one of the men
inquired, in broken Castilian, "if he were among Christians"; and being
answered in the affirmative, threw himself on his knees and returned
thanks to Heaven for his delivery. He was one of the unfortunate
captives for whose fate so much interest had been felt. His name was
Jeronimo de Aguilar, a native of Ecija, in Old Spain, where he had been
regularly educated for the church. He had been established with the
colony at Darien, and on a voyage from that place to Hispaniola, eight
years previous, was wrecked near the coast of Yucatan. He escaped with
several of his companions in the ship's boat, where some perished from
hunger and exposure, while others were sacrificed, on their reaching
land, by the cannibal natives of the peninsula. Aguilar was preserved
from the same dismal fate by escaping into the interior, where he fell
into the hands of a powerful cacique, who, though he spared his life,
treated him at first with great rigour. The patience of the captive,
however, and his singular humility, touched the better feelings of the
chieftain, who would have persuaded Aguilar to take a wife among his
people, but the ecclesiastic steadily refused, in obedience to his vows.
This admirable constancy excited the distrust of the cacique, who put
his virtue to a severe test by various temptations, and much of the same
sort as those with which the devil is said to have assailed St.
Anthony. From all these fiery trials, however, like his ghostly
predecessor, he came out unscorched. Continence is too rare and
difficult a virtue with barbarians not to challenge their veneration,
and the practice of it has made the reputation of more than one saint in
the Old as well as the New World. Aguilar was now intrusted with the
care of his master's household and his numerous wives. He was a man of
discretion, as well as virtue; and his counsels were found so salutary
that he was consulted on all important matters. In short, Aguilar became
a great man among the Indians. It was with much regret, therefore, that
his master received the proposals for his return to his countrymen, to
which nothing but the rich treasure of glass beads, hawk bells, and
other jewels of like value, sent for his ransom, would have induced him
to consent. When Aguilar reached the coast, there had been so much delay
that the brigantines had sailed, and it was owing to the fortunate
return of the fleet to Cozumel that he was enabled to join it. On
appearing before Cortes, the poor man saluted him in the Indian style,
by touching the earth with his hand, and carrying it to his head. The
commander, raising him up, affectionately embraced him, covering him at
the same time with his own cloak, as Aguilar was simply clad in the
habiliments of the country, somewhat too scanty for a European eye. It
was long, indeed, before the tastes which he had acquired in the freedom
of the forest could be reconciled to the constraints either of dress or
manners imposed by the artificial forms of civilisation. Aguilar's long
residence in the country had familiarised him with the Mayan dialects
of Yucatan, and, as he gradually revived his Castilian, he became of
essential importance as an interpreter. Cortes saw the advantage of this
from the first, but he could not fully estimate all the consequences
that were to flow from it. The repairs of the vessels being at length
completed, the Spanish commander once more took leave of the friendly
natives of Cozumel, and set sail on the 4th of March. Keeping as near as
possible to the coast of Yucatan, he doubled Cape Catoche, and with
flowing sheets swept down the broad bay of Campeachy. He passed
Potonchan, where Cordova had experienced a rough reception from the
natives; and soon after reached the mouth of the Rio de Tabasco, or
Grijalva, in which that navigator had carried on so lucrative a traffic.
Though mindful of the great object of his voyage,- the visit to the
Aztec territories,- he was desirous of acquainting himself with the
resources of this country, and determined to ascend the river and visit
the great town on its borders. The water was so shallow, from the
accumulation of sand at the mouth of the stream, that the general was
obliged to leave the ships at anchor, and to embark in the boats with a
part only of his forces. The banks were thickly studded with mangrove
trees, that, with their roots shooting up and interlacing one another,
formed a kind of impervious screen or net-work, behind which the dark
forms of the natives were seen glancing to and fro with the most
menacing looks and gestures. Cortes, much surprised at these unfriendly
demonstrations, so unlike what he had reason to expect, moved cautiously
up the stream. When he had reached an open place, where a large number
of Indians were assembled, he asked, through his interpreter, leave to
land, explaining at the same time his amicable intentions. But the
Indians, brandishing their weapons, answered only with gestures of angry
defiance. Though much chagrined, Cortes thought it best not to urge the
matter further that evening, but withdrew to a neighbouring island,
where he disembarked his troops, resolved to effect a landing on the
following morning. When day broke the Spaniards saw the opposite banks
lined with a much more numerous array than on the preceding evening,
while the canoes along the shore were filled with bands of armed
warriors. Cortes now made his preparations for the attack. He first
landed a detachment of a hundred men under Alonso de Avila, at a point
somewhat lower down the stream, sheltered by a thick grove of palms,
from which a road, as he knew, led to the town of Tabasco, giving orders
to his officer to march at once on the place, while he himself advanced
to assault it in front. Then embarking the remainder of his troops,
Cortes crossed the river in face of the enemy; but, before commencing
hostilities, that he might "act with entire regard to justice, and in
obedience to the instructions of the Royal Council," he first caused
proclamation to be made through the interpreter, that he desired only a
free passage for his men; and that he proposed to revive the friendly
relations which had formerly subsisted between his countrymen and the
natives. He assured them that if blood were spilt, the sin would he on
their heads, and that resistance would be useless, since he was resolved
at all hazards to take up his quarters that night in the town of
Tabasco. This proclamation, delivered in lofty tone, and duly recorded
by the notary, was answered by the Indians- who might possibly have
comprehended one word in ten of it- with shouts of defiance and a shower
of arrows. Cortes, having now complied with all the requisitions of a
loyal cavalier, and shifted the responsibility from his own shoulders to
those of the Royal Council, brought his boats alongside of the Indian
canoes. They grappled fiercely together and both parties were soon in
the water, which rose above the girdle. The struggle was not long,
though desperate. The superior strength of the Europeans prevailed, and
they forced the enemy back to land. Here, however, they were supported
by their countrymen, who showered down darts, arrows, and blazing
billets of wood on the heads of the invaders. The banks were soft and
slippery, and it was with difficulty the soldiers made good their
footing. Cortes lost a sandal in the mud, but continued to fight
barefoot, with great exposure of his person, as the Indians, who soon
singled out the leader, called to one another, "Strike at the chief!" At
length the Spaniards gained the bank, and were able to come into
something like order, when they opened a brisk fire from their
arquebuses and crossbows. The enemy, astounded by the roar and flash of
the firearms, of which they had had no experience, fell back, and
retreated behind a breastwork of timber thrown across the way. The
Spaniards, hot in the pursuit, soon carried these rude defences, and
drove the Tabascans before them towards the town, where they again took
shelter behind their palisades. Meanwhile Avila had arrived from the
opposite quarter, and the natives taken by surprise made no further
attempt at resistance, but abandoned the place to the Christians. They
had previously removed their families and effects. Some provisions fell
into the hands of the victors, but little gold, "a circumstance," says
Las Casas, "which gave them no particular satisfaction." It was a very
populous place. The houses were mostly of mud; the better sort of stone
and lime; affording proofs in the inhabitants of a superior refinement
to that found in the islands, as their stout resistance had given
evidence of superior valour. Cortes, having thus made himself master of
the town, took formal possession of it for the crown of Castile. He gave
three cuts with his sword on a large ceiba tree, which grew in the
place, and proclaimed aloud, that he took possession of the city in the
name and on behalf of the Catholic sovereigns, and would maintain and
defend the same with sword and buckler against all who should gainsay
it. The same vaunting declaration was also made by the soldiers, and the
whole was duly recorded and attested by the notary. This was the usual
simple but chivalric form with which the Spanish cavaliers asserted the
royal title to the conquered territories in the New World. It was a good
title, doubtless, against the claims of any other European potentate.
The general took up his quarters that night in the courtyard of the
principal temple. He posted his sentinels, and took all the precautions
practised in wars with a civilised foe. Indeed, there was reason for
them. A suspicious silence seemed to reign through the place and its
neighbourhood; and tidings were brought that the interpreter,
Melchorejo, had fled, leaving his Spanish dress hanging on a tree.
Cortes was disquieted by the desertion of this man who would not only
inform his countrymen of the small number of the Spaniards, but
dissipate any illusions that might be entertained of their superior
natures. On the following morning, as no traces of the enemy were
visible, Cortes ordered out a detachment under Alvarado, and another
under Francisco de Lugo, to reconnoitre. The latter officer had not
advanced a league before he learned the position of the Indians, by
their attacking him in such force that he was fain to take shelter in a
large stone building, where he was closely besieged. Fortunately the
loud yells of the assailants, like most barbarous nations, seeking to
strike terror by their ferocious cries, reached the ears of Alvarado and
his men, who, speedily advancing to the relief of their comrades,
enabled them to force a passage through the enemy. Both parties
retreated closely pursued, on the town, when Cortes, marching out to
their support, compelled the Tabascans to retire. A few prisoners were
taken in this skirmish. By them Cortes found his worst apprehensions
verified. The country was everywhere in arms. A force consisting of many
thousands had assembled from the neighbouring provinces, and a general
assault was resolved on for the next day. To the general's inquiries why
he had been received in so different a manner from his predecessor,
Grijalva, they answered, that "the conduct of the Tabascans then had
given great offence to the other Indian tribes, who taxed them with
treachery and cowardice; so that they had promised, on any return of the
white men, to resist them in the same manner as their neighbours had
done." Cortes might now well regret that he had allowed himself to
deviate from the direct object of his enterprise, and to become
intangled in a doubtful war which could lead to no profitable result.
But it was too late to repent. He had taken the step, and had no
alternative but to go forward. To retreat would dishearten his own men
at the outset, impair their confidence in him as their leader, and
confirm the arrogance of his foes, the tidings of whose success might
precede him on his voyage, and prepare the way for greater
mortifications and defeats. He did not hesitate as to the course he was
to pursue; but, calling his officers together, announced his intention
to give battle the following morning. He sent back to the vessels such
as were disabled by their wounds, and ordered the remainder of the
forces to join the camp. Six of the heavy guns were also taken from the
ships, together with all the horses. The animals were stiff and torpid
from long confinement on board; but a few hours' exercise restored them
to their strength and usual spirit. He gave the command of the
artillery- if it may be dignified with the name- to a soldier named
Mesa, who had acquired some experience as an engineer in the Italian
wars. The infantry he put under the orders of Diego de Ordaz, and took
charge of the cavalry himself. It consisted of some of the most valiant
gentlemen of his little band, among whom may be mentioned Alvarado,
Velasquez de Leon, Avila, Puertocarrero, Olid, Montejo. Having thus made
all the necessary arrangements, and settled his plan of battle, he
retired to rest,- but not to slumber. His feverish mind, as may well be
imagined, was filled with anxiety for the morrow, which might decide the
fate of his expedition; and as was his wont on such occasions, he was
frequently observed, during the night, going the rounds, and visiting
the sentinels, to see that no one slept upon his post. At the first
glimmering of light he mustered his army, and declared his purpose not
to abide, cooped up in the town, the assault of the enemy, but to march
at once against him. For he well knew that the spirits rise with action,
and that the attacking party gathers a confidence from the very
movement, which is not felt by the one who is passively, perhaps
anxiously, awaiting the assault. The Indians were understood to be
encamped on a level ground a few miles distant from the city, called the
plain of Ceutla. The general commanded that Ordaz should march with the
foot, including the artillery, directly across the country, and attack
them in front, while he himself would fetch a circuit with the horse,
and turn their flank when thus engaged, or fall upon their rear. These
dispositions being completed, the little army heard mass and then
sallied forth from the wooden walls of Tabasco. It was Lady-day, the
25th of March,- long memorable in the annals of New Spain. The district
around the town was chequered with patches of maize, and, on the lower
level, with plantations of cacao,- supplying the beverage, and perhaps
the coin of the country, as in Mexico. These plantations, requiring
constant irrigation, were fed by numerous canals and reservoirs of
water, so that the country could not be traversed without great toil and
difficulty. It was, however, intersected by a narrow path or causeway,
over which the cannon could be dragged. The troops advanced more than a
league on their laborious march, without descrying the enemy. The
weather was sultry, but few of them were embarrassed by the heavy mail
worn by the European cavaliers at that period. Their cotton jackets,
thickly quilted, afforded a tolerable protection against the arrows of
the Indian, and allowed room for the freedom and activity of movement
essential to a life of rambling adventure in the wilderness. At length
they came in sight of the broad plains of Ceutla, and beheld the dusky
lines of the enemy stretching, as far as the eye could reach, along the
edge of the horizon. The Indians had shown some sagacity in the choice
of their position; and, as the weary Spaniards came slowly on,
floundering through the morass, the Tabascans set up their hideous
battle-cries, and discharged volleys of arrows, stones, and other
missiles, which rattled like hail on the shields and helmets of the
assailants. Many were severely wounded before they could gain the firm
ground, where they soon cleared a space for themselves, and opened a
heavy fire of artillery and musketry on the dense columns of the enemy,
which presented a fatal mark for the balls. Numbers were swept down at
every discharge; but the bold barbarians, far from being dismayed, threw
up dust and leaves to hide their losses, and, sounding their war
instruments, shot off fresh flights of arrows in return. They even
pressed closer on the Spaniards, and, when driven off by a vigorous
charge, soon turned again, and, rolling back like the waves of the
ocean, seemed ready to overwhelm the little band by weight of numbers.
Thus cramped, the latter had scarcely room to perform their necessary
evolutions, or even to work their guns with effect. The engagement had
now lasted more than an hour, and the Spaniards, sorely pressed, looked
with great anxiety for the arrival of the horse,- which some
unaccountable impediments must have detained,- to relieve them from
their perilous position. At this crisis, the furthest columns of the
Indian army were seen to be agitated and thrown into a disorder that
rapidly spread through the whole mass. It was not long before the ears
of the Christians were saluted with the cheering war-cry of "San Jago
and San Pedro," and they beheld the bright helmets and swords of the
Castilian chivalry flashing back the rays of the morning sun, as they
dashed through the ranks of the enemy, striking to the right and left,
and scattering dismay around them. The eye of faith, indeed, could
discern the patron Saint of Spain himself, mounted on his grey
war-horse, heading the rescue and trampling over the bodies of the
fallen infidels! The approach of Cortes had been greatly retarded by the
broken nature of the ground. When he came up, the Indians were so hotly
engaged, that he was upon them before they observed his approach. He
ordered his men to direct their lances at the faces of their opponents,
who, terrified at the monstrous apparition,- for they supposed the rider
and the horse, which they had never before seen, to be one and the
same,- were seized with a panic. Ordaz availed himself of it to command a
general charge along the line, and the Indians, many of them throwing
away their arms, fled without attempting further resistance. Cortes was
too content with the victory, to care to follow it up by dipping his
sword in the blood of the fugitives. He drew off his men to a copse of
palms which skirted the place, and, under their broad canopy, the
soldiers offered up thanksgivings to the Almighty for the victory
vouchsafed them. The field of battle was made the site of a town, called
in honour of the day on which the action took place, Santa Maria de la
Vitoria, long afterwards the capital of the province. The number of
those who fought or fell in the engagement is altogether doubtful.
Nothing, indeed, is more uncertain than numerical estimates of
barbarians. And they gain nothing in probability, when they come, as in
the present instance, from the reports of their enemies. Most accounts,
however, agree that the Indian force consisted of five squadrons of
eight thousand men each. There is more discrepancy as to the number of
slain, varying from one to thirty thousand! In this monstrous
discordance, the common disposition to exaggerate may lead us to look
for truth in the neighbourhood of the smallest number. The loss of the
Christians was inconsiderable; not exceeding- if we receive their own
reports, probably, from the same causes, much diminishing the truth- two
killed, and less than a hundred wounded! We may readily comprehend the
feelings of the Conquerors, when they declared, that "Heaven must have
fought on their side, since their own strength could never have
prevailed against such a multitude of enemies!" Several prisoners were
taken in the battle, among them two chiefs. Cortes gave them their
liberty, and sent a message by them to their countrymen, "that he would
overlook the past, if they would come in at once, and tender their
submission. Otherwise he would ride over the land, and put every living
thing in it, man, woman, and child, to the sword!" With this formidable
menace ringing in their ears, the envoys departed. But the Tabascans had
no relish for further hostilities. A body of inferior chiefs appeared
the next day, clad in dark dresses of cotton, intimating their abject
condition, and implored leave to bury their dead. It was granted by the
general, with many assurances of his friendly disposition; but at the
same time he told them, he expected their principal caciques, as he
would treat with none other. These soon presented themselves, attended
by a numerous train of vassals, who followed with timid curiosity to the
Christian camp. Among their propitiatory gifts were twenty female
slaves, which, from the character of one of them, proved of infinitely
more consequence than was anticipated by either Spaniards or Tabascans.
Confidence was soon restored; and was succeeded by a friendly
intercourse, and the interchange of Spanish toys for the rude
commodities of the country, articles of food, cotton, and a few gold
ornaments of little value. When asked where the precious metal was
procured, they pointed to the west, and answered "Culhua," "Mexico." The
Spaniards saw this was no place for them to traffic, or to tarry in.-
Yet here, they were not many leagues distant from a potent and opulent
city, or what once had been so, the ancient Palenque. But its glory may
have even then passed away, and its name have been forgotten by the
surrounding nations. Before his departure the Spanish commander did not
omit to provide for one great object of his expedition, the conversion
of the Indians. He first represented to the caciques, that he had been
sent thither by a powerful monarch on the other side of the water, to
whom he had now a right to claim their allegiance. He then caused the
reverend fathers Olmedo and Diaz to enlighten their minds, as far as
possible, in regard to the great truths of revelation, urging them to
receive these in place of their own heathenish abominations. The
Tabascans, whose perceptions were no doubt materially quickened by the
discipline they had undergone, made but a faint resistance to either
proposal. The next day was Palm Sunday, and the general resolved to
celebrate their conversion by one of those pompous ceremonials of the
Church, which should make a lasting impression on their minds. A solemn
procession was formed of the whole army with the ecclesiastics at their
head, each soldier bearing a palm branch in his hand. The concourse was
swelled by thousands of Indians of both sexes, who followed in curious
astonishment at the spectacle. The long files bent their way through the
flowery savannas that bordered the settlement, to the principal temple,
where an altar was raised, and the image of the presiding deity was
deposed to make room for that of the Virgin with the infant Saviour.
Mass was celebrated by Father Olmedo, and the soldiers who were capable
joined in the solemn chant. The natives listened in profound silence,
and if we may believe the chronicler of the event who witnessed it, were
melted into tears; while their hearts were penetrated with reverential
awe for the God of those terrible beings who seemed to wield in their
own hands the thunder and the lightning. These solemnities concluded,
Cortes prepared to return to his ships, well satisfied with the
impression made on the new converts, and with the conquests he had thus
achieved for Castile and Christianity. The soldiers, taking leave of
their Indian friends, entered the boats with the palm branches in their
hands, and descending the river re-embarked on board their vessels,
which rode at anchor at its mouth. A favourable breeze was blowing, and
the little navy, opening its sails to receive it, was soon on its way
again to the golden shores of Mexico.
Chapter V [1519]
VOYAGE ALONG THE COAST- DONA MARINA- SPANIARDS LAND IN MEXICO- INTERVIEW
WITH THE AZTECS
THE fleet held its course so near the shore, that the inhabitants could
be seen on it; and, as it swept along the winding borders of the gulf,
the soldiers, who had been on the former expedition with Grijalva,
pointed out to their companions the memorable places on the coast. Here
was the Rio de Alvarado, named after the gallant adventurer, who was
present, also, in this expedition; there the Rio de Vanderas, in which
Grijalva had carried on so lucrative a commerce with the Mexicans; and
there the Isla de los Sacrificios, where the Spaniards first saw the
vestiges of human sacrifice on the coast. The fleet had now arrived off
St. Juan de Ulua, the island so named by Grijalva. The weather was
temperate and serene, and crowds of natives were gathered on the shore
of the main land, gazing at the strange phenomenon, as the vessels
glided along under easy sail on the smooth bosom of the waters. It was
the evening of Thursday in Passion Week. The air came pleasantly off the
shore, and Cortes, liking the spot, thought he might safely anchor
under the lee of the island, which would shelter him from the nortes
that sweep over these seas with fatal violence in the winter, sometimes
even late in the spring. The ships had not been long at anchor, when a
light pirogue, filled with natives, shot off from the neighbouring
continent, and steered for the general's vessel, distinguished by the
royal ensign of Castile floating from the mast. The Indians came on
board with a frank confidence, inspired by the accounts of the Spaniards
spread by their countrymen who had traded with Grijalva. They brought
presents of fruits and flowers and little ornaments of gold, which they
gladly exchanged for the usual trinkets. Cortes was baffled in his
attempts to hold a conversation with his visitors by means of the
interpreter, Aguilar, who was ignorant of the language; the Mayan
dialects, with which he was conversant, bearing too little resemblance
to the Aztec. The natives supplied the deficiency, as far as possible,
by the uncommon vivacity and significance of their gestures,- the
hieroglyphics of speech,- but the Spanish commander saw with chagrin the
embarrassments he must encounter in future for want of a more perfect
medium of communication. In this dilemma, he was informed that one of
the female slaves given to him by the Tabascan chiefs was a native
Mexican, and understood the language. Her name- that given to her by the
Spaniards- was Marina; and, as she was to exercise a most important
influence on their fortunes, it is necessary to acquaint the reader with
something of her character and history. She was born at Painalla, in
the province of Coatzacualco, on the south-eastern borders of the
Mexican empire. Her father, a rich and powerful cacique, died when she
was very young. Her mother married again, and, having a son, she
conceived the infamous idea of securing to this offspring of her second
union Marina's rightful inheritance. She accordingly feigned that the
latter was dead, but secretly delivered her into the hands of some
itinerant traders of Xicallanco. She availed herself, at the same time,
of the death of a child of one of her slaves, to substitute the corpse
for that of her own daughter, and celebrated the obsequies with mock
solemnity. These particulars are related by the honest old soldier,
Bernal Diaz, who knew the mother, and witnessed the generous treatment
of her afterwards by Marina. By the merchants the Indian maiden was
again sold to the cacique of Tabasco, who delivered her, as we have
seen, to the Spaniards. From the place of her birth she was well
acquainted with the Mexican tongue, which, indeed, she is said to have
spoken with great elegance. Her residence in Tabasco familiarised her
with the dialects of that country, so that she could carry on a
conversation with Aguilar, which he in turn rendered into the Castilian.
Thus a certain, though somewhat circuitous channel was opened to Cortes
for communicating with the Aztecs; a circumstance of the last
importance to the success of his enterprise. It was not very long, however,
before Marina, who had a lively genius, made herself so far mistress of
the Castilian as to supersede the necessity of any other linguist. She
learned it the more readily, as it was to her the language of love:
Cortes, who appreciated the value of her services from the first, made
her his interpreter, then his secretary, and, won by her charms, his
mistress. With the aid of his two intelligent interpreters, Cortes
entered into conversation with his Indian visitors. He learned that they
were Mexicans, or rather subjects of the great Mexican empire, of which
their own province formed one of the comparatively recent conquests.
The country was ruled by a powerful monarch, called Moctheuzoma, or by
Europeans more commonly Montezuma, who dwelt on the mountain plains of
the interior, nearly seventy leagues from the coast; their own province
was governed by one of his nobles, named Teuhtlile, whose residence was
eight leagues distant. Cortes acquainted them in turn with his own
friendly views in visiting their country, and with his desire of an
interview with the Aztec governor. He then dismissed them loaded with
presents, having first ascertained that there was abundance of gold in
the interior, like the specimens they had brought. Cortes, pleased with
the manners of the people, and the goodly reports of the land, resolved
to take up his quarters here for the present. The next morning, April
21, being Good Friday, he landed with all his force, on the very spot
where now stands the modern city of Vera Cruz. Little did the Conqueror
imagine that the desolate beach, on which he first planted his foot, was
one day to be covered by a flourishing city, the great mart of European
and Oriental trade, the commercial capital of New Spain. It was a wide
and level plain, except where the sand had been drifted into hillocks by
the perpetual blowing of the norte. On these sand-hills he mounted his
little battery of guns, so as to give him the command of the country. He
then employed the troops in cutting down small trees and bushes which
grew near, in order to provide a shelter from the weather. In this he
was aided by the people of the country, sent, as it appeared, by the
governor of the district, to assist the Spaniards. With their help
stakes were firmly set in the earth, and covered with boughs, and with
mats and cotton carpets, which the friendly natives brought with them.
In this way they secured, in a couple of days, a good defence against
the scorching rays of the sun, which beat with intolerable fierceness on
the sands. The place was surrounded by stagnant marshes, the
exhalations from which, quickened by the heat into the pestilent
malaria, have occasioned in later times wider mortality to Europeans
than all the hurricanes on the coast. The bilious disorders, now the
terrible scourge of the tierra caliente, were little known before the
Conquest. The seeds of the poison seem to have been scattered by the
hand of civilisation; for it is only necessary to settle a town, and
draw together a busy European population, in order to call out the
malignity of the venom which had before lurked in the atmosphere. While
these arrangements were in progress, the natives flocked in from the
adjacent district, which was tolerably populous in the interior, drawn
by a natural curiosity to see the wonderful strangers. They brought with
them fruits, vegetables, flowers in abundance, game, and many dishes
cooked after the fashion of the country, with little articles of gold
and other ornaments. They gave away some as presents, and bartered
others for the wares of the Spaniards; so that the camp, crowded with a
motley throng of every age and sex, wore the appearance of a fair. From
some of the visitors Cortes learned the intention of the governor to
wait on him the following day. This was Easter. Teuhtlile arrived, as he
had announced, before noon. He was attended by a numerous train, and
was met by Cortes, who conducted him with much ceremony to his tent,
where his principal officers were assembled. The Aztec chief returned
their salutations with polite, though formal courtesy. Mass was first
said by father Olmedo, and the service was listened to by Teuhtlile and
his attendants with decent reverence. A collation was afterwards served,
at which the general entertained his guest with Spanish wines and
confections. The interpreters were then introduced, and a conversation
commenced between the parties. The first inquiries of Teuhtlile were
respecting the country of the strangers, and the purport of their visit.
Cortes told him, that "he was the subject of a potent monarch beyond
the seas, who ruled over an immense empire, and had kings and princes
for his vassals! that, acquainted with the greatness of the Mexican
emperor, his master had desired to enter into a communication with him,
and had sent him as his envoy to wait on Montezuma with a present in
token of his good will, and a message which he must deliver in person."
He concluded by inquiring of Teuhtlile when he could be admitted to his
sovereign's presence. To this the Aztec noble somewhat haughtily
replied, "How is it, that you have been here only two days, and demand
to see the emperor?" He then added, with more courtesy, that "he was
surprised to learn there was another monarch as powerful as Montezuma;
but that if it were so, he had no doubt his master would be happy to
communicate with him. He would send his couriers with the royal gift
brought by the Spanish commander, and, so soon as he had learned
Montezuma's will, would communicate it." Teuhtlile then commanded his
slaves to bring forward the present intended for the Spanish general. It
consisted of ten loads of fine cotton, several mantles of that curious
feather-work whose rich and delicate dyes might vie with the most
beautiful painting, and a wicker basket filled with ornaments of wrought
gold, all calculated to inspire the Spaniards with high ideas of the
wealth and mechanical ingenuity of the Mexicans. Cortes received these
presents with suitable acknowledgments, and ordered his own attendants
to lay before the chief the articles designed for Montezuma. These were
an arm-chair richly carved and painted, a crimson cap of cloth, having a
gold medal emblazoned with St. George and the dragon, and a quantity of
collars, bracelets, and other ornaments of cut glass, which, in a
country where glass was not to be had, might claim to have the value of
real gems, and no doubt passed for such with the inexperienced Mexicans.
Teuhtlile observed a soldier in the camp with a shining gilt helmet on
his head, which he said reminded him of one worn by the god Quetzalcoatl
in Mexico; and he showed a desire that Montezuma should see it. The
coming of the Spaniards, as the reader will soon see, was associated
with some traditions of this same deity. Cortes expressed his
willingness that the casque should be sent to the emperor, intimating a
hope that it would be returned filled with the gold dust of the country,
that he might be able to compare its quality with that in his own! He
further told the governor, as we are informed by his chaplain, "that the
Spaniards were troubled with a disease of the heart, for which gold was
a specific remedy!" "In short," says Las Casas, "he contrived to make
his want of gold very clear to the governor." While these things were
passing, Cortes observed one of Teuhtlile's attendants busy with a
pencil, apparently delineating some object. On looking at his work, he
found that it was a sketch on canvas of the Spaniards, their costumes,
arms, and, in short, different objects of interest, giving to each its
appropriate form and colour. This was the celebrated picture-writing of
the Aztecs, and, as Teuhtlile informed him, this man was employed in
portraying the various objects for the eye of Montezuma, who would thus
gather a more vivid notion of their appearance than from any description
by words. Cortes was pleased with the idea; and, as he knew how much
the effect would be heightened by converting still life into action, he
ordered out the cavalry on the beach, the wet sands of which afforded a
firm footing for the horses. The bold and rapid movements of the troops,
as they went through their military exercises; the apparent ease with
which they managed the fiery animals on which they were mounted; the
glancing of their weapons, and the shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled
the spectators with astonishment; but when they heard the thunders of
the cannon, which Cortes ordered to be fired at the same time, and
witnessed the volumes of smoke and flame issuing from these terrible
engines, and the rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through the
trees of the neighbouring forest, shivering their branches into
fragments, they were filled with consternation, from which the Aztec
chief himself was not wholly free. Nothing of all this was lost on the
painters, who faithfully recorded, after their fashion, every
particular; not omitting the ships,- "the water-houses," as they called
them, of the strangers- which, with their dark hulls and snow-white
sails reflected from the water, were swinging lazily at anchor on the
calm bosom of the bay. All was depicted with a fidelity, that excited in
their turn the admiration of the Spaniards, who, doubtless unprepared
for this exhibition of skill, greatly overestimated the merits of the
execution. These various matters completed, Teuhtlile with his
attendants withdrew from the Spanish quarters, with the same ceremony
with which he had entered them; leaving orders that his people should
supply the troops with provisions and other articles requisite for their
accommodation, till further instructions from the capital.
Chapter VI [1519]
ACCOUNT OF MONTEZUMA- STATE OF HIS EMPIRE- STRANGE PROGNOSTICS- EMBASSY
AND PRESENTS- SPANISH ENCAMPMENT
WE must now take leave of the Spanish camp in the tierra caliente, and
transport ourselves to the distant capital of Mexico, where no little
sensation was excited by the arrival of the wonderful strangers on the
coast. The Aztec throne was filled at that time by Montezuma the Second,
nephew of the last, and grandson of a preceding monarch. He had been
elected to the regal dignity in 1502, in preference to his brothers, for
his superior qualifications, both as a soldier and a priest,- a
combination of offices sometimes found in the Mexican candidates, as it
was, more frequently, in the Egyptian. In early youth he had taken an
active part in the wars of the empire, though of late he had devoted
himself more exclusively to the services of the temple; and he was
scrupulous in his attentions to all the burdensome ceremonial of the
Aztec worship. He maintained a grave and reserved demeanour, speaking
little and with prudent deliberation. His deportment was well calculated
to inspire ideas of superior sanctity. Montezuma displayed all the
energy and enterprise in the commencement of his reign, which had been
anticipated from him. His first expedition against a rebel province in
the neighbourhood was crowned with success, and he led back in triumph a
throng of captives for the bloody sacrifice that was to grace his
coronation. This was celebrated with uncommon pomp. Games and religious
ceremonies continued for several days, and among the spectators who
flocked from distant quarters were some noble Tlascalans, the hereditary
enemies of Mexico. They were in disguise, hoping thus to elude
detection. They were recognised, however, and reported to the monarch.
But he only availed himself of the information to provide them with
honourable entertainment, and a good place for witnessing the games.
This was a magnanimous act, considering the long cherished hostility
between the nations. In his first years, Montezuma was constantly
engaged in war, and frequently led his armies in person. The Aztec
banners were seen in the furthest provinces of the Gulf of Mexico, and
the distant regions of Nicaragua and Honduras. The expeditions were
generally successful; and the limits of the empire were more widely
extended that at any preceding period. Meanwhile the monarch was not
inattentive to the interior concerns of the kingdom. He made some
important changes in the courts of justice; and carefully watched over
the execution of the laws, which he enforced with stern severity. He was
in the habit of patrolling the streets of his capital in disguise, to
make himself personally acquainted with the abuses in it. And with more
questionable policy, it is said, he would sometimes try the integrity of
his judges by tempting them with large bribes to swerve from their
duty, and then call the delinquent to strict account for yielding to the
temptation. He liberally recompensed all who served him. He showed a
similar munificent spirit in his public works, constructing and
embellishing the temples, bringing water into the capital by a new
channel, and establishing a hospital, or retreat for invalid soldiers,
in the city of Colhuacan. These acts, so worthy of a great prince, were
counterbalanced by others of an opposite complexion. The humility,
displayed so ostentatiously before his elevation, gave way to an
intolerable arrogance. In his pleasure-houses, domestic establishment,
and way of living, he assumed a pomp unknown to his predecessors. He
secluded himself from public observation, or, when he went abroad,
exacted the most slavish homage; while in the palace he would be served
only, even in the most menial offices, by persons of rank. He, further,
dismissed several plebeians, chiefly poor soldiers of merit, from the
places they had occupied near the person of his predecessor, considering
their attendance a dishonour to royalty. It was in vain that his oldest
and sagest counsellors remonstrated on a conduct so impolitic. While he
thus disgusted his subjects by his haughty deportment, he alienated
their affections by the imposition of grievous taxes. These were
demanded by the lavish expenditure of his court. They fell with peculiar
heaviness on the conquered cities. This oppression led to frequent
insurrection and resistance; and the latter years of his reign present a
scene of unintermitting hostility, in which the forces of one half of
the empire were employed in suppressing the commotions of the other.
Unfortunately there was no principle of amalgamation by which the new
acquisitions could be incorporated into the ancient monarchy, as parts
of one whole. Their interests, as well as sympathies, were different.
Thus the more widely the Aztec empire was extended, the weaker it
became, resembling some vast and ill-proportioned edifice, whose
disjointed materials having no principle of cohesion, and tottering
under their own weight, seem ready to fall before the first blast of the
tempest. In 1516, died the Tezcocan king, Nezahualpilli, in whom
Montezuma lost his most sagacious counsellor. The succession was
contested by his two sons, Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl. The former was
supported by Montezuma. The latter, the younger of the princes, a bold,
aspiring youth, appealing to the patriotic sentiment of his nation,
would have persuaded them that his brother was too much in the Mexican
interests to be true to his own country. A civil war ensued, and ended
by a compromise, by which one half of the kingdom, with the capital,
remained to Cacama, and the northern portion to his ambitious rival.
Ixtlilxochitl became from that time the mortal foe of Montezuma. A more
formidable enemy still was the little republic of Tlazcala, lying midway
between the Mexican Valley and the coast. It had maintained its
independence for more than two centuries against the allied forces of
the empire. Its resources were unimpaired, its civilisation scarcely
below that of its great rival states, and for courage and military
prowess it had established a name inferior to none other of the nations
of Anahuac. Such was the condition of the Aztec monarchy, on the arrival
of Cortes;- the people disgusted with the arrogance of the sovereign;
the provinces and distant cities outraged by fiscal exactions; while
potent enemies in the neighbourhood lay watching the hour when they
might assail their formidable rival with advantage. Still the kingdom
was strong in its internal resources, in the will of its monarch, in the
long habitual deference to his authority,- in short, in the terror of
his name, and in the valour and discipline of his armies, grown grey in
active service, and well drilled in all the tactics of Indian warfare.
The time had now come when these imperfect tactics and rude weapons of
the barbarian were to be brought into collision with the science and
enginery of the most civilised nations of the globe. During the latter
years of his reign, Montezuma had rarely taken part in his military
expeditions, which he left to his captains, occupying himself chiefly
with his sacerdotal functions. Under no prince had the priesthood
enjoyed greater consideration and immunities. The religious festivals
and rites were celebrated with unprecedented pomp. The oracles were
consulted on the most trivial occasions; and the sanguinary deities were
propitiated by hecatombs of victims dragged in triumph to the capital
from the conquered or rebellious provinces. The religion, or, to speak
correctly, the superstition of Montezuma proved a principal cause of his
calamities. In a preceding chapter I have noticed the popular
traditions respecting Quetzalcoatl, that deity with a fair complexion
and flowing beard, so unlike the Indian physiognomy, who, after
fulfilling his mission of benevolence among the Aztecs, embarked on the
Atlantic Sea for the mysterious shores of Tlapallan. He promised, on his
departure, to return at some future day with his posterity, and resume
the possession of his empire. That day was looked forward to with hope
or with apprehension, according to the interest of the believer, but
with general confidence throughout the wide borders of Anahuac. Even
after the Conquest, it still lingered among the Indian races, by whom it
was as fondly cherished, as the advent of their king Sebastian
continued to be by the Portuguese, or that of the Messiah by the Jews. A
general feeling seems to have prevailed in the time of Montezuma, that
the period for the return of the deity, and the full accomplishment of
his promise, was near at hand. This conviction is said to have gained
ground from various preternatural occurrences, reported with more or
less detail by all the most ancient historians. In 1510, the great lake
of Tezcoco, without the occurrence of a tempest, or earthquake, or any
other visible cause, became violently agitated, overflowed its banks,
and, pouring into the streets of Mexico, swept off many of the buildings
by the fury of the waters. In 1511, one of the turrets of the great
temple took fire, equally without any apparent cause, and continued to
burn in defiance of all attempts to extinguish it. In the following
years, three comets were seen; and not long before the coming of the
Spaniards a strange light broke forth in the east. It spread broad at
its base on the horizon, and rising in a pyramidal form tapered off as
it approached the zenith. It resembled a vast sheet or flood of fire,
emitting sparkles, or, as an old writer expresses it, "seemed thickly
powdered with stars." At the same time, low voices were heard in the
air, and doleful wailings, as if to announce some strange, mysterious
calamity! The Aztec monarch, terrified at the apparitions in the
heavens, took council of Nezahualpilli, who was a great proficient in
the subtle science of astrology. But the royal sage cast a deeper cloud
over his spirit, by reading in these prodigies the speedy downfall of
the empire. Such are the strange stories reported by the chroniclers, in
which it is not impossible to detect the glimmerings of truth. Nearly
thirty years had elapsed since the discovery of the islands by Columbus,
and more than twenty since his visit to the American continent.
Rumours, more or less distinct, of this wonderful appearance of the
white men, bearing in their hands the thunder and the lightning, so like
in many respects to the traditions of Quetzalcoatl, would naturally
spread far and wide among the Indian nations. Such rumours, doubtless,
long before the landing of the Spaniards in Mexico, found their way up
the grand plateau, filling the minds of men with anticipations of the
near coming of the period when the great deity was to return and receive
his own again. When tidings were brought to the capital of the landing
of Grijalva on the coast, in the preceding year, the heart of Montezuma
was filled with dismay. He felt as if the destinies which had so long
brooded over the royal line of Mexico were to be accomplished, and the
sceptre was to pass away from his house for ever. Though somewhat
relieved by the departure of the Spaniards, he caused sentinels to be
stationed on the heights; and when the Europeans returned under Cortes,
he doubtless received the earliest notice of the unwelcome event. It was
by his orders, however, that the provincial governor had prepared so
hospitable a reception for them. The hieroglyphical report of these
strange visitors, now forwarded to the capital, revived all his
apprehensions. He called without delay a meeting of his principal
counsellors, including the kings of Tezcoco and Tlacopan, and laid the
matter before them. There seems to have been much division of opinion in
that body. Some were for resisting the strangers at once, whether by
fraud, or by open force. Others contended, that, if they were
supernatural beings, fraud and force would be alike useless. If they
were, as they pretended, ambassadors from a foreign prince, such a
policy would be cowardly and unjust. That they were not of the family of
Quetzalcoatl was argued from the fact, that they had shown themselves
hostile to his religion; for tidings of the proceedings of the Spaniards
in Tabasco, it seems, had already reached the capital. Among those in
favour of giving them a friendly and honourable reception was the
Tezcocan king, Cacama. But Montezuma, taking counsel of his own
ill-defined apprehensions, preferred a half-way course,- as usual, the
most impolitic. He resolved to send an embassy, with such a magnificent
present to the strangers, as should impress them with high ideas of his
grandeur and resources; while at the same time, he would forbid their
approach to the capital. This was to reveal, at once, both his wealth
and his weakness. While the Aztec court was thus agitated by the arrival
of the Spaniards, they were passing their time in the tierra caliente,
not a little annoyed by the excessive heats and suffocating atmosphere
of the sandy waste on which they were encamped. They experienced every
alleviation that could be derived from the attentions of the friendly
natives. These, by the governor's command, had constructed more than a
thousand huts or booths of branches and matting which they occupied in
the neighbourhood of the camp. Here they prepared various articles of
food for the tables of Cortes and his officers, without any recompense;
while the common soldiers easily obtained a supply for themselves, in
exchange for such trifles as they brought with them for barter. Thus the
camp was liberally provided with meat and fish dressed in many savoury
ways, with cakes of corn, bananas, pine-apples, and divers luscious
vegetables of the tropics, hitherto unknown to the Spaniards. The
soldiers contrived, moreover, to obtain many little bits of gold, of no
great value, indeed, from the natives; a traffic very displeasing to the
partisans of Velasquez, who considered it an invasion of his rights.
Cortes, however, did not think it prudent in this matter to baulk the
inclinations of his followers. At the expiration of seven, or eight days
at most, the Mexican embassy presented itself before the camp. It may
seem an incredibly short space of time, considering the distance of the
capital was near seventy leagues. But it may be remembered that tidings
were carried there by means of posts, as already noticed, in the brief
space of four-and-twenty hours; and four or five days would suffice for
the descent of the envoys to the coast, accustomed as the Mexicans were
to long and rapid travelling. At all events, no writer states the period
occupied by the Indian emissaries on this occasion as longer than that
mentioned. The embassy, consisting of two Aztec nobles, was accompanied
by the governor, Teuhtlile, and by a hundred slaves, bearing the
princely gifts of Montezuma. One of the envoys had been selected on
account of the great resemblance which, as appeared from the painting
representing the camp, he bore to the Spanish commander. And it is a
proof of the fidelity of the painting, that the soldiers recognised the
resemblance, and always distinguished the chief by the name of the
"Mexican Cortes." On entering the general's pavilion, the ambassadors
saluted him and his officers, with the usual signs of reverence to
persons of great consideration, touching the ground with their hands and
then carrying them to their heads, while the air was filled with clouds
of incense, which rose up from the censers borne by their attendants.
Some delicately wrought mats of the country (petates) were then
unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the various articles they had
brought. They were of the most miscellaneous kind; shields, helmets,
cuirasses, embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold; collars and
bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans, panaches and crests of
variegated feathers, intermingled with gold and silver thread, and
sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; imitations of birds and
animals in wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite workmanship;
curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk, of rich and
various dyes, interwoven with feather-work that rivalled the delicacy of
painting. There were more than thirty loads of cotton cloth in
addition. Among the articles was the Spanish helmet sent to the capital,
and now returned filled to the brim with grains of gold. But the things
which excited the most admiration were two circular plates of gold and
silver, "as large as carriage-wheels." One, representing the sun, was
richly carved with plants and animals,- no doubt, denoting the Aztec
century. It was thirty palms in circumference, and was valued at twenty
thousand pesos de oro. The silver wheel, of the same size, weighed fifty
marks.* * Robertson cites Bernal Diaz as reckoning the value of the
silver plate at 20,000 pesos or about L 5000. (History of America, vol.
ii. note 75.) But Bernal Diaz speaks only of the value of the gold
plate, which he estimates at 20,000 pesos de oro, a different affair
from the pesos, dollars, or ounces of silver, with which the historian
confounds them. As the mention of the peso de oro will often recur in
these pages, it will be well to make the reader acquainted with its
probable value. Nothing more difficult than to ascertain the actual
value of the currency of a distant age; so many circumstances occur to
embarrass the calculation, besides the general depreciation of the
precious metals, such as the adulteration of specific coins and the
like. Senior Clemencin, the secretary of the Royal Academy of History,
in the sixth volume of its Memorias, has computed with great accuracy
the value of the different denominations of the Spanish currency at the
close of the fifteenth century, the period just preceding that of the
conquest of Mexico. He makes no mention of the peso de oro in his
tables. But he ascertains the precise value of the gold ducat, which
will answer our purpose as well. (Memorias de la Real Academia de
Historia [Madrid, 1821], tom. vi. *Ilust. 20.) Oviedo, a contemporary of
the Conquerors, informs us that the peso de oro and the castellano were
of the same value, and that was precisely one third greater than the
value of the ducat. (Hist. del Ind., lib. 6, cap. 8, ap. Ramusio,
Navigationi et Viaggi [Venetia, 1565], tom. iii.) Now the ducat, as
appears from Clemencin, reduced to our own currency, would be equal to
eight dollars and seventy-five cents. The peso de oro, therefore, was
equal to eleven dollars and sixty-seven cents, or two pounds, twelve
shillings, and sixpence sterling. Keeping this in mind, it will be easy
for the reader to determine the actual value in pesos de oro, of any sum
that may be hereafter mentioned. When Cortes and his officers had
completed their survey, the ambassadors courteously delivered the
message of Montezuma. "It gave their master great pleasure," they said,
"to hold this communication with so powerful a monarch as the King of
Spain, for whom he felt the most profound respect. He regretted much
that he could not enjoy a personal interview with the Spaniards, but the
distance of his capital was too great; since the journey was beset with
difficulties, and with too many dangers from formidable enemies, to
make it possible. All that could be done, therefore, was for the
strangers to return to their own land, with the proofs thus afforded
them of his friendly disposition." Cortes, though much chagrined at this
decided refusal of Montezuma to admit his visit, concealed his
mortification as he best might, and politely expressed his sense of the
emperor's munificence. "It made him only the more desirous," he said,
"to have a personal interview with him. He should feel it, indeed,
impossible to present himself again before his own sovereign, without
having accomplished this great object of his voyage; and one, who had
sailed over two thousand leagues of ocean, held lightly the perils and
fatigues of so short a journey by land." He once more requested them to
become the bearers of his message to their master, together with a
slight additional token of his respect. This consisted of a few fine
Holland shirts, a Florentine goblet, gilt and somewhat curiously
enamelled, with some toys of little value,- a sorry return for the solid
magnificence of the royal present. The ambassadors may have thought as
much. At least, they showed no alacrity in charging themselves either
with the present. or the message; and, on quitting the Castilian
quarters, repeated their assurance that the general's application would
be unavailing. The splendid treasure, which now lay dazzling the eyes of
the Spaniards, raised in their bosoms very different emotions,
according to the difference of their characters. Some it stimulated with
the ardent desire to strike at once into the interior, and possess
themselves of a country which teemed with such boundless stores of
wealth. Others looked on it as the evidence of a power altogether too
formidable to be encountered with their present insignificant force.
They thought, therefore, it would be most prudent to return and report
their proceedings to the governor of Cuba, where preparations could be
made commensurate with so vast an undertaking. There can be little doubt
as to the impression made on the bold spirit of Cortes, on which
difficulties ever operated as incentives rather than discouragements to
enterprise. But he prudently said nothing,- at least in public,-
preferring that so important a movement should flow from the
determination of his whole army, rather than from his own individual
impulse. Meanwhile the soldiers suffered greatly from the inconveniences
of their position amidst burning sands and the pestilent effluvia of
the neighbouring marshes, while the venomous insects of these hot
regions left them no repose, day or night. Thirty of their number had
already sickened and died; a loss that could in be afforded by the
little band. To add to their troubles, the coldness of the Mexican
chiefs had extended to their followers; and the supplies for the camp
were not only much diminished, but the prices set on them were
exorbitant. The position was equally unfavourable for the shipping,
which lay in an open roadstead, exposed to the fury of the first norte
which should sweep the Mexican Gulf. The general was induced by these
circumstances to despatch two vessels, under Francisco de Montejo, with
Alaminos for his pilot, to explore the coast in a northerly direction,
and see if a safer port and more commodious quarters for the army could
not be found there. After the lapse of ten days the Mexican envoys
returned. They entered the Spanish quarters with the same formality as
on the former visit, bearing with them an additional present of rich
stuffs and metallic ornaments, which, though inferior in value to those
before brought, were estimated at three thousand ounces of gold. Besides
these, there were four precious stones of a considerable size,
resembling emeralds, called by the natives chalchuites, each of which,
as they assured the Spaniards, was worth more than a load of gold, and
was designed as a mark of particular respect for the Spanish monarch.
Unfortunately they were not worth as many loads of earth in Europe.
Montezuma's answer was in substance the same as before. It contained a
positive prohibition for the strangers to advance nearer to the capital;
and expressed the confidence, that, now they had obtained what they had
most desired, they would return to their own country without
unnecessary delay. Cortes received this unpalatable response
courteously, though somewhat coldly, and, turning to his officers,
exclaimed, "This is a rich and powerful prince indeed; yet it shall go
hard, but we will one day pay him a visit in his capital!" While they
were conversing, the bell struck for vespers. At the sound, the
soldiers, throwing themselves on their knees, offered up their orisons
before the large wooden cross planted in the sands. As the Aztec chiefs
gazed with curious surprise, Cortes thought it a favourable occasion to
impress them with what he conceived to be a principal object of his
visit to the country. Father Olmedo accordingly expounded, as briefly
and clearly as he could, the great doctrines of Christianity, touching
on the atonement, the passion, and the resurrection, and concluding with
assuring his astonished audience, that it was their intention to
extirpate the idolatrous practices of the nation, and to substitute the
pure worship of the true God. He then put into their hands a little
image of the Virgin with the infant Redeemer, requesting them to place
it in their temples instead of their sanguinary deities. How far the
Aztec lords comprehended the mysteries of the Faith, as conveyed through
the double version of Aguilar and Marina, or how well they perceived
the subtle distinctions between their own images and those of the Roman
Church, we are not informed. There is a reason to fear, however, that
the seed fell on barren ground; for, when the homily of the good father
ended, they withdrew with an air of dubious reserve very different from
their friendly manners at the first interview. The same night every hut
was deserted by the natives, and the Spaniards saw themselves suddenly
cut off from supplies in the midst of a desolate wilderness. The
movement had so suspicious an appearance, that Cortes apprehended an
attack would be made on his quarters, and took precautions accordingly.
But none was meditated. The army was at length cheered by the return of
Montejo from his exploring expedition, after an absence of twelve days.
He had run down the Gulf as far as Panuco, where he experienced such
heavy gales, in attempting to double that headland, that he was driven
back, and had nearly foundered. In the whole course of the voyage he had
found only one place tolerably sheltered from the north winds.
Fortunately, the adjacent country, well watered by fresh running
streams, afforded a favourable position for the camp; and thither, after
some deliberation, it was determined to repair.
Chapter VII [1519]
TROUBLES IN THE CAMP- PLAN FOR A COLONY- MANAGEMENT OF CORTES- MARCH TO
CEMPOALLA- PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES- FOUNDATION OF VILLA RICA DE
VERA CRUZ
THERE is no situation which tries so severely the patience and
discipline of the soldier, as a life of idleness in camp, where his
thoughts, instead of being bent on enterprise and action, are fastened
on himself and the inevitable privations and dangers of his condition.
This was particularly the case in the present instance, where, in
addition to the evils of a scanty subsistence, the troops suffered from
excessive heat, swarms of venomous insects, and the other annoyances of a
sultry climate. They were, moreover, far from possessing the character
of regular forces, trained to subordination under a commander whom they
had long been taught to reverence and obey. They were soldiers of
fortune, embarked with him in an adventure in which all seemed to have
an equal stake, and they regarded their captain- the captain of a day-
as little more than an equal. There was a growing discontent among the
men at their longer residence in this strange land. They were still more
dissatisfied on learning the general's intention to remove to the
neighbourhood of the port discovered by Montejo. "It was time to
return," they said, "and report what had been done to the governor of
Cuba, and not linger on these barren shores until they had brought the
whole Mexican empire on their heads!" Cortes evaded their importunities
as well as he could, assuring them there was no cause for despondency.
"Everything so far had gone on prosperously, and, when they had taken up
a more favourable position, there was no reason to doubt they might
still continue the same profitable intercourse with the natives." While
this was passing, five Indians made their appearance in the camp one
morning, and were brought to the general's tent. Their dress and whole
appearance were different from those of the Mexicans. They wore rings of
gold and gems of a bright blue stone in their ears and nostrils, while a
gold leaf delicately wrought was attached to the under lip. Marina was
unable to comprehend their language; but, on her addressing them in
Aztec, two of them, it was found, could converse in that tongue. They
said they were natives of Cempoalla, the chief town of the Totonacs, a
powerful nation who had come upon the great plateau many centuries back,
and descending its eastern slope, settled along the sierras and broad
plains which skirt the Mexican Gulf towards the north. Their country was
one of the recent conquests of the Aztecs, and they experienced such
vexatious oppressions from their conquerors as made them very impatient
of the yoke. They informed Cortes of these and other particulars. The
fame of the Spaniards had reached their master, who sent these
messengers to request the presence of the wonderful strangers in his
capital. This communication was eagerly listened to by the general, who,
it will be remembered, was possessed of none of those facts, laid
before the reader, respecting the internal condition of the kingdom,
which he had no reason to suppose other than strong and united. An
important truth now flashed on his mind, as his quick eye descried in
this spirit of discontent a potent lever by the aid of which he might
hope to overturn this barbaric empire. He received the mission of the
Totonacs most graciously, and, after informing himself, as far as
possible, of their dispositions and resources, dismissed them with
presents, promising soon to pay a visit to their lord. Meanwhile, his
personal friends, among whom may be particularly mentioned Alonso
Hernandez de Puertocarrero, Christoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Pedro
de Alvarado and his brothers, were very busy in persuading the troops to
take such measures as should enable Cortes to go foward in those
ambitious plans for which he had no warrant from the powers of
Velasquez. "To return now," they said, "was to abandon the enterprise on
the threshold, which, under such a leader, must conduct to glory and
incalculable riches. To return to Cuba would be to surrender to the
greedy governor the little gains they had already got. The only way was
to persuade the general to establish a permanent colony in the country,
the government of which would take the conduct of matters into its own
hands, and provide for the interests of its members. It was true, Cortes
had no such authority from Velasquez. But the interests of the
Sovereigns, which were paramount to every other, imperatively demanded
it." These conferences could not be conducted so secretly, though held
by night, as not to reach the ears of the friends of Velasquez. They
remonstrated against the proceedings, as insidious and disloyal. They
accused the general of instigating them; and, calling on him to take
measures without delay for the return of the troops to Cuba, announced
their own intention to depart, with such followers as still remained
true to the governor. Cortes, instead of taking umbrage at this
high-handed proceeding, or even answering in the same haughty tone,
mildly replied, "that nothing was further from his desire than to exceed
his instructions. He, indeed, preferred to remain in the country and
continue his profitable intercourse with the natives. But, since the
army thought otherwise, he should defer to their opinion, and give
orders to return, as they desired." On the following morning,
proclamation was made for the troops to hold themselves in readiness to
embark at once on board the fleet, which was to sail for Cuba. Great was
the sensation caused by their general's order. Even many of those
before clamorous for it, with the usual caprice of men whose wishes are
too easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans of Cortes were
loud in their remonstrances. "They were betrayed by the general," they
cried, and thronging round his tent, called on him to countermand his
orders. "We came here," said they, "expecting to form a settlement, if
the state of the country authorised it. Now it seems you have no warrant
from the governor to make one. But there are interests, higher than
those of Velasquez, which demand it. These territories are not his
property, but were discovered for the Sovereigns; and it is necessary to
plant a colony to watch over their interests, instead of wasting time
in idle barter, or, still worse, of returning, in the present state of
affairs, to Cuba. If you refuse," they concluded, "we shall protest
against your conduct as disloyal to their Highnesses." Cortes received
this remonstrance with the embarrassed air of one by whom it was
altogether unexpected. He modestly requested time for deliberation, and
promised to give his answer on the following day. At the time appointed,
he called the troops together, and made them a brief address. "There
was no one," he said, "if he knew his own heart, more deeply devoted
than himself to the welfare of his sovereigns, and the glory of the
Spanish name. He had not only expended his all, but incurred heavy
debts, to meet the charges of this expedition, and had hoped to
reimburse himself by continuing his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if
the soldiers thought a different course advisable, he was ready to
postpone his own advantage to the good of the state." He concluded by
declaring his willingness to take measures for settling a colony in the
name of the Spanish Sovereigns, and to nominate a magistracy to preside
over it. For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and Montejo, the
former cavalier his fast friend, and the latter the friend of Velasquez,
and chosen for that very reason; a stroke of policy which perfectly
succeeded. The regidores, alguacil, treasurer, and other functionaries,
were then appointed, all of them his personal friends and adherents.
They were regularly sworn into office, and the new city received the
title of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, "The Rich Town of the True Cross"; a
name which was considered as happily intimating that union of spiritual
and temporal interests to which the arms of the Spanish adventurers in
the New World were to be devoted. Thus, by a single stroke of the pen,
as it were, the camp was transformed into a civil community, and the
whole framework and even title of the city were arranged before the site
of it had been settled. The new municipality were not slow in coming
together; when Cortes presented himself cap in hand, before that august
body, and, laying the powers of Velasquez on the table, respectfully
tendered the resignation of his office of Captain General, "which,
indeed," he said, "had necessarily expired, since the authority of the
governor was now superseded by that of the magistracy of Villa Rica de
Vera Cruz." He then, with a profound obeisance, left the apartment. The
council, after a decent time spent in deliberation, again requested his
presence. "There was no one," they said, "who, on mature reflection,
appeared to them so well qualified to take charge of the interests of
the community, both in peace and in war, as himself; and they
unanimously named him, in behalf of their Catholic Highnesses, Captain
General and Chief justice of the colony." He was further empowered to
draw, on his own account, one fifth of the gold and silver which might
hereafter be obtained by commerce or conquest from the natives. Thus
clothed with supreme civil and military jurisdiction, Cortes was not
backward in exerting his authority. He found speedy occasion for it. The
transactions above described had succeeded each other so rapidly, that
the governor's party seemed to be taken by surprise, and had formed no
plan of opposition. When the last measure was carried, however, they
broke forth into the most indignant and opprobrious invectives,
denouncing the whole as a systematic conspiracy against Velasquez. These
accusations led to recrimination from the soldiers of the other side,
until from words they nearly proceeded to blows. Some of the principal
cavaliers, among them Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman of the governor,
Escobar his page, and Diego de Ordaz, were so active in instigating
these turbulent movements that Cortes took the bold measure of putting
them all in irons, and sending them on board the vessels. He then
dispersed the common file by detaching many of them, with a strong party
under Alvarado, to forage the neighbouring country, and bring home
provisions for the destitute camp. During their absence, every argument
that cupidity or ambition could suggest was used to win the refractory
to his views. Promises, and even gold, it is said, were liberally
lavished; till, by degrees, their understandings were opened to a
clearer view of the merits of the case. And when the foraging party
re-appeared with abundance of poultry and vegetables, and the cravings
of the stomach- that great laboratory of disaffection, whether in camp
or capital- were appeased, good humour returned with good cheer, and the
rival factions embraced one another as companions in arms, pledged to a
common cause. Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board the vessels did
not long withstand the general tide of reconciliation, but one by one
gave in their adhesion to the new government. What is more remarkable
is, that this forced conversion was not a hollow one, but from this time
forward several of these very cavaliers become the most steady and
devoted partisans of Cortes. Such was the address of this extraordinary
man, and such the ascendency which in a few months he had acquired over
these wild and turbulent spirits! By this ingenious transformation of a
military into a civil community, he had secured a new and effectual
basis for future operations. He might now go forward without fear of
cheek or control from a superior,- at least from any other superior than
the crown, under which alone he held his commission. In accomplishing
this, instead of incurring the charge of usurpation, or of transcending
his legitimate powers, he had transferred the responsibility, in a great
measure, to those who had imposed on him the necessity of action. By
this step, moreover, he had linked the fortunes of his followers
indissolubly with his own. They had taken their chance with him, and,
whether for weal or for woe, must abide the consequences. He was no
longer limited to the narrow concerns of a sordid traffic, but sure of
their co-operation, might now boldly meditate, and gradually disclose,
those lofty schemes which he had formed in his own bosom for the
conquest of an empire. Harmony being thus restored, Cortes sent his
heavy guns on board the fleet, and ordered it to coast along the shore
to the north as far as Chiahuitztla, the town near which the destined
port of the new city was situated; proposing, himself, at the head of
his troops, to visit Cempoalla, on the march. The road lay for some
miles across the dreary plains in the neighbourhood of the modern Vera
Cruz. In this sandy waste no signs of vegetation met their eyes, which,
however, were occasionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlantic,
and by the distant view of the magnificent Orizaba, towering with his
spotless diadem of snow far above his colossal brethren of the Andes. As
they advanced, the country gradually assumed a greener and richer
aspect. They crossed a river, probably a tributary of the Rio de la
Antigua, with difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken canoes that were
lying on the banks. They now came in view of very different scenery,-
wide-rolling plains covered with a rich carpet of verdure, and
overshadowed by groves of cocoas and feathery palms, among whose tall,
slender stems were seen deer, and various wild animals with which the
Spaniards were unacquainted. Some of the horsemen gave chase to the
deer, and wounded, but did not succeed in killing them. They saw, also,
pheasants and other birds; among them the wild turkey, the pride of the
American forest, which the Spaniards described as a species of peacock.
On their route they passed through some deserted villages in which were
Indian temples, where they found censers, and other sacred utensils, and
manuscripts of the agave fibre, containing the picture-writing, in
which, probably, their religious ceremonies were recorded. They now
beheld, also, the hideous spectacle, with which they became afterwards
familiar, of the mutilated corpses of victims who had been sacrificed to
the accursed deities of the land. The Spaniards turned with loathing
and indignation from a display of butchery, which formed so dismal a
contrast to the fair scenes of nature by which they were surrounded.
They held their course along the banks of the river, towards its source,
when they were met by twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of Cempoalla
to show them the way to his residence. At night they bivouacked in an
open meadow, where they were well supplied with provisions by their new
friends. They left the stream on the following morning, and, striking
northerly across the country, came upon a wide expanse of luxuriant
plains and woodland, glowing in all the splendour of tropical
vegetation. The branches of the stately trees were gaily festooned with
clustering vines of the dark-purple grape, variegated convolvuli, and
other flowering parasites of the most brilliant dyes. The undergrowth of
prickly aloe, matted with wild rose and honeysuckle, made in many
places an almost impervious thicket. Amid this wilderness of
sweet-smelling buds and blossoms fluttered numerous birds of the parrot
tribe, and clouds of butterflies, whose gaudy colours, nowhere so
gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled those of the vegetable
creation; while birds of exquisite song, the scarlet cardinal and the
marvellous mockingbird, that comprehends in his own notes the whole
music of a forest, filled the air with delicious melody.- The hearts of
the stern Conquerors were not very sensible to the beauties of nature.
But the magical charms of the scenery drew forth unbounded expressions
of delight, and as they wandered through this "terrestrial paradise," as
they called it, they fondly compared it to the fairest regions of their
own sunny land. As they approached the Indian city, they saw abundant
signs of cultivation in the trim gardens and orchards that lined both
sides of the road. They were now met by parties of the natives of either
sex, who increased in numbers with every step of their progress. The
women, as well as men, mingled fearlessly among the soldiers, bearing
bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which they decorated the neck of
the general's charger, and hung a chaplet of roses about his helmet.
Flowers were the delight of this people. They bestowed much care in
their cultivation, in which they were well seconded by a climate of
alternate heat and moisture, stimulating the soil to the spontaneous
production of every form of vegetable life. The same refined taste, as
we shall see, prevailed among the warlike Aztecs. Many of the women
appeared, from their richer dress and numerous attendants, to be persons
of rank. They were clad in robes of fine cotton, curiously coloured,
which reached from the neck- in the inferior orders, from the waist- to
the ankles. The men wore a sort of mantle of the same material, in the
Moorish fashion, over their shoulders, and belts or sashes about the
loins. Both sexes had jewels and ornaments of gold round their necks,
while their ears and nostrils were perforated with rings of the same
metal. Just before reaching the town, some horsemen who had rode in
advance returned with the amazing intelligence, "that they had been near
enough to look within the gates, and found the houses all plated with
burnished silver!" On entering the place, the silver was found to be
nothing more than a brilliant coating of stucco, with which the
principal buildings were covered; a circumstance which produced much
merriment among the soldiers at the expense of their credulous comrades.
Such ready credulity is a proof of the exalted state of their
imaginations, which were prepared to see gold and silver in every object
around them. The edifices of the better kind were of stone and lime, or
bricks dried in the sun; the poorer were of clay and earth. All were
thatched with palm-leaves, which, though a flimsy roof, apparently, for
such structures, were so nicely interwoven as to form a very effectual
protection against the weather. The city was said to contain from twenty
to thirty thousand inhabitants. This is the most moderate computation,
and not improbable. Slowly and silently the little army paced the narrow
and now crowded streets of Cempoalla, inspiring the natives with no
greater wonder than they themselves experienced at the display of a
policy and refinement so far superior to anything they had witnessed in
the New World. The cacique came out in front of his residence to receive
them. He was a tall and very corpulent man, and advanced leaning on two
of his attendants. He received Cortes and his followers with great
courtesy; and, after a brief interchange of civillties, assigned the
army its quarters in a neighbouring temple, into the spacious courtyard
of which a number of apartments opened, affording excellent
accommodations for the soldiery. Here the Spaniards were well supplied
with provisions, meat cooked after the fashion of the country, and maize
made into bread-cakes. The general received, also, a present of
considerable value from the cacique, consisting of ornaments of gold and
fine cottons. Notwithstanding these friendly demonstrations, Cortes did
not relax his habitual vigilance, nor neglect any of the precautions of
a good soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always marched in order of
battle, well prepared against surprise. In his present quarters, he
stationed his sentinels with like care, posted his small artillery so as
to command the entrance, and forbade any soldier to leave the camp
without orders, under pain of death. The following morning, Cortes,
accompanied by fifty of his men, paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla
in his own residence. It was a building of stone and lime, standing on a
steep terrace of earth, and was reached by a flight of stone steps. It
may have borne resemblance in its structure to some of the ancient
buildings found in Central America. Cortes, leaving his soldiers in the
courtyard, entered the mansion with one of his officers, and his fair
interpreter, Dona Marina. A long conference ensued, from which the
Spanish general gathered much light respecting the state of the country.
He first announced to the chief, that he was the subject of a great
monarch who dwelt beyond the waters; that he had come to the Aztec
shores, to abolish the inhuman worship which prevailed there, and to
introduce the knowledge of the true God. The cacique replied that their
gods, who sent them the sunshine and the rain, were good enough for
them; that he was the tributary of a powerful monarch also, whose
capital stood on a lake far off among the mountains; a stern prince,
merciless in his exactions, and, in case of resistance, or any offence,
sure to wreak his vengeance by carrying off their young men and maidens
to be sacrificed to his deities. Cortes assured him that he would never
consent to such enormities; he had been sent by his sovereign to redress
abuses and to punish the oppressor; and, if the Totonacs would be true
to him, he would enable them to throw off the detested yoke of the
Aztecs. The cacique added, that the Totonac territory contained about
thirty towns and villages, which could muster a hundred thousand
warriors,- a number much exaggerated. There were other provinces of the
empire, he said, where the Aztec rule was equally odious; and between
him and the capital lay the warlike republic of Tlazcala, which had
always maintained its independence of Mexico. The fame of the Spaniards
had gone before them, and he was well acquainted with their terrible
victory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt and alarm to a
rupture with "the great Montezuma," as he always styled him; whose
armies, on the least provocation, would pour down from the mountain
regions of the west, and, rushing over the plains like a whirlwind,
sweep off the wretched people to slavery and sacrifice! Cortes
endeavoured to reassure him, by declaring that a single Spaniard was
stronger than a host of Aztecs. At the same time, it was desirable to
know what nations would cooperate with him, not so much on his account,
as theirs, that he might distinguish friend from foe, and know whom he
was to spare in this war of extermination. Having raised the confidence
of the admiring chief by this comfortable and politic vaunt, he took an
affectionate leave, with the assurance that he would shortly return and
concert measures for their future operations, when he had visited his
ships in the adjoining port, and secured a permanent settlement there.
The intelligence gained by Cortes gave great satisfaction to his mind.
It confirmd his former views, and showed, indeed, the interior of the
monarchy to be in a state far more distracted than he had supposed. If
he had before scarcely shrunk from attacking the Aztec empire in the
true spirit of a knight-errant, with his single arm, as it were, what
had he now to fear, when one half of the nation could be thus marshalled
against the other? In the excitement of the moment, his sanguine spirit
kindled with an enthusiasm which overleaped every obstacle. He
communicated his own feelings to the officers about him, and, before a
blow was struck, they already felt as if the banners of Spain were
waving in triumph the towers of Montezuma! Taking leave of the
hospitable Indian on the following day, the Spaniards took the road to
Chiahuitztla, about four leagues distant, near which was the port
discovered by Montejo, where their ships were now riding at anchor. They
were provided by the cacique with four hundred Indian porters, tamanes,
as they were called, to transport the baggage. These men easily carried
fifty pounds' weight five or six leagues in a day. They were in use all
over the Mexican empire, and the Spaniards found them of great service,
henceforth, in relieving the troops from this part of their duty. They
passed through a country of the same rich, voluptuous character as that
which they had lately traversed; and arrived early next morning at the
Indian town, perched like a fortress on a bold, rocky eminence that
commanded the Gulf. Most of the inhabitants had fled, but fifteen of the
principal men remained, who received them in a friendly manner,
offering the usual compliments of flowers and incense. The people of the
place, losing their fears, gradually returned. While conversing with
the chiefs, the Spaniards were joined by the worthy cacique of
Cempoalla, borne by his men on a litter. He eagerly took part in their
deliberations. The intelligence gained here by Cortes confirmed the
accounts already gathered of the feelings and resources of the Totonac
nation. In the midst of their conference, they were interrupted by a
movement among the people, and soon afterwards five men entered the
great square or market-place, where they were standing. By their lofty
port, their peculiar and much richer dress, they seemed not to be of the
same race as these Indians. Their dark glossy hair was tied in a knot
on the top of the head. They had bunches of flowers in their hands, and
were followed by several attendants, some bearing wands with cords,
other fans, with which they brushed away the flies and insects from
their lordly masters. As these persons passed through the place, they
cast a haughty look on the Spaniards, scarcely deigning to return their
salutations. They were immediately joined, in great confusion, by the
Totonac chiefs, who seemed anxious to conciliate them by every kind of
attention. The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina what it
meant. She informed him, they were Aztec nobles, empowered to receive
the tribute for Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned with dismay
painted on their faces. They confirmed Marina's statement, adding, that
the Aztecs greatly resented the entertainment afforded the Spaniards
without the emperor's permission; and demanded in expiation twenty young
men and women for sacrifice to the gods. Cortes showed the strongest
indignation at this insolence. He required the Totonacs not only to
refuse the demand, but to arrest the persons of the collectors, and
throw them into prison. The chiefs hesitated, but he insisted on it so
peremptorily, that they at length complied, and the Aztecs were seized,
bound hand and foot, and placed under a guard. In the night, the Spanish
general procured the escape of two of them, and had them brought
secretly before him. He expressed his regret at the indignity they had
experienced from the Totonacs; told them, he would provide means for
their flight, and to-morrow would endeavour to obtain the release of
their companions. He desired them to report this to their master, with
assurances of the great regard the Spaniards entertained for him,
notwithstanding his ungenerous behaviour in leaving them to perish from
want on his barren shores. He then sent the Mexican nobles down to the
port, whence they were carried to another part of the coast by water,
for fear of the violence of the Totonacs. These were greatly incensed at
the escape of the prisoners, and would have sacrificed the remainder at
once, but for the Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost horror at
the proposal, and ordered them to be sent for safe custody on board the
fleet. Soon after, they were permitted to join their companions.- This
artful proceeding, so characteristic of the policy of Cortes, had, as we
shall see hereafter, all the effect intended on Montezuma. By order of
Cortes, messengers were despatched to the Totonac towns, to report what
had been done, calling on them to refuse the payment of further tribute
to Montezuma. But there was no need of messengers. The affrighted
attendants of the Aztec lords had fled in every direction, bearing the
tidings, which spread like wildfire through the country, of the daring
insult offered to the majesty of Mexico. The astonished Indians, cheered
with the sweet hope of regaining their ancient liberty, came in numbers
to Chiahuitztla, to see and confer with the formidable strangers. The
more timid, dismayed at the thoughts of encountering the power of
Montezuma, recommended an embassy to avert his displeasure by timely
concessions. But the dexterous management of Cortes had committed them
too far to allow any reasonable expectation of indulgence from this
quarter. After some hesitation, therefore, it was determined to embrace
the protection of the Spaniards, and to make one bold effort for the
recovery of freedom. Oaths of allegiance were taken by the chiefs to the
Spanish sovereigns, and duly recorded by Godoy, the royal notary.
Cortes, satisfied with the important acquisition of so many vassals to
the crown, set out soon after for the destined port, having first
promised to revisit Cempoalla, where his business was but partially
accomplished. The spot selected for the new city was only half a league
distant, in a wide and fruitful plain, affording a tolerable haven for
the shipping. Cortes was not long in determining the circuit of the
walls, and the sites of the fort, granary, townhouse, temple, and other
public buildings. The friendly Indians eagerly assisted, by bringing
materials, stone, lime, wood, and bricks dried in the sun. Every man put
his hand to the work. The general laboured with the meanest of the
soldiers, stimulating their exertions by his example, as well as voice.
In a few weeks the task was accomplished, and a town rose up, which, if
not quite worthy of the aspiring name it bore, answered most of the
purposes for which it was intended. It served as a good point d'appui
for future operations; a place of retreat for the disabled, as well as
for the army in case of reverses; a magazine for stores, and for such
articles as might be received from or sent to the mother country; a port
for the shipping; a position of sufficient strength to overawe the
adjacent country. It was the first colony- the fruitful parent of so
many others- in New Spain. It was hailed with satisfaction by the simple
natives, who hoped to repose in safety under its protecting shadow.
Alas! they could not read the future, or they would have found no cause
to rejoice in this harbinger of a revolution more tremendous than. any
predicted by their bards and prophets. It was not the good Quetzalcoatl
who had returned to claim his own again, bringing peace, freedom, and
civilisation in his train. Their fetters, indeed, would be broken, and
their wrongs be amply avenged on the proud head of the Aztec; but it was
to be by that strong arm which should bow down equally the oppressor
and the oppressed. The light of civilisation would be poured on their
land; but it would be the light of a consuming fire, before which their
barbaric glory, their institutions, their very existence and name as a
nation, would wither and become extinct! Their doom was sealed when the
white man. had set his foot on their soil.
Chapter VIII [1519]
ANOTHER AZTEC EMBASSY- DESTRUCTION OF IDOLS- DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN-
CONSPIRACY IN THE CAMP- THE FLEET SUNK
WHILE the Spaniards were occupied with their new settlement, they were
surprised by the presence of an embassy from Mexico. The account of the
imprisonment of the royal collectors had spread rapidly through the
country. When it reached the capital, all were filled with amazement at
the unprecedented daring of the strangers. In Montezuma every other
feeling, even that of fear, was swallowed up in indignation; and he
showed his wonted energy in the vigorous preparations which he instantly
made to punish his rebellious vassals, and to avenge the insult offered
to the majesty of the empire. But when the Aztec officers liberated by
Cortes reached the capital and reported the courteous treatment they had
received from the Spanish commander, Montezuma's anger was mitigated,
and his superstitious fears, getting the ascendency again, induced him
to resume his former timid and conciliatory policy. He accordingly sent
an embassy, consisting of two youths, his nephews, and four of the
ancient nobles of his court, to the Spanish quarters. He provided them,
in his usual munificent spirit, with a princely donation of gold, rich
cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles of the plumaje, or feather
embroidery. The envoys, on coming before Cortes, presented him with the
articles, at the same time offering the acknowledgments of their master
for the courtesy he had shown in liberating his captive nobles. He was
surprised and afflicted, however, that the Spaniards should have
countenanced his faithless vassals in their rebellion. He had no doubt
they were the strangers whose arrival had been so long announced by the
oracles, and of the same lineage with himself. From deference to them he
would spare the Totonacs, while they were present. But the time for
vengeance would come. Cortes entertained the Indian chieftains with
frank hospitality. At the same time he took care to make such a display
of his resources, as, while it amused their minds, should leave a deep
impression of his power. He then, after a few trifling gifts, dismissed
them with a conciliatory message to their master, and the assurance that
he should soon pay his respects to him in his capital, where all
misunderstanding between them would be readily adjusted. The Totonac
allies could scarcely credit their senses, when they gathered the nature
of this interview. Notwithstanding the presence of the Spaniards, they
had looked with apprehension to the consequences of their rash act; and
their feelings of admiration were heightened into awe for the strangers
who, at this distance, could exercise so mysterious an influence over
the terrible Montezuma. Not long after, the Spaniards received an
application from the cacique of Cempoalla to aid him in a dispute in
which he was engaged with a neighbouring city. Cortes marched with a
part of his forces to his support. On the route, one Morla, a common
soldier, robbed a native of a couple of fowls. Cortes, indignant at this
violation of his orders before his face, and aware of the importance of
maintaining a reputation for good faith with his allies, commanded the
man to be hung up at once by the roadside, in face of the whole army.
Fortunately for the poor wretch, Pedro de Alvarado, the future conqueror
of Quiche, was present, and ventured to cut down the body while there
was yet life in it. He, probably, thought enough had been done for
example, and the loss of a single life, unnecessarily, was more than the
little band could afford. The anecdote is characteristic, as showing
the strict discipline maintained by Cortes over his men and the freedom
assumed by his captains, who regarded him on terms nearly of equality,-
as a fellow-adventurer with themselves. This feeling of companionship
led to a spirit of insubordination among them, which made his own post
as commander the more delicate and difficult. On reaching the hostile
city, but a few leagues from the coast, they were received in an
amicable manner; and Cortes, who was accompanied by his allies, had the
satisfaction of reconciling these different branches of the Totonac
family with each other, without bloodshed. He then returned to
Cempoalla, where he was welcomed with joy by the people, who were now
impressed with as favourable an opinion of his moderation and justice,
as they had before been of his valour. In token of his gratitude, the
Indian cacique delivered to the general eight Indian maidens, richly
dressed, wearing collars and ornaments of gold, with a number of female
slaves to wait on them. They were daughters of the principal chiefs, and
the cacique requested that the Spanish captains might take them as
their wives. Cortes received the damsels courteously, but told the
cacique they must first be baptised, as the sons of the Church could
have no commerce with idolaters. He then declared that it was a great
object of his mission to wean the natives from their heathenish
abominations, and besought the Totonac lord to allow his idols to be
cast down, and the symbols of the true faith to be erected in their
place. To this the other answered as before, that his gods were good
enough for him; nor could all the persuasion of the general, nor the
preaching of Father Olmedo, induce him to acquiesce. Mingled with his
polytheism, he had conceptions of a Supreme and Infinite Being, Creator
of the Universe, and his darkened understanding could not comprehend how
such a Being could condescend to take the form of humanity, with its
infirmities and ills, and wander about on earth, the voluntary victim of
persecution from the hands of those whom his breath had called into
existence. He plainly told the Spaniards that he would resist any
violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act
themselves, by the instant destruction of their enemies. But the zeal of
the Christians had mounted too high to be cooled by remonstrance or
menace. During their residence in the land, the had witnessed more than
once the barbarous rites of the natives, their cruel sacrifices of human
victims, and their disgusting cannibal repasts. Their souls sickened at
these abominations, and they agreed with one voice to stand by their
general, when he told them, that "Heaven would never smile on their
enterprise, if they countenanced such atrocities; and that, for his own
part, he was resolved the Indian idols should be demolished that very
hour, if it cost him his life." To postpone the work of conversion was a
sin. In the enthusiasm of the moment, the dictates of policy and
ordinary prudence were alike unheeded. Scarcely waiting for his
commands, the Spaniards moved towards one of the principal teocallis, or
temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation, with a steep ascent
of stone steps in the middle. The cacique, divining their purpose,
instantly called his men to arms. The Indian warriors gathered from all
quarters, with shrill cries and clashing of weapons; while the priests,
in their dark cotton robes, with dishevelled tresses matted with blood,
flowing wildly over their shoulders, rushed frantic among the natives,
calling on them to protect their gods from violation! All was now
confusion, tumult, and warlike menace, where so lately had been peace
and the sweet brotherhood of nations. Cortes took his usual prompt and
decided measures. He caused the cacique and some of the principal
inhabitants and priests to be arrested by his soldiers. He then
commanded them to quiet the people, for, if an arrow was shot against a
Spaniard, it should cost every one of them his life. Marina, at the same
time, represented the madness of resistance, and reminded the cacique,
that, if he now alienated the affections of the Spaniards, he would be
left without a protector against the terrible vengeance of Montezuma.
These temporal considerations seem to have had more weight with the
Totonac chieftain than those of a more spiritual nature. He covered his
face with his hands, exclaiming, that the gods would avenge their own
wrongs. The Christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit
acquiescence. Fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang up
the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the summit, the
walls of which were black with human gore, tore the huge wooden idols
from their foundations, and dragged them to the edge of the terrace.
Their fantastic forms and features, conveying a symbolic meaning, which
was lost on the Spaniards, seemed in their eyes only the hideous
lineaments of Satan. With great alacrity they rolled the colossal
monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst the triumphant shouts of
their own companions, and the groans and lamentations of the natives.
They then consummated the whole by burning them in the presence of the
assembled multitude. The same effect followed as in Cozumel. The
Totonacs, finding their deities incapable of preventing or even
punishing this profanation of their shrines, conceived a mean opinion of
their power, compared with that of the mysterious and formidable
strangers. The floor and walls of the teocalli were then cleansed, by
command of Cortes, from their, foul impurities; a fresh coating of
stucco was laid on them by the Indian masons; and an altar was raised,
surmounted by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. A
procession was next formed, in which some of the principal Totonae
priests, exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white, carried
lighted candles in their hands; while an image of the Virgin, half
smothered under the weight of flowers, was borne aloft, and, as the
procession climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the
altar. Mass was performed by Father Olmedo, and the impressive character
of the ceremony and the passionate eloquence of the good priest touched
the feelings of the motley audience, until Indians as well as
Spaniards, if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and
audible sobs. An old soldier named Juan de Torres, disabled by bodily
infirmity, consented to remain and watch over the sanctuary and instruct
the natives in its services. Cortes then, embracing his Totonac allies,
now brothers in religion as in arms, set out once more for the Villa
Rica, where he had some arrangements to complete, previous to his
departure for the capital. He was surprised to find that a Spanish
vessel had arrived there in his absence, having on board twelve soldiers
and two horses. It was under the command of a captain named Saucedo, a
cavalier of the ocean, who had followed in the track of Cortes in quest
of adventure. Though a small, they afforded a very seasonable, body of
recruits for the little army. By these men, the Spaniards were informed
that Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, had lately received a warrant from
the Spanish government to establish a colony in the newly discovered
countries. Cortes now, resolved to put a plan in execution which he had
been some time meditating. He knew that all the late acts of the colony,
as well as his own authority, would fall to the ground without the
royal sanction. He knew, too, that the interest of Velasquez, which was
great at court, would, as soon as he was acquainted with his secession,
be wholly employed to circumvent and crush him. He resolved to
anticipate his movements, and to send a vessel to Spain, with despatches
addressed to the emperor himself, announcing the nature and extent of
his discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the confirmation of his
proceedings. In order to conciliate his master's good will, he further
proposed to send him such a present as should suggest lofty ideas of the
importance of his own services to the crown. To effect this, the royal
fifth he considered inadequate. He conferred with his officers, and
persuaded them to relinquish their share of the treasure. At his
instance, they made a similar application to the soldiers; representing
that it was the earnest wish of the general, who set the example by
resigning his own fifth, equal to the share of the crown. It was but
little that each man was asked to surrender, but the whole would make a
present worthy of the monarch for whom it was intended. By this
sacrifice they might hope to secure his indulgence for the past, and his
favour for the future; a temporary sacrifice, that would be well repaid
by the security of the rich possessions which awaited them in Mexico. A
paper was then circulated among the soldiers, which all, who were
disposed to relinquish their shares, were requested to sign. Those who
declined should have their claims respected, and receive the amount due
to them. No one refused to sign; thus furnishing another example of the
extraordinary power obtained by Cortes over these rapacious spirits,
who, at his call, surrendered up the very treasures which had been the
great object of their hazardous enterprise!* * A complete inventory of
the articles received from Montezuma is contained in the Carta de Vera
Cruz.- The following are a few of the items. Two collars made of gold
and precious stones. A hundred ounces of gold ore, that their Highnesses
might see in what state the gold came from the mines. Two birds made of
green feathers, with feet, beaks, and eyes of gold,- and, in the same
piece with them, animals of gold, resembling snails. A large alligator's
head of gold. A bird of green feathers, with feet, beak, and eyes of
gold. Two birds made of thread and feather-work, having the quills of
their wings and tails, their feet, eyes, and the ends of their beaks, of
gold,- standing upon two reeds covered with gold, which are raised on
balls of feather-work and gold embroidery, one white and the other
yellow, with seven tassels of feather-work hanging from each of them. A
large wheel of silver weighing forty marks, and several smaller ones of
the same metal. A box of feather-work embroidered on leather, with a
large plate of gold, weighing seventy ounces, in the midst. Two pieces
of cloth woven with feathers; another with variegated colours; and
another worked with black and white figures. A large wheel of gold, with
figures of strange animals on it, and worked with tufts of leaves;
weighing three thousand eight hundred ounces. A fan of variegated
feather-work, with thirty-seven rods plated with gold. Five fans of
variegated feathers,- four of which have ten, and the other thirteen
rods, embossed with gold. Sixteen shields of precious stones, with
feathers of various colours hanging from their rims. Two pieces of
cotton very richly wrought with black and white embroidery. Six shields,
each covered with a plate of gold, with something resembling a golden
mitre in the centre. He accompanied this present with a letter to the,
emperor, in which he gave a full account of all that had befallen him
since his departure from Cuba; of his various discoveries, battles, and
traffic with the natives; their conversion to Christianity; his strange
perils and sufferings; many particulars respecting the lands he had
visited, and such as he could collect in regard to the great Mexican
monarchy and its sovereign. He stated his difficulties with the governor
of Cuba, the proceedings of the army in reference to colonisation, and
besought the emperor to confirm their acts, as well as his own
authority, expressing his entire confidence that he should be able, with
the aid of his brave followers, to place the Castilian crown in
possession of this great Indian empire. This was the celebrated First
Letter, as it is called, of Cortes, which has hitherto eluded every
search that has been made for it in the libraries of Europe. Its
existence is fully established by references to it, both in his own
subsequent letters, and in the writings of contemporaries. Its general
purport is given by his chaplain, Gomara. The importance of the document
has doubtless been much overrated; and, should it ever come to light,
it will probably be found to add little of interest to the matter
contained in the letter from Vera Cruz, which has formed the basis of
the preceding portion of our narrative. He had no sources of information
beyond those open to the authors of the latter document. He was even
less full and frank in his communications, if it be true, that he
suppressed all notice of the discoveries of his two predecessors. The
magistrates of the Villa Rica, in their epistle, went over the same
ground with Cortes; concluding with an emphatic representation of the
misconduct of Velasquez, whose venality, extortion, and selfish devotion
to his personal interests, to the exclusion of those of his sovereign's
as well as of his own followers, they placed in a most clear and
unenviable light. They implored the government not to sanction his
interference with the new colony, which would be fatal to its welfare,
but to commit the undertaking to Hernando Cortes, as the man most
capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing it to a glorious
termination. With this letter went also another in the name of the
citizen-soldiers of Villa Rica, tendering their dutiful submission to
the sovereigns, and requesting the confirmation of their proceedings,
above all that of Cortes as their general. The selection of the agents
for the mission was a delicate matter, as on the result might depend the
future fortunes of the colony and its commander. Cortes intrusted the
affair to two cavaliers on whom he could rely: Francisco de Montejo, the
ancient partisan of Velasquez, and Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero.
The latter officer was a near kinsman of the Count of Medellin, and it
was hoped his high connections might secure a favourable influence at
court. Together with the treasure, which seemed to verify the assertion
that "the land teemed with gold as abundantly as that whence Solomon
drew the same precious metal for his temple," several Indian manuscripts
were sent. Some were of cotton, others of the Mexican agave. Their
unintelligible characters, says a chronicler, excited little interest in
the conquerors. As evidence of intellectual culture, however, they
formed higher objects of interest to a philosophic mind, than those
costly fabrics which attested only the mechanical ingenuity of the
nation. Four Indian slaves were added as specimens of the natives. They
had been rescued from the cages in which they were confined for
sacrifice. One of the best vessels of the fleet was selected for the
voyage, manned by fifteen seamen, and placed under the direction of the
pilot Alaminos. He was directed to hold his course through the Bahama
channel, north of Cuba, or Fernandina, as it was then called, and on no
account to touch at that island, or any other in the Indian ocean. With
these instructions, the good ship took its departure on the 26th of
July, freighted with the treasures and the good wishes of the community
of the Villa Rica de Vera Cruz. After a quick run the emissaries made
the island of Cuba, and, in direct disregard of orders, anchored before
Marien on the northern side of the island. This was done to accommodate
Montejo, who wished to visit a plantation owned by him in the
neighbourhood. While off the port, a sailor got on shore, and, crossing
the island to St. Jago, the capital, spread everywhere tidings of the
expedition, until they reached the ears of Velasquez. It was the first
intelligence which had been received of the armament since its
departure; and, as the governor listened to the recital, it would not be
easy to paint the mingled emotions of curiosity, astonishment, and
wrath, which agitated his bosom. In the first sally of passion, he
poured a storm of invective on the heads of his secretary and treasurer,
the friends of Cortes, who had recommended him as the leader of the
expedition. After somewhat relieving himself in this way, he despatched
two fast-sailing vessels to Marien with orders to seize the rebel ship,
and, in case of her departure, to follow and overtake her. But before
the ships could reach that port, the bird had flown, and was far on her
way across the broad Atlantic. Stung with mortification at his fresh
disappointment, Velasquez wrote letters of indignant complaint to the
government at home, and to the fathers of St. Jerome, in Hispaniola,
demanding redress. He obtained little satisfaction from the last. He
resolved however, to take it into his own hands, and set about making
formidable preparations for another squadron, which should be more than a
match for that under his rebellious officer. He was indefatigable in
his exertions, visiting every part of the island, and straining all his
resources to effect his purpose. The preparations were on a scale that
necessarily consumed many months. Meanwhile the little vessel was
speeding her prosperous way across the waters; and, after touching at
one of the Azores, came safely into the harbour of St. Lucar, in the
month of October. However long it may appear in the more perfect
nautical science of our day, it was reckoned a fair voyage for that. Of
what befell the commissioners on their arrival, their reception at
court, and the sensation caused by their intelligence, I defer the
account to a future chapter. Shortly after the departure of the
commissioners, an affair occurred of a most unpleasant nature. A number
of persons, with the priest Juan Diaz at their head, ill-affected, from
some cause or other, towards the administration of Cortes, or not
relishing the hazardous expedition before them, laid a plan to seize one
of the vessels, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report to the
governor the fate of the armament. It was conducted with so much
secrecy, that the party had got their provisions, water, and everything
necessary for the voyage, on board, without detection; when the
conspiracy was betrayed on the very night they were to sail by one of
their own number, who repented the part he had taken in it. The general
caused the persons implicated to be instantly apprehended. An
examination was instituted. The guilt of the parties was placed beyond a
doubt. Sentence of death was passed on two of the ringleaders; another,
the pilot, was condemned to lose his feet, and several others to be
whipped. The priest, probably the most guilty of the whole, claiming the
usual benefit of clergy, was permitted to escape. One of those
condemned to the gallows was named Escudero, the very alguacil who, the
reader may remember, so stealthily apprehended Cortes before the
sanctuary in Cuba. The general, on signing the death warrants, was heard
to exclaim, "Would that I had never learned to write!" The arrangements
being now fully settled at the Villa Rica, Cortes sent forward
Alvarado, with a large part of the army, to Cempoalla, where he soon
after joined them with the remainder. The late affair of the conspiracy
seems to have made a deep impression on his mind. It showed him that
there were timid spirits in the camp on whom he could not rely, and who,
he feared, might spread the seeds of disaffection among their
companions. Even the more resolute, on any occasion of disgust or
disappointment hereafter, might falter in purpose, and, getting
possession of the vessels, abandon the enterprise. This was already too
vast, and the odds were too formidable, to authorise expectation of
success with diminution of numbers. Experience showed that this was
always to be apprehended, while means of escape were at hand. The best
chance for success was to cut off these means. He came to the daring
resolution to destroy the fleet, without the knowledge of his army. When
arrived at Cempoalla, he communicated his design to a few of his
devoted adherents, who entered warmly into his views. Through them he
readily persuaded the pilots, by means of those golden arguments which
weigh more than any other with ordinary minds, to make such a report of
the condition of the fleet as suited his purpose. The ships, they said,
were grievously racked by the heavy gales they had encountered, and,
what was worse, the worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms until
most of them were not sea-worthy, and some indeed, could scarcely now be
kept afloat. Cortes received the communication with surprise; "for he
could well dissemble," observes Las Casas, with his usual friendly
comment, "when it suited his interests." "If it be so," he exclaimed,
"we must make the best of it! Heaven's will be done!" He then ordered
five of the worst-conditioned to be dismantled, their cordage, sails,
iron, and whatever was moveable, to be brought on shore, and the ships
to be sunk. A survey was made of the others, and, on a similar report,
four more were condemned in the same manner. Only one small vessel
remained! When the intelligence reached the troops in Cempoalla, it
caused the deepest consternation. They saw themselves cut off by a
single blow from friends, family, country! The stoutest hearts quailed
before the prospect of being thus abandoned on a hostile shore, a
handful of men arrayed against a formidable empire. When the news
arrived of the destruction of the five vessels first condemned, they had
acquiesced in it, as a necessary measure, knowing the mischievous
activity of the insects in these tropical seas. But, when this was
followed by the loss of the remaining four, suspicions of the truth
flashed on their minds. They felt they were betrayed. Murmurs, at first
deep, swelled louder and louder, menacing open mutiny. "Their general,"
they said, "had led them like cattle to be butchered in the shambles!"
The affair wore a most alarming aspect. In no situation was Cortes ever
exposed to greater danger from his soldiers. His presence of mind did
not desert him at this crisis. He called his men together, and employing
the tones of persuasion rather than authority, assured them that a
survey of the ships showed they were not fit for service. It he had
ordered them to be destroyed, they should consider, also, that his was
the greatest sacrifice, for they were his property,- all, indeed, he
possessed in the world. The troops on the other hand, would derive one
great advantage from it, by the addition of a hundred able-bodied
recruits, before required to man the vessels. But, even if the fleet had
been saved, it could have been of little service in their present
expedition; since they would not need it if they succeeded, while they
would be too far in the interior to profit by it if they failed. He
besought them to turn their thoughts in another direction. To be thus
calculating chances and means of escape was unworthy of brave souls.
They had set their hands to the work; to look back, as they advanced,
would be their ruin. They had only to resume their former confidence in
themselves and their general, and success was certain. "As for me," he
concluded, "I have chosen my part. I will remain here, while there is
one to bear me company. If there be any so craven, as to shrink from
sharing the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go home, in
God's name. There is still one vessel left. Let them take that and
return to Cuba. They can tell there how they deserted their commander
and their comrades, and patiently wait till we return loaded with the
spoils of the Aztecs." The politic orator had touched the right chord in
the bosoms of the soldiers. As he spoke, their resentment gradually
died away. The faded visions of future riches and glory, rekindled by
his eloquence, again floated before their imaginations. The first shock
over, they felt ashamed of their temporary distrust. The enthusiasm for
their leader revived, for they felt that under his banner only they
could hope for victory; and they testified the revulsion of their
feelings by making the air ring with their shouts, "To Mexico! to
Mexico!" The destruction of his fleet by Cortes is, perhaps, the most
remarkable passage in the life of this remarkable man. History, indeed,
affords examples of a similar expedient in emergencies somewhat similar;
but none where the chances of success were so precarious, and defeat
would be so disastrous. Had he failed, it might well seem an act of
madness. Yet it was the fruit of deliberate calculation. He had set
fortune, fame, life itself, all upon the cast, and must abide the issue.
There was no alternative in his mind but to succeed or perish. The
measure he adopted greatly increased the chance of success. But to carry
it into execution, in the face of an incensed and desperate soldiery,
was an act of resolution that has few parallels in history.
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