Excerpts from

Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni

by

Mohammad Habib


Preface to First Edition (1927)

. . . Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni will always attract the attention of posterity, which has been so profoundly influenced by his work. . . I am not aware that I have been inspired by any sympathy or antipathy towards the great conqueror. But there has recently grown up a tendency among some Musalmans of India to adore Mahmud as a saint, and to such a scientific evaluation of his work and his policy will appear very painful. There is only one thing I need say in my defence. Islam as a creed stands by the principles of the Quran and the `Life' of the Apostle. If Sultan Mahmud and his followers strayed from the `straight path' -- so much the worse for them. We want no idols.

Preface to Second Edition (1951)

About twenty-seven years have passed since this book was written. In an atmosphere surcharged with hatreds during the Lucknow communal riots of 1924, I composed and recomposed many of its passages to give expression to that longing for humanity, justice, tolerance and secularism which has been torturing my eastern soul. . . The book was hailed by a storm of criticism in the Urdu press. But as this criticism -- vindictive, bitter, hostile -- was based on a complete ignorance of the originals, I took no notice of it. I reprint the book as it was written.

The fact that Muslim leaders during the last three hundred years, whether politicians or mullahs, have known no other psychology except the psychology of retreat, and that, thanks to them, all Muslim communities have been subject to recurrent waves of ever rising reactionary fanaticisms with the consequence that the Musalmans, unable to stand on their own feet and to adjust their ways of life and their institutions to the strenuous conditions of the modern world. . ., have been driven to seek the protection of some foreign imperialism or other -- all this should not blind us to the fact that

  1. the Muslim revolution has been a vital fact in world-history for all time,
  2. that the Quranic conception of good was, and can still be, a revolutionary force of incalculable value for the attainment of human welfare, and
  3. that the higher Muslim religion. . . anticipates, and is indistinguishable from, that "religion for the service of humanity" which Chairman Mao Tse-tung and our own Mahatmaji have promulgated in this generation.
. . . It was not to be expected that the great Shaikh Sa'di in his Gulisyan, the most widely read of all Persian books, would say anything shocking to the religious consciousness of his time. And yet his estimate of Mahmud is low and, in fact, cruel. . . There was for Shaikh Sa'di and his contemporaries no question of Mahmud's services to Islam. They were not members of the Indo-Turkish governing class of Delhi and Daulatabad, under whose aegis most legends about Sultan Mahmud were manufactured. . . It is only when Islamic ideals were suppressed in order to manufacture Islam into a governing-class creed that Mahmud could become `a religious hero'. And the most impossible dream of modern imperialisms -- the `dream imperialism' of the Pan-Islamists -- keeps that fiction alive. . .


[Chapter I describes the Muslim world in the tenth century.]

Chapter II - Career of Sultan Mahmud

[Part of the description of the sacking of Somnath.]

Somnath (1025-26)

Northern India had ceased to attract Mahmud, for the spoils of its most wealthy temples were already in his treasury. But the rich and prosperous province of Gujarat was still untouched, and on October 18, 1025, he started from Ghazni with his regular troops and thirty thousand volunteer-horsemen for the temple of Somnath, situated at the distance of a bow-shot from the mouth of the Saraswati, by the side of which the earthly body of Lord Krishna had breathed its last.

The temple of Somnath

"The people of Hind", says Ferishta (following Ibn-i Asir) "believed that souls after separating from their bodies came to Somnath, and the god assigned to each soul, by way of transmigration, such new body as it deserved. . . . Somnath was the king, while other idols were merely his door-keepers and chamberlains. A hundred thousand people used to collect together in the temple at the time of the solar and lunar eclipses. . . The princes of Hindustan had endowed it with about ten thousand villages. A thousand Brahmans worshipped the idol continuously. . ."

Battle of Somnath

. . . [After a fierce and close battle] Mahmud entered the temple and possessed himself of its fabulous wealth. `Not a hundredth part of the gold and precious stones he obtained from Somnath were to be found in the treasury of any king of Hindustan.' Later historians have related how Mahmud refused the enormous ransom offered by the Brahmans, and preferred the title of `Idol-breaker'(But-shikan) to that of `Idol-seller' (But-farosh). He struck the idol with his mace and his piety was instantly rewarded by the precious stones that came out of its belly. This is an impossible story. Apart from the fact that it lacks all contemporary confirmation, the Somnath idol was a solid unsculptured linga, not a statue, and stones could not have come out of its belly. That the idol was broken is unfortunately true enough, but the offer of the Brahmans, and Mahmud's rejection of the offer, is a fable of later days.

Chapter III - The Character and value of Mahmud's Work

No honest historian should seek to hide, and no Musalman acquainted with his faith will try to justify, the wanton destruction of temples that followed in the wake of the Ghaznavid army. Contemporary as well as later historians do not attempt to veil the nefarious acts but relate them with pride. . . Islam sanctioned neither the vandalism nor the plundering motives of the invader; no principle known to the Shariat justified the uncalled for attack on the Hindu princes who had done Mahmud and his subjects no harm; the wanton destruction of places of worship is condemned by the law of every creed. And yet Islam, though it was not an inspiring motive, could be utilized as an a posteriori justification for what had been done. It was not difficult to identify the spoliation of non-Muslim populations with service to Islam. . .

It is a situation to make one pause. With a new faith everything depends on the method of presentation. It will be welcomed if it appears as a message of hope, and hated if it wears the mask of a brutal terrorism. Islam as a world force is to be judged by the life of the Prophet and the policy of the Second Caliph. Its early successes were really due to its character as a revolutionary force against religions that had lost their hold on the minds of the people and against social and political systems that were grinding down the lower classes. . . Now Hinduism with its intense and living faith was something quite unlike the Zoroastrianism of Persia and the Christianity of Asia Minor, which had so easily succumbed before the invader; it suffered from no deep seated internal diseases and, a peculiarity of the national character of the Hindus,. . . was their intense satisfaction and pride in their customs. . . People with this insularity of outlook were not likely to lend their ears to a new message. But the policy of Mahmud secured the rejection of Islam without a hearing.

It was inevitable that the Hindus should consider Islam a deviation from the truth when its followers deviated so deplorably from the path of rectitude and justice. A people is not conciliated by being robbed of all that it holds most dear, nor will it love a faith that comes to it in the guise of plundering armies and leaves devastated fields and ruined cities as monuments of its victorious method for reforming the morals of a prosperous but erratic world.

`The evil that men do lives after them; the good is often buried with their bones!' Mahmud's work, whatever it might have been was swept off fifteen years after his death by the Hindu revival. . . East of Lahore no trace of the Musalmans remained; and Mahmud's victories, while they failed to shake the moral confidence of Hinduism, won an everlasting infamy for his faith. Two centuries later, men who differed from Mahmud as widely as two human beings can possibly differ, once more brought Islam into the land. . . With the proper history of our country Mahmud has nothing to do. But we have inherited from him the most bitter drop in our cup. To later generations Mahmud became the arch-fanatic he never was; and in that `incarnation' he is still worshipped by such Musalmans as have cast off the teachings of Lord Krishna in their devotion to minor gods. Islam's worst enemies have ever been its own fanatical followers.

Chapter IV - Fall of the Ghaznavid Empire

[This details the wars of succession after Mahmud's death in 1030]

Tilak, the Hindu

The career of Tilak, the Hindu, shows the rapidity with which Hindus and Musalmans were both forgetting their religious differences in the service of a common king and the superbly oriental feeling of loyalty to the salt. Though the son of a barber, he was of handsome appearance, had studied `dissimulation, amours and witchcraft' in Kashmir and wrote excellent Hindi and Persian. He had first entered the service of Qazi Shirazi but left it for the better prospects offered by the Khwaja, to whom he acted as secretary and interpreter and was entrusted by him with the most delicate affairs. Even the Khwaja's fall did him no harm, for Mahmud wanted clever and energetic young men and Tilak's fortune kept on improving. Soyand Rai, the general of the Indian troops, took the wrong side on the succession question, and when he was slain in the skirmish against Ayaz, Ma`sud appointed Tilak to the vacant post. `Thus he obtained the name of a man.' "Kettledrums were beaten in his quarters according to the custom of Hindu chiefs and banners with gilded tops were granted." He had an army under his command, the tent and the umbrella of a Ghaznavid general, and sat in the charmed circle of the sultan's confidential officers. "Wise men do not wonder at such facts," says the reflective Baihaqi,"because nobody is born great -- men become such. This Tilak had excellent qualities and all the time he lived he sustained no injury on account of being the son of a barber."

Tilak drew up the plan of his campaign [against the rebellious commander of Punjab, in 1033], and as soon as it was sanctioned by the sultan, hastened against the rebel. Niyaltigin was unable to hold Lahore and fled towards the desert, and Tilak followed close on his heels with an army consisting mostly of Hindus. . . Niyaltigin was defeated in battle and his Turkoman soldiers came over to Tilak in a body. . . [Niyaltigin] was ultimately slain by the Jats while attempting to cross the Indus.

Amber Habib / [email protected]
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