10 The Evolution Of An Idea

As to the question, `how did the theory of Quantum Materialism evolve?'

It long struck me as a basic truism that in a period of generalised economic collapse (with consequent class homogenisation - at least in expectations), the working class was winnable to revolutionary program.

The question that bugged me was why had we always consistently failed to take power? I arrived at the conclusion that it was due to the chronic and systematic failure of the revolutionary element to seize control of the agenda, and (thereby) gain effective control of the movement from the beginning - enabling it to push for ever more radical demands and seize power in a continuous process. This failure inevitably led to reaction and/or revolutionary reform (as the regime recaptures the agenda).

This question of the neccessity of extreme and early (preferably immediate) mass radicalisation (capture of the agenda by the revolutionary element of the movement) was one of the principle motors of my theoretical development.

To this end I worked (somewhat incompetently - organisationally speaking) as an independent student activist. I hoped to at an opportune moment (I anticipated that a sterling crisis triggered by a PSBR/balance of payments crisis would trigger massive and sudden across the board cuts creating opportunities for a generalised counter-offensive) launch a radical program at the beginning of a mass student movement (after the defeat of the miner's strike, it seemed logical that other sections of the labor movemnt were too weak to begin such a movement/break out of the control of their union bureaucracies and that therefore, the students were the best bet as likely detonators and potential agenda setters of such a movement) with radical demands aimed at linking up the broadest sections of the working class. E.g. post- Maxwell this included workers' control of their pension funds and the extradition of the fascist terrorist Roberto Fiore (wanted in connection with the Bologna bombing murdering 85 innocent civilians).

The other motor of thought was the question of legitimacy. The enemy had time and again committed many atrocities, waged wars of colonial slaughter (eg. WW1) etc, but we had singularly failed to make an issue of these - as they were not issues on which conventional labor struggles were waged and conventional labor movements were built. And yet, when the crunch came, the movement was always unable to launch an insurrection/seize the offensive (having failed to target the enemy politically for its' criminality), and no group dared try to take the initiative and waited... for the enemy to commit some atrocity (to justify an uprising). And if the enemy sat on their hands until the masses grew demoralised through sheer inertia, it was impossible to (launch an insurrection) to take power from these criminals. Then afterwards, the enemy clobbered the masses with repression as the movement was waning - by which time it was too late to respond; eg. in 1926 no effort was made to target the regimes' legitimacy (in a revolutionary political campaign) for its' profiteering slaughter during WW1, only eight years previous.

So the question arose, `how could we delegitimise the regime, in order to convince the masses of the neccessity of its' armed overthrow?'

I had also arrived at the conclusion that the Russian Revolution was in many respects unique (as outlined in chapter 5) - that the legitimacy question which is all-important - differed radically in contempory Britain and that we must consider other methods to target the regimes' legitimacy, than be left waiting for the enemy to do something exceptionally stupid.

Long fascinated with political hunger strikes and the impact of the Pentonville Five jailings - and very sympathetic to the idea of massacring fascists, the idea came (just after the Gulf War) like a bullet: illegal armed action against open fascists combined with hunger strikes by anti-fascist POWs linked to a wider radical pol/econ (and operationally internationalised) movement to free the anti-fascist POWs and for wider pol/econ demands.

This methodology clearly had the potential to set up and execute a continuous revolutionary process. And if the regime raised the ante over the right of the fascists to target our democratic rights, ultimately they would be opting for civil war on political terrain of our choosing. Though I had not yet arrived at the idea/formulation of an overtly revolutionary movemnt (my first tentative steps towards this were consequently accompanied by the solving of the puzzle that was plaguing me, of what demands to put forward in the context of -a bankrupt economy eg. revolutionary reconstruction first, with the caveat of armed workers' control and absolutely no concessions on advocating much higher wages as long as the corporate robbers remain in control - as all such concessions would be concessions to speculative greed).

I knew I had stumbled on something a bit special, but that would require a vast amount of theoretical development/work.

However I still regarded myself as a Marxist - loosely associated with the Militant Tendancy - and I felt the gravest reservations about such a dramatic break with conventional Marxian methodology - which I feared could lead by distant association, to grave implications for the organisation.

It therefore assumed the character of a `nuclear option' to be deployed if `conventional methods' had clearly failed.

Over time I developed more and more doubts about conventional Marxism/laborism and came increasingly to the conclusion that in the context of the ever-growing power of global finance it was a doomed methodology - and that this new methodology was the future.

Though it is also true that (insofar as I still considered myself a Marxist) I was opposed to Militant's decision to split from the labor party.

While superficially this may seem odd, I reckoned if classical Marxism had any future it was working within the big/mass organs. And if it didn't that the new methodology should be applied in spades. This new organ (Militant Labor) seemed neither fish nor fowl. (though dragged kicking and screaming into line by a mass revolutionary-democratic movement - it may indeed play a useful auxilliary role as a parliamentary/trade-union bloc)

Though more and more I moved away from and then completely split from Marxism; as I saw in this new methodology a distinct way of re-interpreting pol/econ history - including the Russian Revolution.

As to the question `why havn't others come up with this theory before?'

Those that are likely to be open to such thinking, are most likely to be supporters/sympathisers of Militant (by far the most impressive conventional far-left element). If they have attained any position at all within the movement, they would have such extreme reservations about anything that would threaten/undermine the movement, that their minds would be completely closed to such ideas.

Alternatively, if (like me) they are organisationally incompetent and have never achieved anything of note in their lives, within orthodox patterns of struggle, they are likely to feel so totally insecure about daring to advocate such a theory, that they would be unlikely to pursue/carry it very far.

I would therefore submit that to uncover this theory requires a very peculiar blend of complete (organisational) incompetence combined with a certain theoretical audacity/ability; and an added factor - the neccessary ripeness of the geo-pol/econ situation for the development/execution of such an idea (the final prostration of organised classical laborism before global finance). My claim to the first of these will be accepted without challenge. My claim to the latter two will have to be tried by the course of history.

Emblems Of The New Movement

Fig 1 - Pen, Sword & Red Star (principle emblem of the Revolutionary Democratic Movement). Note the Sword is positioned behind the pen not in front of it. As the sword serves the movement not the other way round (which is the case with fascists). With Alpha/Omega - banner of the RDF - signifying our determination to finish the job.

Fig 2 - Red Morning star against black background - Battle Flag of the movement. Only to be carried in street battles against Nazis and the insurrection. Distinctive design to avoid confusion with other banners. Also the banner of a/the Revolutionary Salvation Front.

Fig 3 - Regimental Banner of the Internationalist Brigades & POWs (square shaped). Red Arrows proceeding from Death's Head (with pen sword & star emblem on forehead of skull) depict the blood sacrifice of the martyrs halting the march of and ultimately destroying Fascism (Swastikas over-run by arrows).

Fig 4 - The Red Morning Star (and Star Burst) against sky blue background. Emblem of Dead Martyrs (signifying a movement strengthened not weakened by sacrifice). - most prominent feature of military-political funerals

Fig 5 - Red Stars, White Lightening Flash against navy blue background. - Flag of the F.S.R.G.B. The four outer stars represent the principle four nationalities (though England will be split into 5/6 or more regions).

(Note there can be no Q of OUR reviving the Union Jack which will be ripped to shreds by the Tory anti EU warlordists in league with Ulster political warlordists, over the right to commit genocide within `our own' borders)

But, the design is intended to capture the essence of the best part of British traditions (eg. of the British masses in WW2 who stopped the monster that British capitalism eg. ICI-Noble armed) while trashing the murderous colonial poison and most importantly defining Britain's role in the future. The white lightening flashes (across the four compass points) symbolise Britain's role in the struggle against fascism and the global finance mafia - that it recognises that its survival is wholly dependant on the victory of the pan commonwealth struggle - in this way it doubles as the flag of the F.S.C. (Federated Socialist Commonwealth), defining anti fascist Europe against USA imperialism & for GLOBAL Commonwealth Confederation/ reconstruction.

Fig 6 - Southern Cross against black background (suggested emblem/ flag for 3rd world liberation movements vis Rise of the South).

Fig 7 - Pound/Dollar/Deutschmark as Swastika - Emblematic representation of the enemy. Illustrating in the most basic way whose/what interests fascism serves; and where the enemy is taking us.

Fig 8 - Nuclear symbol as swastika - Emblematic representation of the enemy. Illustrating in the most basic way where military plutocracy is leading us.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sue Branford & Bernardo Kucinski

The Debt Squads

Noam Chomsky

Deterring Democracy

Rethinking Camelot

Gerald James

In The Public Interest

Seamus Milne

The Enemy Within

(The Secret War Against The Miners)

Jim Garrison

On The Trail Of The Assassins

General Frank Kitson

Low Intensity Operations

Ernest Mandel

Late Capitalism

Jeremy Rifkin

The End Of Work

Alec Nove

An Economic History Of The USSR

Susumu Yabuki

China's New Political Economy

Leon Trotsky

The Revolution Betrayed

History Of The Russian Revolution

The Struggle Against Fascism In Germany

My LIfe

On France

Karl Marx & Frederick Engels

Manifesto Of The Communist Party

Karl Marx

The Civil War In France

Tom Bower

The Pledge Betrayed

Christopher Simpson

Blowback

Peter Taafe

The Rise Of Militant

Peter Taafe & Tony Mulhearn

Liverpool: A City That Dared To Fight

Clare Doyle

France 1968: Month Of Revolution

(Lessons Of The General Strike)

Paul Frolich

Rosa

Martin Van Creveld

Future War

Catherine Samary

Yugoslavia Dismembered

Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall

The COINTELPRO Papers

David Yallop

In God's Name

(An Investigation Into The Murder Of Pope John-Paul 1)

Philip Willan

Puppet Masters

(The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy)

Middle East Watch

Syria Unmasked

Donald Goddard & Lester K. Coleman

Trail Of The Octopus

(Behind The Lockerbie Disaster)

Brian Crozier

Free Agent

Stephen Dorril

The Silent Conspiracy

Larry O'Hara

Turning Up The Heat

(MI5 After The Cold War)

At War With The Truth

(The True Story Of Searchlight Agent Tim Hepple)

Carl Jensen

CENSORED

(The News That Didn't Make The News - AND WHY)

Gary Murray

Enemies Of The State

Milan Rai

Tactical Trident

(The Rifkind Doctrine And The Third World)

Vladimir Kartsev

!Zhirinovsky!

(Bespredel- The New Russian Roulette)

Graham Frazer & George Lancelle

Zhirinovsky

(The Little Black Book)

What Next?

Discuss this book/theory at your college/workplace/university etc.

Build/ Join the Cyber Army, then (when hostilities commence with the ripening of geo pol/econ conditions - see S.O.F. Vol I Chapter 1):

Form chapters of Revolutionary Democrats committed to the Basic Program (see Chapter 2) open to all parties/organs & individuals supporting the 8 points of the program - to:

Campaign for the unconditional release of all anti fascist POWs.

Mobilise support for the Basic Program (connected to 1)).

Build for a congress of (a) Revolutionary Democratic Front and Workers' Pension Councils to co-ordinate the movement.

Build/create communications networks via the Internet etc.

Build a paramilitary force to steward demos and defend territorial demos etc.

Finally, due to their close association with Special Branch and MI5 - the author strongly recommends activists have nothing whatsoever to do with activists from the anti fascist magazine `Searchlight'