By Lucian Perkins The Washington Post
VITINA, Kosovo - It was standing room only in the smoke-filled
classroom, where more than 100 Serbian villagers were meeting with a
handful of American soldiers. The Serbs live near the predominantly
Albanian village of Vitina in the American-controlled sector of Kosovo,
and
they had come to discuss their fears and frustrations.
In the center of the room sat Lieutenant Colonel Michael Ellerbe of the
82d
Airborne. He listened as the meeting disintegrated into a whining session,
with the Serbs, a minority in Kosovo, bitterly describing how unique, how
overwhelming, how unsolvable their problems were.
Colonel Ellerbe is a tall African-American whose imposing presence is
usually tempered by a warm, almost paternal manner. But during the litany
of complaints he began to look exasperated. Then he spoke.
''Do you know anything about American history?'' he boomed. ''Do you
have any idea what people like me had to go through to become part of
American society?''
The colonel launched into a powerful sermon about what it is like to be
black in America. Though he spoke througha translator, the rhythm and
emotionof his words came through as he talk-ed of oppression and survival,
and ofhis own life.
''Should I hate all white people for what happened?'' he asked. ''Are you
going to hate all Albanians and not move forward? When are you going to
reach out to them?''
When he finished, the room was silent. The Serbs were impressed - but
they had not forgotten their own prob-
lems. Slowly, the complaints resumed. Some Serbs said they felt
threatenedby Albanians when they went to fetch water. Colonel Ellerbe
promised to post a guard at the village well, then whispered an order to
get
a soldier out there right away. He wanted the Serbs leaving the schoolhouse
to see a guard already in place.
As the meeting broke up, my translator heard the elderly Serb sitting next
to
me whisper to a friend, ''See, because he's black, he understands us.''
Colonel Ellerbe's successful connection with the Kosovo population fit
a
pattern I saw often during my recent assignment in the province.
As a photographer, I accompanied various American soldiers serving with
the NATO-led Kosovo peacekeeping force as they attended local council
meetings, helped locate firewood for schools and arbitrated disputes
ranging from traffic accidents to who owned which cow. These troops had
developed extraordinary relationships with both Serbs and Albanians, and
in many cases had won their trust.
It was a dramatic change from my first trip to Kosovo in June, when
Yugoslav forces were pulling out after surrendering to NATO. Then, U.S.
Marines faced a defiant Serbian population, which shouted insults and
attacked them with stones and sniper fire. Today, as U.S. soldiers walk
through these same villages, children follow them, farmers give them food
and drink, and families invite them to weddings.
This is not to say the job is easy, or that the troops are always successful.
Even when Serbs and Albanians are willing to talk to the peacekeepers,
they often refuse to talk to each other.
And all communication is poisoned by the disinformation that permeates
the
sharply divided province. Sometimes it seems that nobody's word in
Kosovo can be trusted - not that of the Serbian or Albanian leaders, or
the
media or the villagers themselves.
Captain Kevin Lambert told me of an Albanian woman who accused a
Serb of kidnapping her during the war.
Captain Lambert's troops arrested the man, but upon investigating, they
discovered that the woman's family had been trying to coerce him to sell
them his apartment. Was this a case of falsely accusing the Serb to get
his
home? With no proof available, the U.S. Army decided it was.
Captain Larry Kaminsky, a public affairs officer with the peacekeeping
force, said journalists often called him to check out alarming reports
in the
Serbian press - such as the ''news'' that Serbs were being held hostage
in a
certain Albanian village, and that peacekeepers were doing nothing to
rescue them.
In fact, when he investigated, he found that peacekeepers had brought
Albanian and Serbian leaders together in the village and they had ended
up
exchanging cigarettes and coffee and chatting about the time before the
war.
An Albanian farmer told me about returning to his village after the war
to
find his cow grazing in a Serb's field. He turned to the U.S. Army for
help,
but was told that the cow could not be returned without proof.
Luckily, a family photo turned up with the cow recognizable in the
background, and the peacekeepers got it back for him. But there are a lot
of expropriated cows around Kosovo - and tractors and other goods -
with no proof to back up the villagers' claims.
People who cannot trust their neighbors may find it hard to believe that
anyone might be acting in good faith. That seemed to be the case with
Darinka Zivkovic, a Serb whose husband,a teacher, had been missing for
months. He had vanished when he returned to his former school in a village
that had been controlled by Albanians since the end of the war.
I accompanied Captain Scott Walker when he climbed to Mrs.
Zivkovic'shillside home to tell her that the peacekeeping force still had
no
leads on where her husband might be.
''You must know something,'' she cried. She knew the Americans had come
to the aid of Kosovo Albanians;
she could not believe these same Americans were honestly unable to help
her now.
''Why won't you do anything to help find him?'' she asked, sobbing.
Captain Walker could only try to reassure her.
Colonel Ellerbe told me of a funeral he had attended for several Kosovo
Albanians. During the service, one Albanian leader after another
eulogizedthe men as heroes who had died while trying unsuccessfully to
deactivatea Serbian mine.
The colonel said nothing, but he knew differently: His men had investigated
the deaths, and they concluded the Albanians had blown themselves up
trying to place a mine in a Serbian church.
''Kosovo is a province of victims - both Serbian and Albanian,'' Colonel
Ellerbe said.
''Unfortunately, both sides are still being victimized by the people who
are
supposed to be leading them.'' In the meantime, he tries a different kind
of
leadership.
He gave a Thanksgiving dinner and invited some Albanians and Serbs who
dared to be seen together.
''It was a tremendous success,'' the Colonel Ellerbe said. ''It's not much,
but
it is a start.''
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