Helicopters hover and clatter over Pristina's rooftops, scanning the shabby
alleys with the latest in "night vision" technology.
Hundreds of soldiers set up lightning roadblocks and search cars as the
world's biggest military machine goes into battle against an elusive army
of
muggers, car thieves and rapists.
Six months after NATO-led forces occupied Kosovo, the threat to peace is
neither the vanquished Serbian military nor the disarmed guerrillas of
the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), but a wave of common crime.
Rarely before has NATO taken on such a huge military commitment as its
task in Kosovo and rarely has the international community invested so much,
in per capita terms, on aid for humanitarian needs and reconstruction.
Yet
international officials say the effort is being undermined by the lack
of simple
law and order.
Officers of the more than 40,000-strong KFOR peacekeeping force in the
province admit the impressive night-time maneuvers are largely for show,
designed to help dispel a climate of fear after darkness falls. Kosovo's
new
civilian police force, floundering for lack of men, money and local knowledge,
needs all the help it can get.
The province's murder rate has fallen since an orgy of revenge against
Serbs
and other non-Albanians erupted after the Kosovo war, but robberies,
protection rackets and intimidation are rife - most often, now, committed
by
Albanians against Albanians and shielded, according to foreign officials,
by a
Mafia-style wall of silence.
Slamming International Community
U.N. mission chief Bernard Kouchner, who leads the civilian side of the
huge
international mission in Kosovo, dropped the usual veil of diplomatic language
this month to slam governments for their apparent apathy towards policing
Kosovo in the aftermath of a war on which they were happy to spend billions.
"I asked for 6,000 police officers. I just received 1,800. This is ridiculous
and
a scandal," he said. "If all the nations of the world...altogether cannot
send me
6,000 police officers, what kind of peacekeeping operation is it?"
The lack of expatriate officers is only one side of the problem. So far
the new
force has fewer than 200 Kosovans, whose recruitment has been painfully
slowed by wrangles among the territory's bitterly divided factions over
just
who should be allowed to enforce the law over neighbors who a few months
ago might have been deadly enemies.
International officials have been adamant that the former KLA guerrillas
are
too fiercely politicized a group to become the new police. Instead they
have
been disarmed and remodeled as a "protection corps" intended to help only
with such tasks as disaster relief and infrastructure reconstruction.
In an apparent confirmation that their fears about the former KLA are
well-grounded, U.N. police said last week they had arrested four men
believed to be members of the new "protection corps" for the murders of
five
Serbs and Gypsies.
Some have suggested bringing back from retirement hundreds of former
police officers who last pounded the beat in Kosovo a decade ago - before
the government of Slobodan Milosevic sacked Kosovan Albanians from state
jobs and replaced them with Serbs.
Jonuz Terstena, who was police chief in the 1980s, told a Pristina newspaper
he could cut crime by 50 percent if U.N. authorities would recruit 1,000
of his
former officers, and promised to send himself to jail if he failed.
But the proposal to take back on officers from the 1980s is said to be
opposed by Hashim Thaqi, political chief of the former KLA guerrillas and
the
most powerful of the Kosovo Albanian leaders. He and other separatist
leaders see the 1980s police as unworthy to serve in Kosovo now because
they once served Milosevic - even if they eventually joined the long list
of the
Yugoslav leader's victims.
Serbs Fear Revenge
Kosovo's besieged Serbs, for their part, say they want their enclave-like
areas policed by fellow Serbs, fearing that any ethnic Albanian will use
a
uniform to exact revenge for the Serbian authorities' past persecution.
An
ethnic Albanian policewoman who ventured into the Serb quarter of the
divided north Kosovo town of Mitrovica as part of a U.N. police patrol
was
beaten up by a Serb mob, and the experiment was not repeated.
Officers from as far apart as Northern Ireland and southeast Asia patrol
Kosovo's roads in red and white cars dubbed "Coca-Colas" by Kosovans.
Some of them say they are too ineffectual and small a force to be worth
reporting crimes to.
U.N. police sources said last week that some 200 expatriates had been sent
home again after misunderstandings about their role, which is supposed
to be
that of tough street-level police rather than mere observers. The entire
100-strong Nepalese contingent had to return because they had no weapons,
while others did not speak enough English for the job.
"It's hard to get national police forces to provide the right people. An
army
sits around waiting for a war to happen, but police are needed at home,"
one
senior U.N. policeman said.
Nuredin Ibishi, commander of the first contingent of 173 Kosovans to join
the
new force, complained they still had no guns because of the U.N. embargo
on
supplying arms to Yugoslav territory, and that their expatriate colleagues'
wages were up to 20 times higher.
Some Pristina residents express surprise that foreign police spend their
days
directing traffic in congested Pristina and that after six months, no Kosovans
have been employed for such a humdrum task. "They must be the most
expensive traffic cops in the world," said one.
Judicial System Paralyzed
The justice system, meanwhile, has been paralyzed for months by the refusal
of many Albanian officials to implement the laws of hated Yugoslavia.
Kouchner, hoping to break the deadlock, said this month that he would
appoint 400 extra judges and prosecutors and that pre-1989 law would
henceforth in general apply.
One result of the vacuum in policing and judiciary, according to some
international officials, is that there may be an imaginary crime wave as
well as
a real one. Young women in Pristina dare not walk the streets alone after
dark
since a wave of supposed kidnappings began to be reported, and many have
stories of being stalked by mysterious cars.
"We used to be able to go out at night. In the last month we hear that
people
are being taken away," said female student Valdete Rexhebegay, carrying
a
candle on a night march against violence through Pristina.
Yet international police and troops say only a handful of kidnapping cases
have been reported to them in recent weeks, most of which turned out to
be
false. Some expatriate officials suggest kidnapping rumors are being
deliberately stoked up to draw attention to the lack of police officers.
"It looks as if someone political is saying: you don't want to use us as
police?
Then see what happens," said one.
Distrust between the international and Kosovan sides often runs high, and
the
cultural and linguistic gap between them means false accusations are easy
to
make.
Aid workers say the law and order problem is eroding a society which
paradoxically, was stronger under Serbian oppression. "There was a
solidarity, a community feeling last winter among the ethnic Albanians,"
said
one. "Now there is fear."
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