Author's Preface


In the last several years from many corners of the New Afrikan Independence Movement, there has been a clarion call for the building of the Front for the Liberation of the New Afrikan Nation. A revolutionary nationalist front to establish a movement for national independence, to free the national territory of Kush from the colonial (U.S.A.) government. This call has mostly come from BLA-POWs and their supporters who recognize the need to resurrect a militant resistance to continued national oppression, identifying the basis of our peoples' colonial subjugation as part of the antiimperialist struggle being waged by Third World peoples in many parts of the world. of course, this means we have to once again develop a militant political organization that will challenge U.S. colonialism and organize New Afrikans to offensively pursue the ultimate objective of national independence. This task has to be greater than a survival program pending revolution: as all survival programs are in essence defensive in posture, based on the ideal to survive is to defend against attacks, but survival programs do not forge a movement, only sustain an existence.

Therefore, to build Frolinan is to push forward the quest of national emancipation, as Frolinan's national strategy is not based simply on survival pending revolution, but rather, building the revolution to survive. This position on survival is not relegated to a defensive posture, but develops an offensive Program for Decolonization, establishing a revolutionary theory and program to militantly fight for national independence.

I have taken the initiative to write this proposal and treaty for our numbers and revolutionary nationalist to build upon, for us to unite our forces under a single program and national strategy. Since. the destruction of the Black Panther Party, our movement has fallen in the hands of passive resisters, losing its vitality, momentum, and revolutionary fervor. It is now necessary to rekindle the spirit of militant resistance and rebuild our revolutionary movement. Build Frolinan, our revolutionary nationalist front, comprising the needed national organizations and programs that will assure not only our survival, but also, our inevitable victory in establishing the Republic of New Afrika in the western hemisphere.

This document is presented for revolutionary nationaliit to discuss and seek the means and methods to create conditions to manifest the National Strategy of Frolinan. Of course, this is my conception of what needs to be done based on varied discussions amongst Comrades, and basic analysis of the general situation of opportunism, liberalism, and sectarianism effecting our overall struggle. Therefore, this document is not all conclusive or inclusive of our needs in struggle; rather, it seeks to forge the basis to establish a durable foundation by which we may unite our talents and resources to build Frolinan. Hence, this document is offered as a pivot to create the needed center of gravity from which we can rally our forces, and move forward in unity and struggle.

Based on the foregoing, I'm requesting of those receiving this document and who are able, to make copies and redistribute to those you believe might be interested in building Frolinan. Furthermore, I'm requesting all authentic revolutionary nationalist to do the following upon review of this document:

1. Submit proposals to strengthen the basis to build Frolinan, ie., organizational structure, ideological format, political programs, etc.;

2. Establish a Frolinan organizing-cadre to build one of the Programs of Decolonization in your area, adopting Frolinan's National Strategy;

3. Discuss this document with others, and contribute financially, materially and personally to the National Strategy of Frolinan.

In the near future, an effort will be made to organize a national congress/conference of revolutionary nationalists who have expressed an interest and commitment to build Frolinan and support a particular aspect of the Program for Decolonization, to come together, and develop this revolutionary nationalist front.

To contribute to this cause and become a front member of Frolinan, write to:

FROLINAN
Front for the Liberation of the
New Afrikan Nation
P.O. Box 16082
Oakland, California 94610

"Theory and Practice to Break the Chains of National Oppression."



Introductory Note


Frolinan is initially a cadre-organization of New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist, whose primary objective is to evolve an united strategy and direction amongst the many New Afrikan nationalist formations. This objective is to further enjoin New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist to accept a position within the front, to develop greater principled unity of action in the New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM), in accordance with the National Strategy of Frolinan.

There are many progressive and revolutionary organizations/parties/fronts in the NAIM of local, regional and national significance. Frolinan recognizes each organization/party/front has a specific and general role in the NAIM, but it is our faith, this role must be formulated in unity and struggle amongst our oppressed Now Afrikan masses under the guidance of a single national strategy and program. We believe that with the tactical implementation of a national strategy, which embraces the specific and general cause of NAIM in theory and practice, the various organization/parties/fronts will greatly enhance the overall development of the Now Afrikan Independence Movement.

Frolinan is characterized as a revolutionary nationalist front, recognizing the human and inalienable rights of New Afrikans to be free from racist colonialism, genocide, and imperialist national oppression/ exploitation. That New Afrikan "human rights', encompass the right to be self-governed and independent of the U.S. colonial government, thus, national rights in accordance to international law and politics.

The prerequisite for becoming a member of Frolinan are as follows:

1. Recognition of the existence of the New Afrikan Nation as an oppressed nation within the colonial government of the United States of America in the Western Hemisphere;

2. That the Republic of New Af rika is the name and government of the New Afrikan Nation, a government in exile, struggling for the liberation of the National Territory of Kush;

3. Acceptance of the New Afrikan Declaration of Independence, Creed and Code of Umoja;

4. Recognize and support the New Afrikan People Liberation Army (NAPLA) as the armed front of the New Afrikan Nation;

5. Support and work to manifest the National Strategy of Frolinan as the legitimate representative of New Afrikan Independence Movement, and work to support all groups in alliance to Frolinan;

6. Must be anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, antiracist/fascist, pro-national independence, willing to participate in the class and national liberation struggle for land (Kush) and social-democracy;

7. Believe and have faith in the creative ingenuity, spiritual quality, and humanity of our New Afrikan people, and the historical, cultural, socioeconomic, and political productivity of our struggle for national independence.

Frolinan National Strategy is based on the Three Phase Theory for National Independence, it is our faith, this revolutionary theory is the criteria which our revolutionary movement is to be organized. Frolinan's National Strategy is exemplified in our Ten point Platform, Theory, organizational Program for Decolonization, Strategy and Practice will serve to manifest in reality the Ten Point Platform, a program accepted in principle by all members of Frolinan.

We anticipate and work toward Frolinan to develop into a massbased revolutionary nationalist front, comprising national organizations and groups, to organize and mobilize our oppressed New Afrikan people for our inevitable independence.



HISTORICAL CONCEPTION AND OVERVIEW


We accept all aspects of our history from the beginning of civilization an the Afrikan continent, to the present stages of technological development of Afrikan nation-states, and the continued struggle of Afrikan people throughout the world against tyranny and imperialist oppression.

With this conception of history, we view the material basis in which history evolved to its present and ongoing developing modes of history; as Afrikan people relate and interrelate with one another, other people of color is the Third World, and the European races. This understanding and materialist outlook of history, notes that dialectically, our present condition and struggle is based on our past experiences in a continuing development of an Afrikan history. The New Afrikan experience in America is not separate from the Afrikan experience on the continent, rather, they are linked in a chain of events which imposes socioeconomic, political and historical realities encompassing the criteria by which New Afrikan struggle for independence must be developed.

We call ourselves New Afrikan because of the degree of force breeding and miscegenation we as a people have suffered, as well ad cultural imperialism the psychological plunder and rape of our affinity to Afrika - stripping away our Afrikan language, art and world,outlook, and national oppression, which in our efforts to combat have created a national heritage rich in resistance based on two ideals of integration and/or separation. These experiences which left us stripped of our Afrikanist perspective despite miscegenation and cultural imperialism, encompassing those experiences into an Afrikan national heritage in diaspora, creating the New Afrikan Independence Movement.

This conception of history in a dialectical materialist perspective provides the means to formulate a program and strategy to conquer racist oppression and national subjugation, utilizing, the truth of our entire history as a guide to enlighten our practice. For instance, in terms of a (foreign) policy of Afrikan intercommunalism with our people on the Afrikan continent, it is essential to know what our relationship had been in history -providing a substantial foundation to develop principled relations today... For New Afrikans, it is important to know that slavery did not begin as an American phenomenon, but rather, American chattel slavery of Afrikans is a direct outgrowth of Afrikans enslaving Afrikans on the Afrikan continent. Many of our ancestors had been enslaved by Afrikans due to internecine struggles, border wars of territorial imperative- amongst tribes and wars of aggression between Afrikan nation-states. The prisoner of wars, and/or because of denture, were placed in bondage, and often sold or traded. When the Europeans (Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, British, etc.) made contact with Northern and Western coastal areas of Afrika, they not only raided villages and kidnapped Afrikans, but more often and productively (numerically) brought already enslaved Afrikans from Afrikan chieftains and traders. Hence, for the most part, our existence in the Western hemisphere is as much a consequence of Afrikan history as it is of European history.

Thus, as we conceive ourselves in history, we must place responsibility of our condition in context to the actual historical development leading to our present situation. In this regards, we don't. expect assistance from our Afrikan brothers nations simply because we are of one people -- only separated by distance -- but because history demand recompense for a people (New Afrikans) whose existence and suffering is based on our unfortunate relation in the history of slavery mutual to us all, and the commonality of our fight against mutual enemy -- imperialism. This same conception and relation to history is binding on any relationship established with other past enslaver, such as the Dutch, Portuguese, British, Spanish, etc.

As we struggle against continued U.S. colonization, New Afrikans must have a determined sense of history in regard to the New Afrikan Nation relationship to the world. Without this common national consciousness and perception of our existence, based on history, our practice will continue to be confused and chaotic, without historical continuity which serves to give practical guidance on the road to independence. As an oppressed nation, we have a rich history of resistance to bondage; revolts on slave ships during the middle passage; revolts and rebellions for hundreds of years on slave plantations; fighting for freedom in the War of Independence, War of 1812, and Civil War; and fighting in the U.S. Army in the name of U.S. democracy (hypocrisy) can also be considered part of the national determination to be free.

We, preserve four epochs in our history as indicative of our struggle to be free of U.S. national subjugation and colonial domination. After the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 and the 13th Amendment in 1865, and the Civil War having ended barbaric chattel slavery; the 14th Amendment stripped Afrikans in America of their land (provided by Field Order No. 115) imposed American citizenship on these Afrikan nationals, this country entered a period defined as reconstruction and the industrial revolution. This was a period when the slavocracy gave birth to mercantile capitalism; the gross surplus of such commodities as cotton, tobacco, sugar, etc., produced from slave labor in the South, provided economic-textile-industrial growth and development in Northern States. Reconstruction found millions of New Afrikans either re-enslaved by the vestiges of the Black Code-Law to sharecropping, unemployment, and landless, or migrating North in search of educational and employment opportunities. But the HayesTilden agreement restored racist national oppression and colonial domination prevailed with terrorist KuKluxKlan raids, race riots (white against Blacks), mob violence, lynching of New Afrikans in the North and South.

In 1905, the Niagara Movement was consummated, we recognized the Niagara Movement as a significant epoch in our continued struggle for independence. The Niagara Movement was not the first time New Afrikans organized themselves, as there had been many abolitionist groups comprising "freedman" of Afrikan descent. But the Niagara Movement marks a stage in which, under the leadership of W.E.B. DuBois, they developed a concept and an organization which prevails today. The concept of integration was comprehensively evolved during the Niagara Movement by DuBois, and is adamantly held today by the NAACP, which came into existence out of the Niagara Movement in 1910, with DuBois as a founding member and incorporator. It was DuBois who forged the conceptual appeal of Pan-Afrikanism during this time; while the NAACP up until 1940 had campaigned for anti-lynch legislation, and from 1950 to present campaigned for desegregation, integration and civil rights.

The second epoch of historical importance was the 1920 Marcus Garvey "Back to Afrika" Movement. This movement which has yet to be surpassed, appealed to and organized millions of New Afrikans, and established national pride and dignity directly associated to the Afrikan continent. Although the Back to Afrika movement only lasted until 1925, when viewed in juxtaposition in historical continuity to the Niagara Movement and Pan Afrikanist ideas developing at the time, the thread of struggle and our peoples' conscious determination to be free of colonial domination becomes very significant.

The third epoch is divided into two distinct and interdependent parts as they actualized the first and second epochs in character and content. The Elijah Muhammad Nation of Islam movement which came-into existence in the 19409, but had not come into national prominence until the 19609, developed many of the separatist ideals held by Marcus Garvey movement; it generally appealed to those who had been adherents of the separatist movement of Marcus Garvey. In the 1960s, Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz) brought the Nation of Islam separatist movement into national attention, recruitment reported to be approximately 1 million "Black Muslims" by some estimates. Elijah Muhammad called for the separation of Blacks (New Afrikans) into a government of their own in the South Black Belt, basing his program on mystified interpretation of Islam and Black "self-help" economics (the principle now adopted as Black capitalism) ... During this same epoch, in 1955, the so-called civil rights movement was launched, with Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. as its primary leader and spokeperson. Given the political character and objective of Martin L. King, Jr.'s movement, it ushered the line and principle of struggle first established in the Niagara Movement. The principle organizations of this course of struggle were SCLC, NAACP, Urban League, CORE and SNCC all working in an united front strategy for desegregation, integration and civil rights. Politically, this movement could actually be defined as a negro-bourgeoisie democratic revolution. It attacked and did battle with the essential foundation and cornerstone of colonial domination of New Afrikans in America - racism and national oppression. The civil rights movement sought the. fruition of democratic civil -rights guaranteed to white to be equally administrated to Black people It was a nationally organized movement, which put in motion masses of people in freedom-rides, sit-ins and marches, which precipitated the eventful call for "Black Power". nationalist political consciousness, resulting in riots and rebellions across the country.

The dialectical (unity and struggle of opposites) relationship between the Elijah Muhammad separatist and Martin L. King, Jr. integrationist movement, preserved in historical continuity the ideals of both the Marcus Garvey separatist and W.E.B. DuBois integrationist movements, forging the course of struggle towards a synthesis of ideals first espoused with the cry and birth pains of "Black Power".

The fourth epoch, an outgrowth of the proceeding era adopted the synthetic conception of Black Power, uniting the symbolic determination of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and Malcolm X Black Nationalist ideas in the Black Panther Party. The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was established in 1966 and in 1967 Black Panthers captured national attention by entering the California State Capital hearing-on gun control, carrying rifles and shotguns, calling for community control of police, selfdefense, and Black political power. Even through, during this period, there had been other Black nationalist groups and formations (ie., RNA, JOMO, Deacons for Defense and Justice, RAM, APP, etc.) that evolved out of the negro-bourgeois-democratic revolution, none made such an indelible historic impression on the developing struggle like the Black Panther Party. From its inception, the BPP had considered the necessity for armed struggle to wrestle Black power from the U.S.' white power structure. The BPP developed the Black underground which evolved into the Black Liberation Army - a clandestine network of armed urban guerrillas. It had been the BPP that first raised the concept of class struggle, introducing and infusing the ideology of Marxist- Leninist-Mao Tse Tung thought with the Black nationalist ideas of Malcolm X in accordance to the concrete realities of the struggle taking shape in Black (New Afrikan) ghettos/communities across the country. With its Ten Point Platform and Program the BPP attempted to manifest Black political power on the basis of community control as a tactical objective toward the strategic goal of total independence.

By 1976, the colonial government (U.S.A.) had directed its attention and counter-intelligence program (COINTELPRO) on the BPP/BLA and other nationalist formations as the RNA. This counter revolutionary action by the government was implemented with the intent to discredit, disrupt and destroy the BPP, with murderous raids, infiltration and provocation. In a four year battle with the police, by 1971, the BPP had been significantly subverted on a national level, whereupon, by 1973, the BPP was in all actuality defunct. This inevitably lead to the defeat and decimation of the BLA as a fighting clandestine urban guerrilla network.

It is these four epochs in the continuing struggle of New for political power and independence that are of great significance. They had the greatest influence and impact on New Afrikans nationally in juxtaposition to our relationship to the enemy colonial (U.S.A.) government. We accept these four epochs as the foundation in which current and future development in the New Afrikan Independence Movement will be objectively molded, shaped and forged to victory.

History shows us that there's two basic and distinct lines and influences in the New Afrikan peoples I struggle f or political power and self-determination. Our oppressed people have fought for integration and civil rights, and we've fought for separation and human rights. It is these two directions that characterize any real differences in our peoples' aspiration to be free of racist colonial domination. Furthermore, it will be integration verses separation that will be a determinative aspect for the building of national unity amongst New Afrikans to engage the colonial (U.S.A.) government for political power and self-determination in the future. This understanding of history and the ideologicalpolitical forces that have shaped our struggle, provides conscious and deliberate activity to combat national oppression and colonialism, with the continuity of preserving history and the mode of struggle toward separation. We of Frolinan must take a stand on the side of separation, and in so doing, give recognition to those forces who are currently making history in building the independence movement. We recognize the organization of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika for its contribution, but not necessarily to subordinate ourselves to its current strategy and program in the movement. We therefore reserve the right to formulate a revolutionary theory, strategy, and program to educate, organize and mobilize New Afrikans toward national emancipation, and unite our strategy and program of action with other New Afrikan revolutionary forces who are also fighting for separation and independence, not excluding the present Republic of New Afrika - Provisional Government.

Frolinan recognizes and understands the history of resistance our oppressed nation has fought in both the integrationist and separatist movements. But because we believe in our inalienable human rights, as a nation of people, to be self-governed; and because we are anti-capitalist-imperialist, we find no practical basis - in accordance to our history - to integrate in this colonial (U.S.A.) government. Therefore, we will concentrate our energies in preserving our nation peoples' history to separate, to establish an independent self-governed socioeconomic, political and cultural-sovereign nation in the Western Hemisphere.


















































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