    IRISH NEWS ROUND-UP
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    Weekend, 21/22 February, 1998


1.  Doubt over Sinn Fein talks return
2.  Response to talks expulsion decision
3.  Adams gives first speech to Chamber of Commerce
4.  History: The toughest leader
5.  Book review: The Ethics of War

__________________________________________________________


>>> Doubt over Sinn Fein talks return
    
    
    Following widespread anger and disappointment among
    nationalists at last week's decision by the British and
    Irish governments to exclude Sinn Fein from the talks
    process, the party has said it will delay any decision
    on a return to the peace process, scheduled for March
    9, until it meets British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
    
    A meeting between Sinn Fein and Irish Prime Minister,
    Taoiseach Bertie Ahern has been scheduled to discuss
    the state of the talks process, which Sinn Fein have
    described as "discredited" following its expulsion on
    Friday.
    
    The expulsion decision was taken by the governments on
    information provided by RUC police Chief Constable
    Ronnie Flanagan, who claimed the Irish Republican Army
    had carried out two recent shootings.
    
    Nationalists have pointed out that Flanagan provided no
    proof of IRA involvement in the attacks on loyalist
    paramilitary Robert Dougan and drug-dealer Brendan
    Campbell.  At the High Court in Dublin, Sinn Fein
    fought for the right not to be ejected on the basis of
    speculation about who was responsible for the two
    shootings.  But after three days of legal argument,
    court proceedings became moot on Friday afternoon as
    events were overtaken by the announcement in Belfast of
    Sinn Fein's expulsion. The Sinn Fein leadership is now
    considering whether to mount a legal challenge to the
    two governments' decision in a Belfast court.
    
    Party chairman Mitchel McLaughlin said there was now
    "huge disenchantment" among nationalists with the
    ongoing talks, due to resume tomorrow at Stormont
    Castle in Belfast. "We are being challenged by our own
    supporters to demonstrate that the present talks
    process has any efficacy whatsoever," McLaughlin told
    BBC television.
    
    McLaughlin said if Sinn Fein did return to the talks,
    which are designed to agree a new constitutional
    framework for the British province, it would be aware
    that "the same specious grounds could be used to eject
    us once again"
    
    "This in fact is the question we are having difficulty
    coming up with a common sense answer (to)," he said.
    "We have to accept it could happen again on the basis
    of events on the ground over which we have no direct
    responsibility or control."
    
    The already fragile peace process was placed under new
    pressure after a 5OOlb bomb wrecked an RUC base at
    Moira, County Down early Saturday morning.  The bomb
    appeared timed to capitalise on nationalise anger over
    Sinn Fein's exclusion from talks and the ongoing
    loyalist murder campaign to further undermine peace
    efforts.
    
    McLaughlin dismissed reports which suggested the IRA
    may have carried out the Moira attack, noting there was
    speculation that the bombing was carried out by a new
    group calling itself the "Continuity Army Council".
    
    But he added: "Speculation was used to eject my party
    from the talks last week, and I really don't want to
    indulge in that type of activity myself."
    
    SInn Fein's Chief Negotiator Martin McGuinness said
    elements within the British military could also have
    been involved in the Moira bomb. While dismissing
    suggestions of IRA involvement out of hand, he said it
    was dangerous for anyone to jump to conclusions about
    who was responsible.
    
    "Over the course of the last number of months, we are
    aware that bombs have been planted, several in County
    Fermanagh, one in Banbridge County Down, and one in
    Markethill County Armagh. There's not a person in the
    north of Ireland who has any knowledge of the political
    situation who believes that these bomb explosions were
    carried out by the IRA," he told Briitish television
    yesterday.
    
    McGuinness said he didn't know who was responsible for
    these attacks, but he believed there was a "broad
    spectrum of people who would be interested in seeing a
    return of the IRA campaign."
    
    "I have not ruled out and do not rule out elements
    within the securocrat/military agenda, which has been
    there in the past and has exploded bombs in the past,
    and I also don't rule out people within the nationalist
    community who are hostile to this peace process."
    
    Gerry Adams said it was his view that the IRA cessation
    remained intact and he called for an end to all armed
    actions.  Expressing his relief that no one was
    seriously injured in the Moira attack, he criticised
    the unionist response to the bomb.
    
    "[Ulster Unionist Party spokesman] Jeffrey Donaldson's
    impulse to blame the IRA, in a qualified way, must be
    seen in the context of the UUPs tactical approach to
    negotiations. But everyone should try to avoid
    kneejerking," he said.  "If this critical period is to
    be managed unionist leaders cannot avoid their
    responsibility as part of the shared need to rebuild
    the credibility of the talks process."
    
    
    TAXI BOMBED
    
    Meanwhile, the loyalist Ulster Democratic Party, which
    represents the Ulster Freedom Fighters at political
    talks, is expected to return to the talks tomorrow
    following an invitation on Friday by Britain's governor
    in Ireland, Mo Mowlam.  The UDP's return marks the end
    of a four-week suspension after the UFF admitted that
    it had murdered three Catholics in indiscriminate
    shootings.
    
    But the loyalist murder campaign continued yesterday
    when a death-squad attempted to blow up a taxi in
    Republican west Belfast. The device was planted under a
    black taxi in Norglen Parade at a house overlooked by a
    British Army watchtower.  The taxi owner, a former
    Republican POW, who has been the victim of previous UFF
    death threats, saw his car later blown up by British
    Army bomb-disposal experts.
    
    Unlike recent attacks blamed on Republicans, RUC police
    Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan did not say who he
    thought may have attempted to kill the taxi driver.
    There was also no comment on two other explosive
    devices which were delivered to homes of nationalists
    in Belfast and County Antrim last week.
    
    
    PROTESTS
    
    Protests have been taking place across the Six Counties
    this weekend following the decision to expel Sinn Fein
    from talks, with the largest taking place in Belfast
    city centre today. A heavy-handed RUC response has
    greeted demonstrators outside RUC bases in north and
    west Belfast, Coalisland and Toomebridge.
    
    There was particular concern at an incident in Derry in
    which a car collided with an anti-expulsion
    demonstration. Sinn Fein Councillor Mary Nelis was one
    of three women injured when a grey Ford Fiesta crashed
    into the Derry street protest at Shipquay Gate. 
    Marches are nevertheless taking place to the Guildhall
    and the Foyle Bridge in the city today.
    
    Meanwhile, thousands of Republicans are being addressed
    today at a rally in County Wexford today by Sinn Fein
    President Gerry Adams.
    
    Mr Adams has cancelled plans to travel to the United
    States next week due to the seriousness of the
    political situation in Ireland. Speaking in advance of
    the commemoration in Enniscorthy, Mr Adams said his
    party was asking how the credibility of the talks could
    be restored, and if there was another way forward, how
    the Irish government and the nationalist SDLP would fit
    into the frame.
    
    With talks due to reach a conclusion by May, his party
    "could not accept a continued recycling over the next
    six weeks of what we have seen so far," he insisted. He
    warned that any transitional settlement reached in May
    could not limit itself to structures such as new
    assemblies, but would have to win the support of the
    people by guaranteeing equality of allegiance.
    
    Sinn Fein was wedded to its strategy to find peace
    through dialogue and agreement, he added. "We believe
    that we can only hope to bring about a peace settlement
    if we can bring about inclusive and meaningful
    negotiations."
    
    
__________________________________________________________
    
    
>>> Response to talks expulsion decision
    
    
    The following is the text of the initial response by
    Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams to the decision by the
    British and Irish governments to expel Sinn Fein from
    the talks process:
    
    
    "I am seeking urgent meetings with the Taoiseach,
    Bertie Ahern, and the British Prime Minister, Tony
    Blair, to discuss with them the crisis caused by
    today's decision. There is clearly a crediblity problem
    with the talks process. The exclusion of Sinn Fein on
    the word of an RUC man underlines the serious flaws in
    the process which the two governments set up.  It is up
    to the two governments to rectify the situation
    urgently.
    
    "The decision to expel Sinn Fein by the two governments
    is disgraceful. The process by which this decision was
    reached lacked any notion of natural justice. At the
    stroke of a pen this decision attempts to silence the
    voices of 175,000 people who vote for our party
    nationally. It is undemocratic and an attack on the
    democratic rights of the tens of thousands of people
    who vote for Sinn Fein.
    
    "The British government indictment was without
    foundation. Sinn Fein has no case to answer. There is
    no just or democratic basis for the exclusion of Sinn
    Fein.
    
    "During three days of intense discussion in Dublin the
    British government failed to produce any evidence to
    support its indictment. Sinn Fein has worked tirelessly
    with others, to build an effective peace process.  Sinn
    Fein has honoured, absolutely, every commitment given.
    
    "Today's decision makes no positive contribution to the
    collective search for peace.  It is a step backwards.
    It can only damage and undermine the potential of the
    talks process.
    
    "It benefits only those who seek to prevent change and
    who have sought from the beginning to subvert this
    process and the hopes for peace.
    
    "It should be remembered that the indictment was
    initiated by an assessment from the RUC which is still
    wedded to the old agendas and mindsets.  A major
    influence in the determination was the implicit threat
    from the UUP to withdraw from the talks if Sinn Fein
    was not excluded.
    
    "The two governments have once again bowed to the
    threats of David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party
    and the ploys of the securocrats.
    
    "The events of recent days have highlighted the double
    standards of the British government. There is no
    consistency in its position. Political expediency
    rules.  It raises the question of who is in charge -
    the securocrats or the governments.
    
    "We are absolutely determined to defend the democratic
    rights of our electorate and the integrity of the peace
    process. Sinn Fein is committed to our peace strategy
    and to the search for peace.
    
    "The anger at the British government's indictment of
    Sinn Fein is palpable, particularly in nationalist
    areas of the north and is evident throughout Ireland. I
    appeal to everyone to channel their anger and
    frustration at today's decision into peaceful and
    disciplined protest.  It is our democratic right to
    protest. Now is the time for people to exercise this
    right and to do so, and I emphasise this point, in a
    peaceful and democratic manner.
    
    "Sinn Fein's peace strategy has been about resolving
    conflict. Everyone has a responsibility to avert any
    slide back into conflict and to ensure that the
    opportunity for peace is built upon and not wasted."
    

__________________________________________________________
    
        
>>> Adams gives first speech to Chamber of Commerce
    
    
    Despite pressing concerns over the future of the peace
    process, Sinn Fein President addressed a high profile
    gathering of business people in Belfast where he
    outlined his party's vision of an all Ireland economy.
    
    The Chamber of Commerce lunch saw a packed audience of
    business men and women from across the north.
    
    Mr Adams opened his address by saying his party's
    position on economic policy had in the past "often been
    ignored, if not misrepresented".
    
    However, he said that in the last few years his party
    had made it their duty to enter into dialogue with
    organisations within the business community to help
    broaden their understanding of the issues surrounding
    the economy.
    
    The central theme of Mr Adams's address focused on the
    integration of the two economies, north and south,
    which he said was essential not just politically but
    economically.
    
    He based his proposal in the context of the north's
    position on the periphery of the British economy and
    against the south which, he said, works separately
    taking best advantage of economic imperatives,
    especially within the European Union.
    
    Mr Adams alluded to the success of the "Celtic tiger"
    economy in the south but said that ordinary people and
    whole communities within urban and rural Ireland "still
    endured entrenched unemployment, poverty, emigration,
    social exclusion and endemic inequalities".
    
    Indeed, Mr Adams said that a third of the people live
    below poverty level. He said eradicating the causes of
    these injustices were at the core of the party's
    political programme.
    
    Referring to different structures that exist in the
    north and the south to promote economic development,
    regeneration and investment he said it did not make
    sense to have rivalry between, and duplication of,
    these services.
    
    He said that, as part of a political settlement, it is
    crucial that new, dynamic and powerful government
    institutions are put in a place that have a clear
    all-Ireland dimension.
    
    "Ireland is a single economic region and it makes sense
    both in our own domestic context and in selling
    ourselves to other markets.
    
    "Business is helping this process by increasing
    north-south trade, promoting economic networks and
    corridors across the island and by pushing for the
    harmonisation of government economic policy."
    
    However he said that "far greater linkages" need to be
    fostered between the business sectors north and south.
    
    "Such developments would benefit not only the
    commercial economic interest itself but would put in
    place the necessary conditions for a political
    settlement."
    
    The irony of Mr Adams enforced early departure -- to
    hear the British and Irish governments announce his
    party's ejection from peace talks -- was not last on
    the business people.
    
    Speaking afterwards NI Chamber of Commerce President,
    Colin Anderson, said he was disappointed that members
    hadn't been able to question Mr Adams but said the
    speech had given chamber members a good opportunity to
    look at what the party had to say.

    
__________________________________________________________
  
    
>>> History: The toughest leader
    
    
    At the outbreak of the Civil War, much was expected by
    republicians of the IRA in Tipperary and in the main
    they were not disappointed. Unlike many other areas
    around Ireland, which retired into its safe areas after
    an initial burst of activity, the IRA here had the
    capabilities to bring the war to the enemy.
    
    Despite the area's command structure being riven with
    personality clashes and a lack of communication, the
    IRA in County Tipperary were party to some of the most
    spectacular republician successes of the Civil War.
    
    The volunteers of the Third Tipperary Brigade, Second
    Southern Division, under Commandant General Dinny Lacey
    were amongst the most active and, along with other
    Brigades, were involved in capture of the Free State
    held city of Waterford on 19 July 1922 as well as other
    towns in Counties Tipperary, Kilkenny and Waterford.
    
    Dinny Lacey of Attybrack, County Tipperary, became a
    major thorn in the side of the Free Staters as he had
    been in Britian's side during the Tan War. He had been
    a Volunteer organiser in 1916, and a Gaelic League
    member, and he supervised munitions manufacturing prior
    to the Tan War. He gained a reputation as a fearless
    fighter and was involved in many of the ambushes and
    other military operations in Third Brigade area in
    1920-21.
    
    Following a successful offensive by Free Staters in
    August 1922, South Tipperary republicans regrouped with
    Lacey ordering the adoption of guerrilla tactics and
    the establishment of flying columns. Until then the
    fighting was characterised by open warfare on a larger
    scale -- unlike much of the fighting during the Tan War
    -- often involving several hundred Volunteers.
    
    Many of the columns operated out of the area
    surrounding the Knockmealdown, Galtee and Comeragh
    mountain ranges from where they launched numerous
    ambushes. In December republicans recaptured
    Carrick-on-Suir, Callan, Thomastown, Mullinavat and
    several other towns in the area, once more gaining the
    area the reputation of being "a little republic of its
    own".
    
    There was no effective move against republicians until
    Paddy O Connor took charge of the Free Staters in the
    South Tipperary area. Another Free State colonel in the
    area was a former colleague of Lacey's during the Tan
    War, Tommy Ryan.
    
    Up to 1,000 Staters were drafted into the area from the
    garrisons in Cashel, Limerick, Cahir, Tipperary and
    Clonmel to try to make it a death trap for republicans.
    
    It was around this time, according to Dan Breen, that
    an approach was made to Dinny Lacey by the neutral IRA
    Association to discuss a truce. It was for this
    discussion that Lacey and his column moved into
    Ballydavid in the Glen of Aherlow, on the night of 17
    February.
    
    Billeting in various houses in the locality, the
    Volunteers came under attack the next morning. Lacey
    had been staying in Roddy Ryan's Ashgrove house along
    with Captain Bill Allen and Commandant Paddy McDonagh.
    Under heavy fire Lacey and the others made a dash from
    the house to escape the ever closing net. Paddy Mc
    Donagh was seriously injured in the ensuing gun battle
    and Dinny was mortally wounded.
    
    Dinny Lacey's death would have a serious demoralising
    effect within the IRA and a Free State report that
    "Lacey was the toughest leader which could be found in
    any part of Ireland" demonstrates the calibre of the
    leader the IRA lost that day.
    
    At the age of 33 Dinny Lacey died this week 75 years
    ago. His comrade Commandant Paddy McDonagh died the
    following day in Tipperary hospital.
    

__________________________________________________________

    
>>> Book review: The Ethics of War
    
    The Ethics of War
    By AJ Coates
    Manchester University Press 1997
    
   
    
    In the 'Ethics of War' AJ Coates describes four
    approaches to war: realism, which rejects notions of
    morality and sees war as a means to maintain the
    balance of power in international relations;
    militarism, which regards war as a creative and
    expressive act and approaches it with enthusiasm;
    pacifism, which rejects any use of war, and advocates
    only non-violent resistance; and just war theory, for
    which war is permissable, but only as an instrument of
    peace.
    
    The principles which must be satisfied in just war
    thinking include: legitimate authority, just cause,
    proportionality, last resort, prospect of success,
    noncombatant immunity, and war must be a form of
    peacemaking.
    
    Coates uses this framework for various purposes, for
    example defending the sinking of the Belgrano, British
    action in the Falklands/Malvinas, and British and US
    action in the Gulf war. Of more interest is how he uses
    it to oppose revolutionary action in general, and
    revolutionary struggle in Ireland in particular.
    
    Coates argues that modern revolutionary ideology is
    overwhelmingly militaristic. It is enthusiastic for
    war, regarding it as an expressive, creative activity.
    Millions have paid with their lives as a consequence,
    he claims.
    
    Coates equates class struggle with an anti-political
    militarist outlook, and dismisses the concept of
    structural or institutional violence, attributing to it
    a totalising effect on war. Finally, he denies
    legitimate authority to most revolutionary action,
    insisting on the public monopoly of force.
    
    Coates' view of the war in Ireland relies heavly on
    Ruth  Dudley Edwards "The Triumph of Failure".
    Accordingly he views 1916 as the vanguard action of a
    revolutionary minority acting without popular support,
    and regards Pearse's attitude to blood sacrifice as
    typical of the militarist view of war as an expressive
    rather than instrumental activity. Coates disapproves
    equally of today's republicians: the 1981 hunger
    strikes were an attempt by "terrorists" to claim
    legitimate authority, and affirm their right to war and
    the lawfulness of their actions.
    
    Finally, while he accepts that the IRA is rooted in its
    community, with a complex web of support, he attributes
    this to an ambivalence about violence in the
    nationalist community which denounces IRA violence, but
    accepts the "physical force" tradition from which they
    spring.
    
    Coates makes assumptions about morality which are never
    openly acknowledged. He thus presents his ideological
    position as natural and universal. But morality is
    neither universal nor natural. Morality is a set of
    standards by which a group or community decides to
    regulate its behaviour. "Decides" is crucial here: who
    decides? for whom? what interests are served?.
    
    Coates decides that the routine deaths caused
    systematically by capitalism and imperialism are a
    tolerable evil, while the deaths caused through
    resistance and revolution are intolerable. He denies
    legitimate authority to revolutionary action, there is
    a public monopoly of the use of power, legitimate
    authority and coercive power are vested in a government
    on behalf of the political community over which it
    rules.
    
    The problems with this are obvious: what community? who
    belongs to it? who defines it? control of the
    definition is decisive.
    
    Once community is defined, how are power and authority
    to be allocated? This question pits democracy against
    other methods of allocating power: monarchy,
    dictatorship, majoritarianism, etc. Nationalism, which
    obscures other fundemental categories in the idea of
    nation, tends towards majoritarianism, republicanism,
    which rests on the ideas of equality, fraternity,
    liberty, tends towards democracy.
    
    Coates' morality inevitably favours the political and
    economic system from which it springs, capitalism and
    imperialism. For Irish republicans, whose objective
    remains the socialist republic, our system of values
    will follow from our political analysis, whose tools
    are those of political economy, power, class.
    
    Don't waste time reading this book; consider, instead,
    three connected ideas found in it:  war and politics
    are continuous, different only in methodology. While
    continuing to wage war "we must also make it easy for
    the enemy to accept defeat. We must tempt as well as
    compel" (Churchill). A 'negotiated peace' is often a
    euphemistic description of a coercive or imposed peace.
    (Coates) Interesting?
    
    By 'No Other Law'
    



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